Spain: December 1533, 1-15

Pages 868-880

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

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December 1533, 1-15

4 Dec. 1155. The Same to the High Commander.
S. E. L. 1366,
f. 85.
B. M. Add. 28, 586,
f. 66.
(Cipher:) Having written to Your Lordship a few days ago, and to the Emperor no less than four times during the last month, I shall now be brief. Your Lordship is right; the interview between the Pope and the prince of Melfi (Andrea Doria) is very much open to suspicion, the more so that the last time he saw His Holiness many conjectures arose there from. I am sorry that it ever took place, and will try to ascertain whether on our voyage back anything should occur to confirm our suspicions, and, if so, will immediately acquaint Your Lordship with it.
Meanwhile, I will repeat here something I heard from the Prince's own lips. Talking about the Marseilles conferences, and the intention the king of France had shewn of coming over to Italy as soon as he saw Your Majesty engaged with the Turk, he told me in these very words: "I fancy that His Holiness would not be sorry to see the Emperor and the king of France at daggers drawn, because he thinks that might make him greater and stronger." Of this I make no account, because it is a well known thing in Italy, and especially as regards His Holiness. But he (Doria) continued: "I consider His Holiness to be the cleverest politician in Italy, but somehow or other he always chooses the worst path." Whether Doria by these words alluded to past events, or to something lately done, is more than I can say, but I repeat his very words to me.
Respecting Carnisecca's letter to Mr. de Grandvelle, I have nothing to say. I still maintain that, whatever the promises, more or less sincere, of His Holiness, the Order of St. John will never take charge of the defence of Coron.
I will temporize with the cardinal [Ippolito] de' Medici as long as I can, especially now that he is reported to be angry with the French. I hear that he refused to accept pensions, money, or even silver plate from the king of France at his departure from Marseilles. If Your Lordship could send me a letter, or the promise of some bishopric, I have no doubt that I could get on much better with him.
I wish to know whether I am to insist upon a cardinal's hat for Capua (Schomberg), or whether I am to drop the subject altogether. His Holiness will sail to-morrow, for the six galleys have already come, and the Prince [Andrea Doria] is hourly expected with two more.
By the enclosed despatch for the cardinal of Seville (Manrique) Your Lordship will perceive that the business of the Inquisitor of Sicily is satisfactorily arranged.—La Espezia (Spezia), 3rd December 1533.
Signed: "Conde Cifuentes."
Addressed: "To the most illustrious the High Commander of Leon, of the Secret Council of His Imperial Majesty, and his first secretary."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 3.
5 Dec. 1156. Lope de Soria to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1310,
f. 73.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 68.
Sends a duplicate of his letter of the 19th ulto by way of Genoa, and also copies of the advices which this Signory has received from Corphu in date of the 16th. stating how, the day before, Troylo (sic) Pignatello, a relative of the duke of Monteleone and who, they say, lives in France, had arrived in that island. (fn. n1)
Sends likewise the copy of a letter received from the governor of Marano (fn. n2) with news of Croatia, &c.; also a summary of what the commissaries of this Signory intend proposing respecting the final settlement of the claims of the king of the Romans.
Cesaro Fragoso (fn. n3) is expected here in three days. Has requested the Signory to accept his services, for fear he should go and offer them elsewhere.
Has received a despatch from the king of the Romans, dated the 20th ulto, saying that on that day he (Ferdinand) left for Prague in Bohemia.
The ambassador of this Signory resident with the Pope, and other private individuals who went from hence to Marseilles to hear what was going on, have now returned. All are dissatisfied with what they have seen and heard there, and alike with Pope and King; and it must be said that the discontent here is general. They have not, however, as they tell him, been able to ascertain the true nature of the engagements taken; yet as the king of France still goes on asking these people to enter into a confederacy with him, or else not to oppose his plans respecting Milan and Genoa, and is besides making them most brilliant offers if they do not, there is reason to believe that the conferences of Marseilles have not been, as the Pope pretends to say, for Your Majesty's benefit entirely. The Venetians, however, as the Doge has assured him, adhere firmly to the treaties made with Your Majesty, and laugh at the bravadoes (fieros) and designs of king Francis. They ridicule his late family alliance with the Pope, saying openly that as long as Your Majesty and they (the Venetians) are united, all the rest of the world put together will not be able to undertake anything important against your will, and, if they do, will soon be humbled and punished.
Your Majesty upon the whole may be sure that this Signory generally and privately is more attached to Your Imperial person than to any other prince in the world. They are nowadays all converted, and good Imperialists; is certain that, whenever required, they will shew it by their deeds.
Since His Holiness' arrival at Savona we have no news of him.
Count Galeotto della Concordia has lately been trying to induce this Signory to give him some command in their army, and place him under their protection; his agent or go-between being, as I understand, the Mantuan ambassador. The Signory has answered that they cannot for the present grant the Count's petition owing to his late doings (fn. n4) at La Mirandola, which seem to them very blameable indeed.—Venice, 5th December 1533.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To His Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
6 Dec. 1157. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor
K. u. K. Haus-
Wien. Rep. P. Fasc.,
c. 227, No. 67.
On the eve of St. Andrew's Day the King, who, as I wrote in my despatch of the 12th of October, had promised more than a month ago to tell me his reasons for depriving the princess of Wales, his daughter, of her legitimate title and rights of primogeniture, sent me word by the duke of Norfolk, and also by Cromwell, that he wished to know through them what I had to say and propose respecting the Princess or the Queen herself. The Royal message, I was told, was not intended for the purpose of avoiding or delaying the promised audience, which the King would gladly grant, being at all times very much prepared to receive me, but because he wished to take first the advice of his councillors, and deliberate about Your Majesty's errand, whatever it might be.
Having, therefore, represented to the Duke and to Cromwell also that the King could nowise, by right, justice, or any reason whatever, declare his own daughter, Mary, to be illegitimate, or deprive her of her title of princess of Wales—which rightly belonged to her as the King's first-born—both replied that my observation might be considered just according to the dispositions and determination of Common Law, but that the latter had no force or authority whatever in the present case; the laws of the kingdom, which were inviolable, decided just the contrary. But upon my making them observe that I merely alluded to the decisions of Canon Law, which being as it was, a spiritual matter, could not be affected by any usages, constitutions, or ordinances of princes and other secular persons, they knew not what to reply, save saying they would make their report to the King, and let me know as soon as possible what his will and intentions were in that respect.
This promise, however, they have not yet fulfilled, or, if they have, the King has not yet decided, notwithstanding that the councillors meet almost every day to talk the matter over, and that several doctors in Canon Law have been summoned to take part in the deliberations.
With regard to the Queen and the compromise offered by His Holiness, they tell me that some time ago the proposition might have been worthy of consideration, but that now, after the juridical sentence pronounced by the archbishop of Canterbury, it was deemed inadmissible. Nothing in the world, they said, would prevail upon the King to do anything that might expressly or tacitly go against that sentence, inasmuch as it concerned his own honour and the interests of his newly-born daughter, who, they said, had already been declared such Princess, and was held and considered as such. All the ambassadors in the world, even the Pope himself might come and visit the King; they would not persuade him to act otherwise. That was their impression, they both said, though they had not yet received the King's answer to the proposed settlement.
I need not say that on this as well as on previous occasions I failed not to treat the sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury as it deserved, proving to them, by many arguments, that it was no sentence at all, and that to His Holiness alone and to his cardinals in Consistory appertained the full determination of the cause. Against that of the Pope, I observed, the King could no longer allege, as at other times, the fear in which, as he maintained, the Father of the Church stood of Your Majesty's power; for not only did he know of old how averse you were from compelling people to do unlawful and unjust acts, and on the contrary how ready to prevent such things, but the sentence, as he must know, had been pronounced at a time when Your Majesty was far away from Italy, and all your army had gone to the relief of Coron, whilst the Pope himself was on the eve of departure to hold an interview with the king of France, whom he knew to be closely confederated and on terms of great friendship with the King, their master.
Hearing this, both Duke and Chancellor remained some time thoughtful and in suspense, until the latter replied that it could not be found that similar sentences in matrimonial causes had ever been obeyed and executed in this kingdom of England. I told him that his assertion astonished me, and that I could at any time prove the contrary to him. Even if things in England were as he said, not only the prelates and inferior clergy were to be blamed for not applying a remedy to the evil, but the King himself and his ministers were responsible for allowing such unprecedented abuse. Upon which I took leave of them, and they again assured me that I should soon get an answer.
About a month ago a number of Scots made a raid into this country, and, among other damage, set fire to and destroyed certain villages, the inhabitants of which have, I am told, sent here a deputation to ask for an indemnity. They have, nevertheless, received no help, and, what is more, no answer except that the King is no longer at war with Scotland. The French ambassador, coming the other day to return my visit, gave me to understand that the last invasion of the Scots had nothing to do with any quarrel that might exist betweeen the King of this country and his neighbour of Scotland; it merely had its origin in private feuds and dissensions between gentlemen of both countries. Yet this seems the beginning of a dangerous opening for inducing the rest to imitate and join with them. (fn. n5)
The ambassador seemed also to hint in his conversation with me, that, had it not been for the fear of this king's displeasure, the Pope and his master (the king of Scotland) would willingly have arranged an interview with Your Majesty, so as to tighten the bonds of mutual friendship in such a way that there would no longer any chance of war between the king of France and yourself; whereas, as the ambassador remarked to me, there might still lurk some shade or slight appearance of it, for want of the proposed interview, which king James would willingly have brought about, were it for no other purpose than to bring these people to reason and honesty. (fn. n6) I believe, however, that very few, if any of Your Majesty's, servants, will be deceived by similar assertions, for nobody will trust to them, and believe in their words, and that for good cause.
In the same manner the ambassador to whom I allude said to me, apparently with much zeal and warmth, that it would be desirable that some expedient should be devised by which the differences of this divorce case might be adjusted. Having pressed him to state to me his ideas on the subject, and to specify the means by which that object might be attained, he told me that, in his opinion, the principal and best way was to do something that would throw light on the question of the validity or invalidity of the marriages; (fn. n7) "but since this king's obstinacy (continued the ambassador) precludes all hope of that, a lesser evil would be to leave matters as they are at present, and insure to the Princess her title and right to the succession, which is evidently one of the things at which His Majesty, the Emperor, aims chiefly, and looks to the King's conscience for the rest; for I can see very plainly that, should the Princess marry a prince capable of upholding and maintaining her rights, the king of England may do what he pleases in favour of his newly-born daughter, the Princess will ultimately meet with the help and assistance of the English, were it only of those who are naturally fond of revolutions and civil troubles, such as these questions of relationship and succession generally bring in their train." (fn. n8)
The ambassador further assured me that he had frequently heard the King, and those who surround him, express themselves in this manner, and that he very much feared that unless some expedient or remedy could be found to settle this matter of the divorce, this king would ultimately shake off his obedience and subjection to the Apostolic See, and regret that he ever wrote a book in the Pope's favour, and against Luther. (fn. n9) The King himself had said to him (the ambassador) that some days back, at the request of king Francis, and in hopes that the conferences at Marseilles would continue, and something be done in his favour, he had given orders that all preachings against the Pope should cease; but that now he would set the Clergy again to inveigh from the pulpits against His Holiness, and cause books to be written and published shewing the abuses of Popes and churchmen in general,—a thing which had not yet been done. The ambassador, moreover, thought that Lutheranism, to which a good number of these courtiers are attached, being once introduced in this country, it will be rather difficult to eradicate it, especially if they have the favour and assistance of the Germans bordering upon the sea.
I could not let the French ambassador's arguments pass without some contradiction and correction, and therefore tried to convince him that, were this king to take such a course, it would cause the irreparable ruin and destruction of him and his kingdom; for, considering the nature and temper of its inhabitants, there would be great danger for himself, as might be gathered from the chronicles of his predecessors. The King (said I) ought not to compare himself with or take example from any of the German princes; for, besides their having better means of maintaining their rule at home, many fortresses, and a nobility well trained to war, their estates rest upon older and more solid foundation, and are comparatively free from pretenders and the like. (fn. n10) Notwithstanding that (I added), we all know what distrubances the peasants (villains) of Germany caused years ago. Had there been the tenth part of such troubles in this country everything would have been irretrievably lost. If this king will only look at the chronicles of his predecessors, he will find no less than four kings who at different times acknowledged the supremacy of the Apostolic See in this kingdom. He himself owned it to me, though he added that the kings, his predecessors, had been deceived, and could not have done so to the prejudice of their succession.
It appears to me to be necessary to hold similar language to the French ambassador and others whenever they come to me with errands of this sort, that they may go back and tell their king, as I am sure they generally do. These being true facts, I have not hesitated to bring them before the duke of Norfolk and Chancellor Cromwell whenever the opportunity has occurred. The former, as I informed Your Majesty in one of my despatches, once boasted to me that his master, the King, had caused certain Lutheran books to be publicly burnt. But such are nowadays this king's blind obstinacy and disregard of the Divine precepts, that, had he feared no one else but God, he would already have carried his threats into execution, or done much worse if he could. (fn. n11)
With regard to other news from this country I have nothing to report, save that some days ago the King's treasurers paid part of the sum contracted for the fitting out of his ships, and that the merchantmen's fleet for Flanders is already laden, notwithstanding the publication in those parts of the executory letters (executoriales), and that, unless some new prohibition come down from the King, which is not considered probable, it will soon put to sea.
The bishop of Paris is expected here from hour to hour; he is coming post-haste, as people imagine, to excuse his master for not having done at Marseilles all this king wished, and having failed to persuade the Pope; also to communicate part of what has been treated of and agreed to in the conference. Should I hear more particulars concerning the Bishop's mission, and likewise of what may have been done in Germany by one of those whom this king sent thither some time ago, and who has returned to London this very morning, I will not fail to acquaint Your Majesty.—London, 6th December 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor. Received the 4th January 1534."
French. Holograph, pp. 6.
9 Dec. 1158. The Same to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u-Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. Fasc.,
c. 227, No. 69.
Since my last I have learned that the merchants in charge of the fleet that is to sail for Belgues (Belgian Flanders) had been to see the King, and learn what his pleasure was, and also to inquire whether they could safely pass on and send merchandise to those countries [of Spain], and whether, owing to the publication of the executory letters [in Flanders], there was any danger of their goods being embargoed, or they themselves molested in any way. The King's answer was that he could not give advice in such matters; he neither would encourage nor dissuade them; they might act as they pleased, on their own responsibility and peril. After which he began seriously to complain of the injuries which (he said) the Pope had done him (fn. n12), saying that they (the English) ought not to mind his censures in the least, and that he (the King) would do wonders against him. Besides which he assured them that Your Majesty's subjects would not ill-treat the English, inasmuch as they could not well live without the commodities of this country, as they might gather from what happened last year, when the staple of Calais was closed; for although the suspension only lasted three months, the people of the Low Countries began immediately to cry out "Murder!" If the merchants of this kingdom, he said, would only wait, have patience, and remain some time without sending their goods across the sea, the subjects of the Empire would necessarily be obliged to come to this country with a rope round their necks, begging for the re-opening of that very trade which they threatened to stop.
These or the like arguments the duke of Norfolk afterwards reproduced to the merchants with still greater force at their appearance before the Privy Council. Indeed, when speaking about His Holiness he held still more blasphemous language, assuring his audience that the Pope was a wretch and a bastard, a liar and a bad man, and that he would stake wife, children, and even his own person, to be revenged on him. (fn. n13) In expressing such sentiments about His Holiness, the Duke must have changed considerably of late, for some time ago he was the only courtier who here shewed respect for Papal authority, and professed to be a staunch Catholic. (fn. n14) But the Duke was, no doubt, compelled to speak and act thus, for fear of losing the small credit he still enjoys, which scarcely goes beyond the limits allowed him by Cromwell, nowadays the man who has most influence with the King; at which, as I hear from all sides, the Duke is very much annoyed, and is seriously contemplating leaving the Court and retiring into private life.
Since hearing the King's answer as above, the merchants have hit upon the expedient of sending to the dowager queen of Hungary, governess (regente) of Flanders and the Low Countries, a deputation, chosen from the Principal and richest amongst them to inquire and ascertain before they send any merchandise thither, what assurance they are to get that their property and persons will not be interfered with. The deputation is to address itself to Monsieur de Belgues, (fn. n15) that he may intercede with the queen, and assist them in their inquiries. This they hope he will do with pleasure, as it is his interest. I have no doubt that the Queen, whose discretion and prudence are remarkable on all occasions, will at all events hold the deputies such language as the incredible attachment of these people for Your Majesty deserves, and is now very much required for the preservation and increase thereof.
I have been informed that this king, in order to throw contempt on the Pope's authority, and meet the vigorous censures fulminated against himself, has decided to have certain proclamations printed and spread throughout his kingdom; and that for this very purpose, and fearing lest his subjects should rise against him, he has had the facts altered and disguised at his pleasure, and has resolved to send to the countries where there may be greater need persons of a certain rank (apparence), and fit for the task of spreading the proclamations. Indeed, I hear from various quarters that the King and his Privy Councillors are in great perplexity and fear just now at the consequences that the Papal censures may bring, which fear might be terribly increased were they to know the real disposition of these people; for the English, all to a man, have rejoiced at the publication in Flanders of the executory letters, and trust that since Your Majesty has begun the game you will go on with it, and put an end to the annoyances this king is causing you and them. (fn. n16)
All commanders of the Royal navy, who, as I informed Your Majesty in my despatch of the - had been ordered to prepare and fit out their respective ships, were the other day summoned before the Privy Council, and asked whether they thought that on the 1st of May the whole fleet might put to sea. Their answer was that they considered it quite impossible for their ships to be ready before 12 or 13 months. Hearing which the duke of Norfolk began to say that no great reliance ought to be placed on the English fleet; for even in case of the two French ships promised joining it, the total force would amount almost to nothing when compared with Your Majesty's powerful armament, and that the best thing to be done under present circumstances was to fortify the ports and all those places on the English coast where a disembarkation might be effected. That is, no doubt, the reason why the defences of Dover Castle have been lately repaired, and that some slight works are being erected on other parts of the coast. A number of gunners have also been enlisted, and the process of casting cannon has already commenced.
The King has already appointed a household for his newly-born daughter, who will within three or four days be sent to the county of Norfolk, there to be nursed. She will leave this city in full state, accompanied by two dukes and several great lords and gentlemen. The earl of Autfort (Oxford) will meet her 12 miles from hence, and the two dukes [of Norfolk and Suffolk] will then return to town. The Earl, after escorting the King's bastard daughter to the place where she is to be nursed, will go to the Princess, do away with her princely state, and conduct her by force to pay her court to her bastard sister. Eight days after the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Essex, the King's Comptroller, and Dr. Sampson will go to the Queen, and deprive her of her chancellor, almoner, receptor and other officers of her house-hold, and remove her to a house belonging to the bishop of this place (London); and it is much to be feared that, unless God or Your Majesty remedy it, this accursed Lady will go on persecuting both the Queen and the Princess, and that no prayers or remonstrances will avail with her.
The man whom the King had sent to Lubec for the purpose of recovering the property taken on our ships has just returned with the following answer: "The people of Lubec engage to restore any and every thing taken on board Spanish, Flemish, or any other ship, except those of the Hollanders, with whom they have long accounts to settle" I must, however, observe that for some time past the King has treated with a certain degree of honour and familiarity the Lubeckian captain, who, as I lately informed Your Majesty, remains here as security for his companions; for Cromwell has often invited him to dinner, and on Sunday last, as the King himself was going to mass, in the hall of his very palace, and in public, he created him Knight of the Rose, and gave him a gold chain worth 400 or 500 ducats. Upon which the elder of the Easterlings, (fn. n17) who accompanied the Lubeckian, and acted as interpreter, addressed the King, and said, "The captain cannot sufficiently thank the King for the honour received; he trusts to be able ere long to render such services that His Highness will not have occasion to repent having bestowed his favours on him." The King would have wished that the French ambassador had attended the ceremony, to which he was expressly invited, but the Frenchman sent his excuses on the plea that he had no business at all at Court, and no news to communicate; at which, as I am told, the King was much displeased, for he would have liked that ambassador in particular to frequent his Court more than he does at the present time, were it for no other purpose than to remove any mistrust or suspicion arising among his subjects.
To make up, as it were, for the absence of the said ambassador, the King on his return from mass spoke for a long time and in most familiar terms with the man who, as I said before, had lately returned from Germany, and whom, though only one of Cromwell's clerks, the King treated with the greatest familiarity, for he conducted him to the apartments of the Lady, resting his arm upon his shoulder, and talking to him all the time, as if he wanted the bystanders to believe that he had brought good and important news from that country; which, after all, is not true, for, as I hear, the intelligence he brings is anything but satisfactory.
It is also rumoured that the King has conferred an annual pension upon the Lubeckian captain; and, if so, it must be that the latter has, in the name of his city, promised men and ships in case of war, or, what is more likely, and this King would much prefer, that he will prevent the Lubeckians from coming to any arrangement with the Hollanders. (fn. n18) The captain will leave in two or three days. He intends crossing over to France, and thence going to Liege, and across Germany to his own native town. I have written to Flanders to see whether it would not be possible to prepare some ambush for him, and get hold of his papers, if he has any.
I hear that just now the King has been trying to induce certain English bishops to consent to the derogation of Papal authority in this country, and that for certain considerations he wished the thing to have been done before the arrival here of the bishop of Paris. But I hear that not one of them, except Canterbury, consents to this. As to the bishop of Winchester, the auditor of the Apostolic Chamber (Ghinucci), his answer to the Archbishop's secretary, who called on him [on the matter of the annates], was that he wished to remain a bishop, and would willingly contribute a sum of money every year out of sheer generosity, not because he considered it his duty to do so. With regard to Campeggio, I believe that his answer will be still harsher. (fn. n19)
I forgot to say that the Privy Councillors have orders no longer to designate the Pope by his title, but to call him simply the bishop of Rome.
Should the intercourse of trade between Your Majesty's dominions and this kingdom be forbidden, I should say that great attention ought to be paid to guarding the Straits of Gibraltar; for if that gate remain open, these people might send abroad sufficient merchandise that way to support themselves for some time to come.—London, 9th December 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 5.
13 Dec. 1159. Count de Cifuentes to the Same.
S. E. L. 860, f. 16.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 70.
Without his having previously mentioned the subject, His Holiness said the other day to him (the Count): "What does the Emperor want me to do?" His answer was: "Your Holiness knows it already by the Emperor's letters; he wants Your Holiness to determine as soon as possible the principal cause, and then pronounce sentence 'super attentatis.' Why then have you not since your return to Rome made any stir about it? I am very desirous to do justice to the Queen, as you will see, when we come to the sentence." Told him that owing to his having returned to Rome only two days previously, and to auditor Capisucci having remained behind in France, nothing had yet been done. "Then if that be the case," said the Pope, "send in a petition, and I will appoint another auditor in his room."
He (the Count) cannot imagine what this present hurry or His Holiness can mean, unless it be one of two things: either that he is very sensitive to the appeal which the king of England is now making to the future Council (ad futurum concilium), or that he wishes to create difficulties between the Emperor and him, because immediately after the above unprecedented hastening to action he (the Pope) said to him: "The Emperor ought now to take away from the King the trade of Flanders and Spain; that would be, in my opinion, the best way of bringing him to terms." (fn. n20)
Spanish. Original abstract for the Emperor's inspection.


  • n1. The copy of these advices from Corphu is not in the packet.
  • n2. See above, No. 1152, p. 859.
  • n3. Also called Fregoso; the same who in 1528 became governor of Pavia for the League, and who some time after led the attack on Genoa, and dispossessed the Adorni. See vol. iii., part 1, p. 684, and part 2, p. 863.
  • n4. He had murdered his uncle, Gian Francesco, and got possession of his estate.
  • n5. "Si semble [t] yl bien commencemant et amorse dangereuse pour fere dançer le surplus sen addonant lopportunite."
  • n6. "Bien que comme il disoit, il y pourroit avoer quelque myne, semblance et apparence, et que ce ne seroit que pour induire le monde a rayson et honnestete et non pour autre."
  • n7. "Il me dit que le meillieur seroit de fere [quelque chose] que pourroit exclercyr la validite ou invalidite des marriages, mays puys que causant lobstination yl ny avoit en ce aprest ne espoer, le moins mal seroit dasseurer le tiltre et la succession de la princesse, que estoit a son aduys une des choses a quoy vostre maieste tachoit le plus."
  • n8. "Et quil voyoit bien que venant la princesse estre mariee en main forte, et que peust maintenir sa querelle, yl y auroit beau garbouge contre ceste nouvellemant nee, que ne fauldroye davoer faveur et assistense ne fust yl que des gens quaymeroient les troubles jointz avec ceulx du parentage."
  • n9. "Et quil doubtoit que non entrevenant quelque moyen et remede au dict affaire du divorce, ce roy se extempera (exemptera) et alhienera (alienera) de la subiection et obeissance du siege apostolique, et que ce roy ne se repentoit de riens plus que du liure quil a compose çydeuant contre Luthere en faueur du diet siege apostolique."
  • n10. "Et quil ne failloit quil se fondat ne print example a aucuns princes dalemaingne, car oultre quilz ont meilleur appareil pour estre maistre [s] de leur peuple, pour les forteresses, et noblesse quilz avoient exercitee en guerre, et dailleurs leurs estatz estoient plus estables fondees de toute antiquite et netz de toutes pretances (sic) et querelles."
  • n11. "Et fault penser que attendu le [aveuglement et obstinacion de ce ròy, sil nen craignoit autre que dieu, il eust desja mis en execution ses menasses, et encoires eust pis faict sil leust peu]."
  • n12. "Chargeant apres la diete response bien asprement contre le Pape du tort et injustice que luy auoit faict."
  • n13. "Disant que cestoit ung malheureux fils de rebalde, manteur et meschant homme, et quil luy couteroit (sic) femme et enfants, sa personne, et tout ce quil auoit, ou il se vaingeroit de luy."
  • n14. "Il a bien change de chanson, car cestoit [jadis] luy seul icy a la court, que ce (sic r. se) monstroit meilleur catholique, et qui le plus favorisoit lauctorite du Pape."
  • n15. "Et ont charge iceulx deputez saddresser a monsieur de Belgues pour leur assister et interceder pour eulx vers la dicte royne, ce quils cuydent fera volentiers pour interest que les concerne."
  • n16. "Et certainement a ce que lon ma dit de pluseurs coustes le roy et cenlx de son conseyl ce (sic for se) treuvent en perplexite et grande craincte; mais elle leur augmenteroit horriblement silz sçauoient entierement la volonte et disposition du peuple quil (qui) se rejourt de la puplication (sic, publication) des executoriales, esperant que vostre maieste, puisquelle a commancee elle achevera de mectre fin et ordre aux facheries diçy."
  • n17. "L'aldremant de la maison des hostrelins, qui accompagnoit le dict cappitaine, pourta les parolles au roy pour luy, contenant en substance," &c.
  • n18. "Lon dit aussy que ce roy a constitue aucune pension annuelle au dict cappitainne, que ne peult estre sans quil ayt promis gens et navieres, ou [ce] que le roy a mon aduis aymeroit trop myeulx, quil gardera que ceulx de Lubeke ne viennent en appoinctement avec les dicts hollandois."
  • n19. As the paragraph is somewhat obscure I transcribe it: "Lon me dit que ces jours le roy a fait solliciter certaines evesques pour vouloer consentir a la derrogation de lauctorite papale, et que ce [çi] fust [faict] auant larryuee de leuesque de Paris pour certains respects; mais il ny a qui y veuille consentir, saulf Quanturbery. Le diet na voulou relacher leuesque de [Vincestre], lauditeur de la chambre, et a fait response a son homme quil vouloit luy mesme estre evesque, et quil luy vouloit bien donner quelque chose annuellement, non point pour deuoir ains seullement de sa propre liberalite. Touchant le cardinal Campeggio je crois quil en sera encoires pis que lautre."
  • n20. On the margin of this paragraph is the following note in the handwriting of secretary Covos: "All this is very well, and the considerations offered by the ambassador may be just; but let him bear in mind that Capisucci's stay in France might be a stratagem of His Holiness in order to appoint another auditor in his room, not so favourable to the Queen as that one is supposed to be."Should His Holiness speak again about the Council, he may be told that His Imperial Majesty has already written to Flanders to do what is fit, and shall not fail to do in time what is proper and convenient. This, however, must be said in general terms without taking any special engagements one way or the other, but always soliciting the execution which His Holiness is bound to make, and the final determination of the affair."