Spain: September 1534, 1-30

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1886.

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, 'Spain: September 1534, 1-30', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886) pp. 252-267. British History Online [accessed 23 May 2024].

. "Spain: September 1534, 1-30", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886) 252-267. British History Online, accessed May 23, 2024,

. "Spain: September 1534, 1-30", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886). 252-267. British History Online. Web. 23 May 2024,

September 1534, 1-30

10 Sept. 87. The Same to the Same.
Rep. P.C., Fasc. 229,
No. 34.
As far as I can hear, the affairs of Ireland are turning out more and more to the advantage and wish of the youthful count of Kildare, who has actually gained over to his cause all the lords formerly attached to this king's party, with the exception of the prior of Rhodes (Weston) in Ireland, who has come over to England, and of the earl of Ausrey, (Ossory) who has thrown himself into Waterford, a place strong enough, which he stoutly defends, as well as another in the neighbourhood equally strong. And I am told by a man who has seen the letter that the said earl of Ausrey has written to this King, intimating that were he to have quickly 500 good infantry and 300 horse, he would be able to keep up the game until the arrival of the troops which this king has promised to send thither. The troops, however, not to land except at one of the two above-mentioned ports, which were still in his power, for elsewhere there was no surety for them. The said earl has also asked to be provided with two pinnaces or light vessels, (fn. n1) which, he says, might be of very great service in putting down the rebellion, inasmuch as he hears that Your Majesty had sent thither certain ambassadors, who were transacting business with the lords of the country, and some of whom had gone backwards and forwards to Spain, whilst others had gone to Scotland and thence to Flanders. The Earl also writes that two Spanish ships had arrived on the coast laden with tons of lances and other warlike implements.
I am told that both on the Welsh and Northern frontiers some efforts are being made to recruit the men asked for by the earl of Ausrey (Ossory), but that scarcely one has been found willing to take service, in consequence of which many have been imprisoned for refusing to enlist. The King's privy councillors should have thought good to publish the Earl's letter in order to make people understand that all is not irretrievably lost in Ireland, and that things are not so bad in that country as they look. There is no longer question of sending thither the ships and men (12,000), as proposed some time ago, because the season does not allow it; besides which many seem to think that under present circumstances this King will not dare raise such an assembly of men, who might on the slightest turn of the wind rise in mutiny against him. The Council appointed by the King to provide for Irish affairs has ended in smoke, and there is no appearance of anything having been done since, except the promulgation in the streets of this city, with the usual solemnity of heralds and trumpets, of the peace between this king and him of Scotland, which has been been done with a view to confirm these people, otherwise very wavering (muable), in their allegiance, and remove all chance of their turning their minds in another direction. The better to carry out this crafty design, Cromwell said a few days ago, in the presence of several gentlemen, one of whom reported it to me, that ere many days were over, Lord Thomas Kildare would be in England, intimating that he will soon come here by means of some secret treaty or convention, now in progress between him and these people. (fn. n2) And the better to inculcate the said belief, I am told that three days ago the said Cromwell, being at Court, would not allow an Irish merchant from this city to take leave of him, and return home, without first showing him a letter he said he had received from Ireland, announcing that the earl of Desmond had actually declared himself against the said Lord Thomas Kildare, and that he (Cromwell) wished particularly to inform him thereof that he might spread the news. The merchant, as I am told, failed not to say as much to his friends and colleagues in this city, adding, however, by way of supplement, that he considered the whole of it to be a hoax, and the letter itself a forgery, owing to the reasons above mentioned.
Although the duke of Norfolk is Lord High Treasurer of England, and much experienced in warfare, especially in that of Ireland—where he was once commander-in-chief—yet he is known to have left Court for his country-seat some time before the said assembly met. When he returned to town the other lords and privy councillors, members of the Irish committee, had gone away, so that many are of opinion that the Duke went away on purpose not to be present at the debate on the affairs of Ireland, principally owing to the spite he took at the King disregarding his advice, which was that both Cromwell and Scheventon (Skeffington) had behaved badly to the earl of Kildare, and spoiled the Irish affairs altogether. After which the Duke and Cromwell had in the said committee reproached each other with many things, thus showing the enmity which for some time past they bear each other, notwithstanding all their efforts to dissemble. I am told that among other accusations which Cromwell brought on that occasion against the Duke, one was that he was the real cause of the present disasters from his wishing to keep the duke of Richmond near him, and near his daughter, his wife; and that, had he allowed him to go to Ireland eight months ago, as he was told to do, nothing of what has since happened would have taken place. (fn. n3) Some one said a few days ago to the said duke of Norfolk, as he was returning to Court, that there was a report in town of the King wishing to send him to Ireland, and, if so, that he begged to be told beforehand in order to accompany him. The Duke replied, "If the King "really wishes to send me to Ireland he must first construct "a bridge over the sea for me to return freely to England "whenever I like."
The son-in-law of the earl of Kildare, and brother-in-law of lord Thomas, has been here some time, and his wife also, pursuing a claim against the Exchequer, which, owing to the present state of things, has been decided in their favour The King wishes them to return as soon as possible to Ireland that they may both serve his cause there amicably or otherwise. This, however, they will never do unless compelled, having already found many excuses, more or less plausible, not to go thither. At last fever surprised the husband, at which he was very glad, as that will afford him sufficient excuse, as his host has declared to me, not to undertake the journey, sure that he is that if he now returns to Ireland he will come to grief one way or other. (fn. n4) Master Shevanton (Skeffington), the deputy governor of Ireland, has long ago arrived at the port to cross over, but has not yet embarked, and repents having undertaken such a journey; four or five days ago he sent his own son to Court to remonstrate with the King on the danger of his crossing over without a sufficient force. He had at first from 50 to 60 horse with him, and on board the ship with the ordnance there were some artillerymen; but the report is that of each force many have already deserted, perceiving the danger of the passage. (fn. n5) It is also said that the said lord Thomas de Childra (Kildare) is about to repudiate his wife, and send her back here, on the plea that both were too young when they married, and that he was obliged to take her to wife by the command of this king. The report, moreover, is that he intends marrying the daughter of a lord in that country. The King, whatever mien he may put on all this, is marvellously annoyed at it; and I have been told by a person of authority and credit at this court that he said some days ago that he would prefer having to do with Your Majesty or any other prince than with this Irishman. Among other causes of annoyance, one is that the said Lord Kildare is in the habit of blaming and upbraiding him in words as well as in writing; (fn. n6) thus, for instance, he (the King) has lately seen letters of that earl in which, besides the injurious and opprobrious vituperation he heaps on him, he threatens to expel him from his kingdom; and Lord Thomas would make the attempt were it not for the fear of his father, the earl, who is still a prisoner in the Tower, being certainly treated worse in consequence.
All these things has Cromwell related within the last few days to a priest, once in the service of the earl of Kildare, when the former called and applied for money for the maintenance of the countess [of Kildare], with whom he resides as chaplain. The priest is a worthy and honourable man, who from time to time sends me, through a third person, information of what is going on in this Irish affair. Nor is his report in contradiction with that of most of the English gentlemen, who, though generally speaking, they talk of things according to their own aspirations and interests, yet speak about the King in the worst possible terms; so much so, that when my own servants go about the streets they cannot help hearing all manner of abuse against him, which always ends like the refrain of the ballad .... (fn. n7) This, indeed, would be the time for Your Majesty to make some sort of demonstration in order to show that you wish to remedy the present evils, since all are only waiting to hear of that to rise and declare against this king.
The earl of Kildare still continues in confinement; yet for the last fortnight he has been allowed more liberty than before,—his wife, the Countess, visiting him whenever she likes. He is now attacked by disease; no one can tell how his case will end, either as to his illness or as to his cause. I hear there is a project of sending him over to Ireland as soon as he is in better health, and in a condition to undertake the journey, in order that he may treat with his son, and make him the king's friend. But I really believe that were he to speak to Lord Thomas, the latter would answer as Regulus did to the Carthagenians when they sent a message to Rome;—he will exhort and encourage his father to follow his enterprise and his fortunes, were he to die in prison, especially as he cannot possibly live long. Indeed, whenever people happen to mention the subject before him, the earl invariably praises his son's purpose, instead of blaming him, and shows great contentment at his present work, only wishing that he was older and more experienced in warfare.
Sorry as this king appears to be at the news from Ireland, he is yet very glad to hear of Barbarossa's descent, on whom as well as on the Grand Turk, his master, all the hopes of these people are founded.
The ambassadors from Lubeck and Hamburgh have lately left for their respective countries, leaving behind the three doctors above alluded to, that they may prepare the rest of the articles of the treaty about which I wrote to Your Majesty, and debate on the whole at the next Parliament. They are now engaged writing on the subject of the Holy Sacrament. May God permit that they come to a different conclusion on that as well as on the matter of confession, to what people expect! I have had them watched as closely as I could in order to learn whether there was some treaty or confederation between this king and the said ambassadors; but all those I have interrogated on the subject tell me that there is none. They have not spoken to him on their leaving the country, nor, indeed, for six weeks before; nor have they visited the privy councillors after their first conference, which turned chiefly and almost exclusively on matters of religion, as I have had the honour to inform Your Majesty. It is thought that this king will hasten the meeting of Parliament, with a view the sooner to dismiss the said doctors; and Cromwell proposes that the King, at the next session of Parliament, distribute between the gentlemen of the kingdom the greater part of the Church revenues, that he may thereby gain the hearts and affections of his subjects. One might have supposed that the above-mentioned ambassadors, having been invited to this country and made so long a stay, would have received some valuable present as token of gratitude and remuneration for their services, but hitherto they have received nothing.
This morning, after writing the above, Your Majesty's letter of the 5th inst. and documents therein enclosed were duly received.—London, 10 Sept. 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys"
French. Original. Entirely in cipher. pp. 7.
20 Sept. 88. Count Cifuentes to the Same.
S. Sec. de Guerra,
Mar. y Tier, L. 5.
B.M. Add. 28,587,
f. 26.
His last despatch was of the 9th. Since then a chamberlain of Cardinal de Aux (Guillaume de Castelnau) left this for Genoa in quest of a safe-conduct for the passage of the French cardinals coming to Rome. It was immediately granted, but he (Sylva) hears that they want another from the Prince (Andrea Doria). This, however, they cannot get, owing to his being absent from Genoa. He (Sylva) has written to the Prince about it. His answer has been that, not knowing the Emperor's wish on this point, he must decline; if the cardinals themselves apply he will temporize with them and gain time.
The Emperor did not write to the archbishop of Trent, but since he has gone no fault can be found with him for doing so. The Ambassador, however, will announce wherever he may deem it proper, that Trent and his colleague Gurck went to Rome of their own accord, not at the Emperor's bidding; and let not the French think that we are going to imitate their king in that respect. (In the hand of Covos.) The cardinal of Trent (Clesi) has written to say that he and Saltzburg (Matthew Gurck) intend coming to Rome, though without orders from the Emperor; at which people here marvel much. Clesi has not considered it necessary to write to him on the subject, or give notice to the king of the Romans, because he says he knows the presence of German bishops to be very much wanted just now, in order to prevent any electioneering intrigues, to claim the money owing to Austria, and, perhaps, too, advance the negociations for the Council.
If His Holiness is dead, this affair will soon take another turn. At all events, let the Ambassador lean to the side of justice and expediency, and use his own discretion, without, however, letting the Cardinal know that he has written home. He did well in securing the king of England's letter. In 1522 this Pope granted the legacy of Ancona for life to the cardinal of Ravenna [Benedetto Accolti] for a sum of 19,000 ducats, as set down in a deed. Cardinal [Ippolito] de' Medici, wishing to have that office, sent for Ravenna some time before His Holiness was taken ill, and tried to get possession of the original deed by force. In this, however, he did not succeed; Ravenna made his excuses, and returned [to his see]. About the time that His Holiness had his last attack, Medici got two cardinals, his own relatives, to move in College that it was His Holiness' intention to take away the legacy from Ravenna, and give it to him [Medici]. The majority of the cardinals, however, were of opinion that the affair had better be referred to His Holiness first; and that some of them should go to him, and represent the many inconveniences likely to arise if an office granted for life was thus taken away from its owner without sufficient cause. At any rate, the Cardinal (they said) had a right to his money. The Pope then decided that the legacy should be given to Medici, and accordingly a bishop has been despatched with a Papal brief commanding Ravenna to resign. He has not yet answered, but has sent him (Sylva) one of his secretaries (uno suyo) to complain of the cardinals, and request that, as the faithful servant he has always been, and is still of His Imperial Majesty, he may be helped and favoured in this business. The better to engage him (Sylva) to write in his favour, Clesi has exhibited an original letter of the king of England, written as early as the year 1522, offering to present him to two bishoprics in his kingdom, with a revenue of 15,000 ducats; which bishoprics he [Ravenna] declined to accept, that he might not offend the Emperor, and for other considerations. Has answered Ravenna's application in general terms, giving him to understand the great trust His Majesty has in him, but has kept the letter. On the other hand, cardinal de' Medici has sent him (Sylva) word not to favour cardinal Ravenna's pretensions, inasmuch as he says he himself is in a better situation to favour the Emperor's interests in Rome than the former.
Should matters come to a rupture—which the Ambassador must prevent as long as he can—let him take no part with one or the other, and we will consider what had better be done. Hears that Hieronymo Orsino and the present abbot of Farfa are on good terms with Medici, owing to the abbey of Bratziano (Bracciano), which the latter still retains. Should His Holiness come to die, the two above-named individuals of the Orsini family are sure to use force to take the abbey from the Cardinal's hands, for they say that justice is entirely on their side. Should both parties come to blows about it, he (Sylva) should like to receive instructions as to how he is to act.
To tell Sylva confidentially that count Nassau has arrived in France, but has not yet had an opportunity to speak of this and other affairs; yet in private conversation the King told him that he counted on 16 votes for the next Papal election. This the King had already declared to others, and it was generally understood that he intended distributing large sums of money among the cardinals for that particular object. The Ambassador, therefore, must dexterously, and without naming any prince, make use of the above information, and try that the election be made as it is fit. The French cardinals have arrived. Though they say in public that their object is only to make an impartial Pope, nobody believes them; on the contrary, it is thought that the king of France will pursue his object, and do Christendom as much injury as he possibly can by leaguing himself with the Lutherans and with the king of England. It is, therefore, believed that at this next election, the King's party, which, besides the French cardinals, counts many Italians, are sure to bestir themselves. The speedy arrival of the Spanish is very much wanted.
Let him seize the opportunity of telling Gaddi that what he is doing is neither honest nor expedient. The French are more reserved now than they used to be formerly in their negociations, especially since the interview at Marseilles; for cardinal Gaddi said the other day to a certain person that on his taking leave of the king of France he offered him his vote for the future election. (fn. n8) The King thanked him for it, and said, "Cardinal de Lorraine will tell you, when in conclave, whom I wish to be elected Pope."
Nothing of the sort has occurred that we know of. Carniseca says that el Ubaldino (Bandinelli) writes that he has heard in France that Ana Boulans (Anne Boleyn) had in some way or other incurred the Royal displeasure, and was rather in disgrace with the King, who was paying his court to another lady; and that people began to utter words of much indignation against Anne. If the news be true, His Majesty must already have been apprised of the facts by his ambassadors in France and England.
The Chancellor of the Order of St. John and the Auditor of the Apostolic Chamber have come to an agreement; their dispute is at an end.
Cardinal Tribulcio grows every day more untractable respecting the archbishopric of Rijoles (Reggio in Naples). If His Majesty wishes to favour Carniseca, some other bishopric must be looked out for him.
In consequence of the apparent friendship of cardinal Medici and Ascanio Colonna, this city is quiet, though without a governor at present. However, as the two above-named personages and others could not be entirely persuaded to disarm, he [Sylva] has considered it prudent not to dismiss the whole of his force, and has kept 150 of them under arms.
Let a letter be written to Ascanio Colonna in this sense, so as to remove all occasion of people saying hereafter that his presence at Rome was a sort of pressure put on the cardinals. The cardinals wish greatly for Ascanio's departure; they are afraid of him, and say that were he to go away, they might feel more secure in Rome, and justice would have full play. Though Ascanio has done nothing yet to make the cardinals apprehensive, yet he (Sylva) has begged and entreated him to go away, telling him that should His Holiness die, and should there be need of his presence, he will be recalled. Ascanio has promised that unless His Holiness gets suddenly worse, he will certainly go. He is now trying to recover from the authorities the value of a certain quantity of wheat which these Romans took from the granaries of Philippo Strozzi, and at the same time liberate some "fuorusciti" who took shelter in his house.
His Holiness is a little better, though not yet out of danger.
Spanish. Original. pp. 5.
20 Sept. 89. The Same to the High Commander.
S. E. Guerra,
Mar. y Tier, L. 5.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 29.
The Emperor has given no orders on this subject, except those to the ambassador. What he has done in the matter is merely to maintain his authority as king of Naples. (fn. n9) When I last wrote to the viceroy of Naples [marquis de Villafranca], asking his opinion about dismissing the force I had armed [against contingencies], his answer was that he could not advise me in the matter, as he had no orders, and that I ought to refer to my own instructions. As to the election, if the Pope came to die he (the marquis) would declare his opinion. This, coupled with Regent Figueroa (fn. n10) being at Gaeta on his way [to Rome], makes me suspect that your Lordship has changed your mind. If so, these people will think that the Emperor intends making a Pope devoted to his interests (un Papa apasionado).
There is no truth at all in the report.
The only intelligence we have here is that Gritti slew a bishop in those parts. As to his (Gritti) having been killed, it must be a hoax.
Count Noguerol has just this moment arrived. He comes by order of the king of the Romans to be present at the election, imagining that Pope Clement was already dead. Among other news he brings that of the death or capture of Aloys (Luigi) Gritti, in consequence of a worthy man having been at his instigation executed in Hungary. He also brings us intelligence of the defeat of Abraym Bassa, and that at Parma or Piacenza they had confined to prison a son of cardinal Campeggio, who was going to France, mistaking him for another man.
Cardinal Mantua [Ercole di Gonzaga] has arrived, no doubt for his Monferrato affair. I want to know how to act.
Puerto Carrero, who was the bearer of my last despatch, remained behind ill on the road.—Rome, 20 Sept. 1534.
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
23 Sept. 90. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Rep. P.C., Fasc. 228,
No. 57.
The Chancellor of England (Audeley) has just publicly announced to several worthy personages, in order that the report may be spread everywhere, that the young earl of Kildare (Thomas Fitz-Gerald) had solicited the King's pardon. Since then the Chancellor himself, and Cromwell also, have had the news widely circulated that those who have hitherto refused to go to Ireland may now enlist under the King's banner. But on the whole, considering that such inventions, instead of causing a favourable impression upon the people, may turn out to their shame and confusion, they have come to the conclusion that it is better to keep silence on the subject, and for this reason an order has been issued forbidding all parties at Court to speak about the affairs of Ireland. Indeed, so strict is the injunction that for some days past Cromwell will not allow any one at his table, or elsewhere, to mention the subject; which makes me think that affairs in that country do not exactly turn out as the King might wish. Indeed, I am told that by way of provision this King has ordered six gentlemen to raise and conduct to Ireland 2,000 men each, as secretly as possible, without making assembly or passing muster, but sending them in small parties (a la fille) for fear of some commotion (garboille). For the passage of the said troops several ships, Spanish as well as Flemish and others, have been embargoed at Bristol; and, as I have been told by an officer who has charge of the royal squadron, even one which had been ordered to Bordeaulx for the King's provision of wine, has been countermanded and destined for the Irish expedition; and that Master Scheventon (Skeffinton), the deputy governor, has not yet crossed over, as he is waiting for reinforcements; and it is added that the Irish have captured a ship from Britanny laden with horses for the said Scheventon.
Great loss has been sustained by the death of the earl of Kildare, who has died in the Tower of his old illness. (fn. n11) His death is much felt by these people, for they considered him an instrument in their hands for the settlement of the Irish question.
A Welsh gentleman, once a refugee in Scotland, has lately gone to Ireland; at which these people are much annoyed, for the gentleman in question is both brave and wise, and belongs to one of the principal families of that country. Should the affairs of the earl [of Kildare] go on prosperously, those of the King in the Principality might be placed in terrible confusion through the said Welshman and his party. I am also told that the uncle of the earl of Douglas, who was here in exile, has suddenly returned to Scotland, after soliciting and obtaining king James' pardon, though without informing this one, who paid him a pension. There has been question of sending several high personages to Ireland, but none has yet accepted the post of governor, any more than the duke of Suffolk, who declined it some time ago.
In consequence of the news of Barbarossa's descent and of the Pope's relapse (recidiuacion) the French ambassador has gone to reside with the Court, which is now forty miles out of town. I am told that he has arrived there, and that, besides several couriers he has despatched to France, he has since sent thither his own secretary. This must have been entirely for the sake of this king, and to his profit, for Cromwell has paid all the expenses out of the royal treasury. Some think that the secretary goes for the purpose of asking for men and ships against Ireland, and thereby gaining reputation with the enemy as well as with the people here; and it is also reported that the Lubeckians have offered to send several ships of their own next spring.
Certain English merchants, calculating that the Irish rebels might well keep up intelligences with Your Majesty, made difficulties about sending their ships to Spain, until one of the privy councillors told him that there was no fear of Your Majesty coming to a rupture with this king, whatever intelligences you might have in Ireland, and that Your Majesty was only returning the compliment which you had last year received from this king in Germany.
The Princess has lately been very ill, owing to her having been obliged, whilst in delicate health, to move from where she was, and follow the bastard. In consequence of the fatigues of the journey, and of the many annoyances to which she is daily subjected, her illness increased considerably, though, thanks be to God, she has since recovered, and is now well. The King sent his own physician to visit her, and permitted that her mother's, and the apothecary who has been her medical adviser for the last three years, should also be in attendance; which permission has considerably helped to her recovery. True it is that the King had previously given orders that both his own physician and that of the Queen, as well as her apothecary, should be expressly requested and induced to go and make their reverence to the bastard before calling on the Princess, but, luckily for all parties, the messenger arrived too late. Most strict orders were then issued forbidding the said physicians and apothecary to address the Princess in any other language than English, and that in the presence of the household servants, and other inmates of the manor.
Ever since the King began to entertain doubts as to his mistress' reported pregnancy, he has renewed and increased the love which he formerly bore to another very handsome young lady of this court; and whereas the royal mistress, hearing of it, attempted to dismiss the damsel from her service, the King has been very sad, and has sent her a message to this effect: that she ought to be satisfied with what he had done for her; for, were he to commence again, he would certainly not do as much; she ought to consider where she came from, and many other things of the same kind. Yet no great stress is to be laid on such words, considering the King's versatility, and the wiliness (astuce) of the said lady, who knows perfectly well how to deal with him. (fn. n12)
As far as I can gather, one of the chief causes of the arrival at this court of one of the secretaries of the English embassy in Spain post-haste is, if I am not mistaken, to announce that an agent of count Desmond had actually arrived at the Imperial Court.—London, 24 Sept. 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original. Entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering. pp. 2.
25 Sept. 1. Count de Cifuentes to the Same.
S. E., L. 862,
f. 62.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 4
To-day, at the 18 hours, His Holiness died. The French cardinals, they say, will be here in the course of two or three days. They come by land from Liorna (Livorno). Trent and Saltzburg (fn. n13) have been written to by count Noguerol and by Gabriel Sanchez also to make haste, and come as soon as possible.
Having written at full length on the 24th by way of Genoa, he [Sylva] needs scarcely add that he will act in conformity with the Emperor's instructions and wishes, so that the election may be an impartial one.
The news we have of him here are favourable. He will make, they say, a good Grand Master of the Order. A letter to be addressed to him in the Emperor's name. The Grand Master of Rhodes (Villiers de l'Isle Adam) is dead. A Piedmontese of the name of Fr. Perrin del Monte has been elected in his room.
Let the ambassador procure, whenever there is a fit opportunity, the assistance which the Emperor needs, as specified in the instructions which Garcilasso took to Rome. The Viceroy of Naples. Turkish fleet and taking of Tunis. Preparations for the spring.—Will state to the Cardinals at their first consistory what kind of help the Emperor wants from them.
Let us hear, as soon as possible, what their answer is. The Imperial ambassador in Genoa (fn. n14) has also written on the subject. He [Sylva] has informed him of the Emperor's wishes in this particular, and has sent Don Gaspar de Mendoza to Lucca, that he may ask for their contingent in money.
Briefs for Monferrato and the Crusade not ready yet.
Has done in favour of Stephano del Ysola all he could. Not only has His Holiness, through his (Sylva's) interference, paid that captain all that was owed to him, he has given him shelter, and kept him and his servants in the embassy four or five months, owing to his having slain two soldiers of the Papal guard who quarrelled with him. He has likewise managed to snatch him from the clutches of justice, and therefore Stephano has no cause whatever for complaint, though he says that the pension he enjoyed in Sicily is not paid to him.
Negociations in Switzerland are at a standstill, owing to His Holiness' fault. Stephano says that 1,000 ducats per annum to each canton would be sufficient; the Pope thinks 1,000 florins.
Giovan Matheo [Giberti], the bishop of Verona, has arrived in Rome. Some say that he comes on business of State, others, that he comes for his own private affairs, and will leave soon.
Very well done. The Cardinal to be temporized with, but not allowed to meddle with other people's affairs for his own profit and advantage. Let a letter be written to him of condolence for the Pope's death. Cardinal [Ippolito] de' Medici says that the party of the Baglioni, who, under colour of protecting the Sienese and others, are trying to get into Perugia, ought to be discountenanced, and orders sent to the duke of Melfi and the Sienese to prevent their attempts; for Perugia (says the Cardinal) belongs to the Church, and he himself was once Legate in Perugia. Spoke to the Sienese agent about this, and bade him go to the Cardinal and give every satisfaction. Has since ascertained that the Cardinal's plan is, if aided by the duke of Urbino, to possess himself first of Perugia and Ancona, and then of Florence. To this end he has promised the Duke that his son shall marry the daughter of the duchess of Camarino, &c.
Spanish. Original. (fn. n15) pp. 5.
29 Sept. 92. The Emperor to Count Cifuentes.
S. E. Dic. Desp.,
L. 1561, f. 135.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 44.
We approve entirely of the answer you made to the Capuan (Schomberg) and to the cardinals, who sounded you respecting the election of a new Pope. You are to go on telling them and the rest that our only wish is to have a good and dispassionate Pope ready to promote the peace and welfare of Christendom. But at the same time you are to defeat as well as you can all intrigues, negociations, and intelligences, as well on the part of the king of France and his ministers as of any other persons, tending to mar that desirable object; you must be on your guard against all intrigues, &c.
With regard to the attempts made by some of the cardinals to gain votes through bribery and other means, more particularly by the cardinal of Jaen (Merino), who, you say, is aiming at the Pontificate, and holding frequent conferences with Cornaro and his friends for the purpose of securing his own election, you must try to obviate such an evil. As to the cardinal of Jaen himself, We are fully persuaded that, had you communicated to him our instructions and our will in this matter of the election, he would have done nothing against them. We are convinced that if he intentionally acts, or appears to act, against our will, it is because you have not read to him our instructions to you, or because he (the Cardinal) has not understood them thoroughly. By merely giving him an insight into the state of affairs at present, and pointing out to him what our wishes are, We have confidence that he will desist from his plans. We would not for the world have it said in future that, just because We had not given him knowledge of our plans, the thing had failed.—Palencia, 29 Sept. 1534.
Spanish. Original minute. pp. 2.


  • n1. "Le dit conte solicitoit quil aussi fust pourveu de deux sabres ou espinasses." "Zabre" (in Sp. zabra) and "espinasse" (Sp. pinaça) were light vessels or barges, about the size of the French "chaloupe."
  • n2. "Et pour le mesme respect et artiffice Cremuel dit ces iours passez en presence de pluseurs que auant peu de iours le seigneur Thomas de Chieldra seroit en ce royaumle, denotant que cela se feroit par moyen de quelque traicte et appointement."
  • n3. "Quil estoit plus de la dite royne que autre pour austant quil avoit voulu tenir le duc de Richemont aupres de luy et de sa fille, sa femme, et que sil (si ill')eust voulu laisse[r] aller au dit Yrlande sont passez huit mois, comme auoit este advise, ces choses ne fussent survenues."
  • n4. "Et ont treuve pluseurs excuses, a la fin la fyeure la surprins, dont il a este bien ioyeulx pour auoir legitime excuse, ainsi que la dit son hoste, soy tenant pour tout assehure que retournant au dit yrlande il ne luy en prendra que mal dung couste ou dautre."
  • n5. "Il menoit avec luy de cinquante a soixante cheuaulx et dedans la naviere de lartillerie allaient quelques gens, dont a ce que lon ma dit et des ungs et des autres sen sont desia retournez aucuns sentant le danger."
  • n6. "A coustume a le blasonner (blasmer?) tant par lescripture que autrement."
  • n7. "Et sont bien empeschez mes seruiteurs quant ils vont par ville de ouyr les gens que leur en parlent que nest sans laccoutusme refrainet de la balade ..."
  • n8. "Que los franceses acostumbran de guardar mas secreto en las negociaciones que soliau despues de las vistas de Marsella, por que el cardinal de Gadi[h] a dicho á una persona," &c.
  • n9. This and other marginal notes are in Covos' handwriting.
  • n10. Regent or president of the court della Sumaria at Naples. See vol. iv., part ii., pp. 504, 634, 658, &c.
  • n11. "Ceulx-cy ont ces iours fait [perte d]ung grand instrument pour rabiller les dits affaires de yrlande a sçauoir le conte de Childra, le quel est ces iours trespasse de sa vielle maladie."
  • n12. "Depuis que ce roy a commence de doubter si sa dame estoit enseinte ou non, il a renouvellee et augmentee lamour que par auant il auoit avec une autre tres belle demoiselle de court, et pour ce que la dite demoiselle (sic, dame?) la vouloit deschasser, le dit roy en a este bien marry, ayant dit et fait dire a sa dite dame quelle avoit bonne occasion soy contenter de ce quil auoit fait pour elle, que no se feroit maintenant, sii estoit a commencer, et quelle regardat deut (dou) elle estoit sortie, et pluseurs autres choses. Sur quoy toutesfois ne fault fere grand fondement actendu la mutabilite du dit roy et lastuce dicelle dame que le sçat (sait) bien manier."
  • n13. Bernardo Clesi, archbishop of Trent and Cardinal. As to cardinal Saltzburg, his name was Matthew Gurk. See above, p. 257.
  • n14. Gomez Suarez de Figueroa. See vol. iv., part ii., pp. 118, 231–3, &c.
  • n15. A duplicate of this letter is at p. 40 of the same volume, though dated the 27th.