Spain: Appendix

Pages 497-566

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 2, 1536-1538. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

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30 March.
S. E., L. 3.
210. The Emperor to his Ambassador (fn. n1) in France.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
With regard to England, you will do well to go on corresponding with ambassador Chappuys, as you have done hitherto. A copy of his letters has been put into the hands of the English ambassador residing at this Our court, (fn. n2) who, however, has hitherto spoken only in general terms. You will, therefore, assure that one (Wallop) that We have already written to England in a fitting manner, and at the same time exhort him to persevere in the right path and continue the good-will he is now showing, and to keep the whole matter as secret as possible. You will tell him that We consider that to be the best plan to follow for the present, and have accordingly intrusted the negociation to Our ambassador at the court of England.—Genova, 30th March 1536.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2½.
11 Aug. 211. The Same to Chapuys.
S. F., L. 3. Enclosed is a copy of a letter received from the king of England, written, as We can gather, at the instigation and desire of king Francis, inasmuch as the letter has been addressed to the English ambassador residing here by his colleague at the court of France. (fn. n2) Enclosed also is Our answer to the said letter, which answer will be a sort of credential for you when you make your representation to king Henry, and explain Our views in conformity with what We wrote from Savigliano, and from other towns. Indeed, We could not, if We wished, add anything more to Our instructions, and therefore We again insist upon your striving to persuade the king of England of the fact that king Francis has really been the aggressor by his commencing war, not only upon Our cousin and brother-in-law, Monseigneur de Savoie, but on Ourselves, provoking and aggravating Us to the utmost. You will represent Us in this as well as in other negociations as you may deem most fit and convenient, and We on our part will take care that the English ambassador residing with Us be sufficiently acquainted with the whole.—Briñolas, (fn. n3) 11th August 1536.
Spanish. (fn. n4) Original draft. pp. 3.
2 Feb. 212. The Emperor to his Ambassadors in England.
Rep. P.C., Fasc. 231.
ff. 1-40.
The letter which the High Commander of Leon (Covos) and the Sieur de Grantvelle wrote to you from Gerona on the 19th ult., (fn. n5) —a duplicate of which is herein inclosed for fear of accident—must have acquainted you with the substance of their last communications with the French ambassadors, as well as with the closure of the conferences for the present, the departure of the French Commissioners, and the return here [Barcelona] of Ours.
Meanwhile the English ambassador has daily and earnestly solicited from Us an answer to the three points submitted to Us during the absence of Covos and Grantvelle, namely, the peace, the celebration of the General Council of the Church, and the marriage of Our cousin, the princess of England [Mary], to the infante of Portugal, Dom Loys, of which three points special mention will be made hereafter, as well as of several incidents connected with them sufficiently important for your guidance in the negotiations entrusted to your care in England, and that you may try to ascertain, as much as possible, what that king's intentions are on the whole, what may be expected from him, and in short that you may make use of the intelligence for the better issue of public affairs.
The English ambassador, after a preamble to explain the great pleasure and satisfaction the King, his master, had felt at the words addressed by Us to his vice-admiral here respecting the birth of the Prince, his son, as well as his own inclusion as principal contracting party, or as he might otherwise wish, in the peace with Francethe whole of that being evidently said for the purpose of persuading Us that his master is better inclined than ever to unite himself more closely to Us, and that such were his trust and confidence in Us, that immediately after the report of Our said words lie had sent to his ambassador full powers (which he himself showed to the Sieur de Grantvelle) to treat at once of the said peace, and sign in his master's name whatever papers were required, and follow in every respect Our adviceentered into the subject, as you will presently hear.
He was assured in general terms by Our ministers of the affection and esteem We had always felt for his master, the king of England, as well as of Our wish to keep peace and friendship with him, upon which, thinking that he had partly gained his point, he came to Us a second time, and proceeded to explain his views further by saying that his master would be extremely glad to hear again the declarations once made by Us, namely, that whether peace with France were made or not, We still were determined to keep and observe all and every one of the treaties We had with England. [This request of the ambassador We have neither granted, nor rejected absolutely, believing it to refer to Our last treaty with England, and that what the King wanted was to make sure of the Pope, the Council, and other matters. And upon the ambassador pressing to know what hope there might still be of the peace being made, and whether the prorogation and amplification of the truce, of which Our ministers and those of the king of France had treated, and which he (the King) had heard was on the point of being settledthe nephew of Mr. de Velly having come here [to Barcelona] for the purposehad already been agreed to. We said to him that there was still a hope of peace being concluded between king Francis and Us, inasmuch as the prorogation and amplification of the truce had been agreed to between Our ministers and those of France till the 1st of June, in order to look out in the meanwhile for all possible means of arriving at the said peace; so much so, that the Papal legates sent to the king of France and to Us were actually soliciting that we both should approach nearer to each other, either on this side of the frontier, or elsewhere close to Italy, where, with the intervention of the Holy Father, and, by his means, a lasting peace might be concluded.
That with regard to the said truce the French ministers had, through Mr. de Velly's cousin, sent in a proposal, which, being found deficient in substance as well as in form, according to diplomatic custom, had been rejected, and that another proposal had been sent by Our ministers, which We trust will be accepted, it being so reasonable that it cannot but give satisfaction.
The ambassador's reply, in a secret and confidential manner, was that the former English ambassador had assured him that the principal reason why the peace had not already been made was that, although We had offered to give to Francis the State of Milan almost immediately, annul the treaties of Madrid and Cambray, especially in what concerns the suzerainty of Flanders, and the surrender of Hesdin, and do whatever else the French might wish, provided they would agree to the General Council under the Pope's authority, king Francis had not yet given his consent. This, We and our ministers argued, was neither true, nor likely to be so, since the king of France himself had unconditionally offered to attend to and promote the Council, without reference to or acceptation of any other prince, provided We would promise to deliver Milan to him within a reasonable period of time.
And upon the ambassador inquiring and wishing to know why then the peace had not been concluded, he was told that the failure of the negociations was owing to Our having expressed a wish that the King's practices against the King [of the Romans], Our brother, and Us both in Germany and in Italy, should be abandoned, and that We wished above all things that matters of Faith should be settled at a General Council, Our cousin, the duke of Savoy [Carlo III,.], reinstated in Jus dominions, and other conditions equally just and reasonable which the king of France could not well refuse, as the ambaesador himself owned to Us, since it is his duty towards God so to do for the relief of his conscience.
We must add, that whenever the Council has been mentioned in the presence of the English ambassador, he has always declared in the most absolute manner that his master will never attend, one convoked by the authority of the Holy Father; that other princes would do the same, and that it was out of reason for the Holy Father to assume an authority belonging exclusively to the Empire, to the great detriment of other kings and princes. Besides which (he said) the Holy Father had, shown too much partiality, and since the principal matters to be decided in the Council touched him and his differences with the Holy See, he would, not attend it.
With these and other similar expressions in contempt and abuse of Papal authority, the English ambassador went on to say that, should We initiate the Council, with the participation of the rest of the kings, princes, and potentates in Christendom, his master, the king of England, would certainly join Us. This, he said, intimating in a most forcible manner that were We to allow the Council to be convoked and held by Papal authority, We would greatly impair Our own Imperial and exclusive right of convoking councils, which right belonged to Us as successor of the good Emperors who had done so of their own authority. The ambassador then said that, not being a good French scholar, he had written a paper upon this matter, and saying so, he produced and handed over to Us one containing his own ideas on the subject. This, however, We declined to receive, on the plea that it was a thing extraneous to Our knowledge, but promised to have it forwarded to Mr. de Grantvelle. Upon which the ambassador added, that his master was about to send Us certain notable personages to inform Us wore in detail of his views on the subject.
The ambassador's paper has since been answered as follows: That although it be true that in times of old, Imperial authority was so great and absolute as to enable Emperors to make, and unmake Popes, and likewise to convoke and assemble councils, yet We were unwilling to innovate in such matters, and intended to follow the yielding conduct of Our immediate predecessors in the Empire, considering that if the latter had acted thus, and waived what they thought was their right, it was all for the best. Besides which (the ambassador was told) that this was not the fit time, less than ever, for attempting such innovations. Should the King, his master, send to Us the personages he (the ambas sador) spoke of, they would certainly be honorably received at this Our court, as befitted the good friendship existing between Us two; but We could not do otherwise than follow the steps of Our immediate predecessors in the matter. There was still another reason for Our not coinciding with the King's views on the subject, which was, that We were obliged, to indict the Council convoked by the Holy Father, inasmuch as by the recesses of the Auspurgh and Reynspurgh Diets, it had been unanimously resolved by the States of the Empire that the Holy Father should indict and convoke the said Council; and We had consented to that, and given permission to the princes of the Empire to procure it, as We ourselves had done. Accordingly, therefore, the indictment had been made at Our own request. No member of the Empire could possibly oppose it; besides which, the best and healthiest part of the kings, princes, and potentates in Christendom had adhered to it and approved of the measure.
The above are the two principal points concerning which the English ambassador has shown considerable perplexity and doubt, all the arguments put forward by Our ministers having remained without any answer from him. In addition, We must tell you, that when the conversation fell on the Council, Our ministers repeated to the English ambassador the very same words which had lately been said to the King and to the Vice-Admiral, as We informed you by Our letter of the 9th of November ultimo (fn. n6) namely, that We would willingly do Our best towards making him the Pope's friend on the very same terms and conditions specified in Our former letters to you, and which need not be reproduced here, though it must be said that the English ambassador has always indignantly rejected the said conditions, maintaining that they are against his masters honor and conscience, and, moreover, that the English, his subjects, would never consent to the Holy Father, whom he calls the Bishop of Rome, or the Holy See, exercising any authority over England. Yet it must be owned that the ambassador, after listening to Our representations on this subject, as well as to the mutual advantages to be derived from the marriages, of which more will be said hereafter, as well as the evil likely to result in future from want of acquiescence on this point, recommended at last that We should order you [Chapuys and Mendoza] to speak to the King on the subject. And upon Our replying to him that We were unwilling to have things reported to his master, the King, at which he might take offence—as his own words seemed to imply—the ambassador retorted that his master could not but take in good part Our objections. It has, therefore, been settled that We will write to you on the subject, so that, in the name of God, if you can do any good that way, We shall be glad to hear of it, and you may assure the King that We shall remain his true friend for ever, at the same time that We keep to the duties of honor and conscience.
With regard to the third point, that of the marriages, We postponed Our answer until We heard the resolution of the, king of Portugal [Joaõ], Our brother-in law, as well as that of the infante Dom Luys, which a confidential ambassador was to bring Us. He arrived two days ago, and the King's answer is that he will be glad to treat of the intended marriage with a mutual dower, and on the terms proposed to him, without having regard either to the birth of the prince or the probable contingency of the king of England marrying again and getting, God willing, further male succession. The king of Portugal and the Infante desired the accomplishment of the proposed marriage, provided the Princess' dower were such as to suit her rank, the power of the King, her father, and, the affection he bears her. A, good conclusion was at once arrived at. The affair had so long been on "the tapis" that it was high time that one thing or other should be decided, that is, a marriage or no marriage at all. Such is the King's determination, and in that sense We last wrote to you to speak to king Henry on the subject, and ascertain his final resolution.
And inasmuch as the English ambassador had previously told Us that you (Chapuys) had once proposed to that king to marry the Infanta of Portugal (Maria), Our cousin, or Our niece (Christina), the dowager duchess of Milan, and We hear from the Portuguese ambassador that the King, his master, is unwilling to treat of the former marriage and alliance, owing to king Henry having had already a male child from his first wife (which excuse on the part of the Portuguese king you are to keep secret), We have said to the English ambassador that, without stopping at the ceremonies and honorable courtesies customary on the betrothal of ladies, who ought to be demanded in marriage, not offered, and having heard from you that Cromwell, as well as Our sister, the queen regent of Hungary, and governor of the Low Countries, had put forward the said marriage; and again, that king Henry seemed better inclined to Our niece, the dowager duchess of Milan, owing to her age and corpulence, as well as the near resemblance of their complexions resulting from their birth in corresponding climates, with similar modes of living; (fn. n7) presuming that Cromwell, who is so much in the King's confidence, would not have entered on such a subject unless he knew it to be quite agreeable to his master, We wrote that We should be glad to treat of the said marriage, as the High Commander of Leon and Mr. de Grantvelle would declare to him, explaining Our views on the subject. We also wrote that, should the King, his muster, agree to that, many good, things might be carried out for the public weal of Christendom, and particular benefit of his own kingdom, (fn. n8)whether peace with France was made or not. In either case, however, We were determined to go on with Our negotiations for peace with France, or break them off if We pleased, but We could not remain long in such irresolution.
Since then Our ministers have resumed the declaration of the said three points, as well as that of Our answer to each of them, and have explained, as clearly as it was in their power to do, what Our intentions were, namely, that for the relief of the King's conscience, for his honor, for the weal of his kingdom, and the solid establishment of his affairs, for the trust he ought to place in Us, he is to believe that whatever has been said or done in the negotiation could not be attributed to any other sentiment than the desire to please him and render friendly offices. That for the considerations above caressed, and the respect and esteem in which We had always held him, as well as the modesty of his address to the queen of Hungary, Our sister, both in the affair of the marriage and in that of the peaceto say nothing of the long protracted negotiation for the marriage between the infante Dom Luys and Our cousin of Englandand, above all, for the frank and sincere language on the subject of his marriage with the dowager duchess of Milan, We had no objection whatever to treat of it, and suspend for his sake any other treaties and negotiations there might be for her hand.
Further still, in order to show the King Our great affection, and the desire We had of pleasing him, and promoting any scheme that might be beneficial to him and to his kingdom, We had suggested that, leaving the inheritance of the kingdom of England to the son of the first marriage,—should that of Our niece be effected,—We would procure such an arrangement between him and the duke Palatine Frederic, who has married [Dorothea], the elder sister of Our said niece [Christine], that the king of England might recover and secure for the children born of this second marriage the whole of the kingdoms of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, as well as all the patrimonial estates of the King, her father; (fn. n9) the recovery of which kingdoms and patrimonial estates from those who now hold them against all right and reason, as well as the defence of them., would be easily accomplished, owing to their vicinity to England and to the Low Countries. The King himself could not find a more fit and profitable prospect for the children of his second, marriage, or more advantageous for England, and We must add for your information that when We propounded these Our views to the English ambassador he was singularly delighted, saying that he only wished he could be in England to announce to his master such a wonderful project.
In full explanation of Our words "that a good deal more might be done in the King's favor," for his honor and reputation, as well as for the benefit of Christendom at large, Our ministers proceeded to inform the English ambassador that, should his royal master agree to treat with His Holiness, make league and confederacy with him, the Signory of Venice and Ourselves, matters might be smoothed and peace ensured in spite of the efforts made by others to bring trouble upon Us; and that, by the marriage of the infante Dom Loys to Our cousin of England, both might be placed in a position of high honor to the King's great comfort and profit, the security of his own kingdom, and peculiar benefit of the Prince, his son; besides other advantages to be derived from his second marriage, as above. Which explanation being heard by the ambassador, he pricked up his ears more than he had done before, and begged Our ministers to put down in writing the above particulars, which has since been done.
And whereas this matter is of the utmost importance, as you will easily perceive, and one that requires much steadiness and dexterity on your part, We have given orders that it should be laid down before you with all possible prolixity, that you may, in accordance with Our minister's words to the English ambassador here, shape your conduct as you may think best, and, if possible, bring the whole matter to a satisfactory conclusion with the conditions required for each of the three points, so as to connect and bind together the whole affair, (fn. n10) in such a manner that by the King's intervention in the peace We may he able to obtain from France any conditions We may like to impose, if We agree to deliver to him the duchy of Milan within a specified period of time. But you must bear in mind that it is not Our intention to drop or suspend the negociations with France before We are quite sure and certain that the king of England comes forward in a plain and straightforward manner, and without further delay or tergiversation, to treat of a closer and more binding intelligence with Us, and that the two marriages, namely, that of Our brother-in-law of Portugal, and Our cousin of England, as welt as that of the King himself, with Our niece, the dowager duchess of Milan, be accomplished and effected to the mutual satisfaction and, advantage of the parties concerned. The king of England ought to consider and bear in mind that in favor of the marriage of Our cousin, the princess Mary, to the infante of Portugal, We purpose to bestow upon them and their descendants, the investiture of Milan according to the rides of an Imperial fief and previous to the satisfactory settlement of his differences with the Holy Father, the King joining the league and confederacy between himself, the Apostolic See, the Signory of Venice, and other Italian powers for the defence of the duchy as well as of the rest of Italy, and giving such assistance from his kingdom of England, now and hereafter, that We may rest assured that the State of Milan may in future be guarded and defended without any effort or cost on Our part, so that the infante of Portugal and Our cousin of England and their heirs may enjoy the same peacefully and without opposition, and the whole of Italy be secure.
Should, moreover, the king of England marry our niece, the dowager duchess of Milan, We undertake to induce the Palatine duke [Frederic] to take such engagements respecting Our Low Countries as may seem convenient and agreeable to the parties. The king of England moreover, to join Us and Our brother, the king of the Romans, and help towards the preservation of Our Imperial rights in Germany, besides treating the affairs of the king of France in such a manner that the latter may be brought within reasonable bounds, whilst matters of Faith are being adjusted by the future Council.
The above named propositions you will forward to that king or to his ministers in the manner you may deem most fit; at any rate, should you not gain your point, let not the King or his ministers profit by the communication of Our views in the matter.
With regard to the particulars mentioned In your despatches of the 30th of November and last Christmas Eve, concerning the proposed marriage of Our brother-in-law, the infante of Portugal and Our cousin of England, We cannot at this present time give you a fuller answer, or enter into more minute details than those contained in the corresponding paragraph of these Our Instructions. If interrogated thereupon, you may say that We are as yet ignorant of king Dom Joaõ's final resolution, and cannot guess what his answer will be, but are daily waiting for it. Should you find an opportunity to introduce the summary of Our views about Milan, as above, you may do so.
As to your excuses for not mentioning the powers in your possession, We entirely approve of them, and find them good and plausible. In short, and to put an end to this long letter, We again tall you that the above is the summary of Our views in these matters. It is now for you to act and use your discretional powers so as to bring the pending negotiation to a satisfactory issue, and let Us hear from you frequently, and as soon as possible.
One fact concerning these affairs We could not omit for your guidance, which is, that the other day, in conversation with Our ministers, the English ambassador showed great satisfaction end pleasure at the last overtures made by them, and said that he would write home immediately, and request that the personages whom his royal master had already appointed to come to this Our Court, should make haste, and bring his final resolution, as well as full powers to conclude the treaty, and, terminate the affair. Of this intelligence you may also make use by way of persuasion, and should the ambassadors' news turn out true, try and endeavour that the plenary powers to be brought by the personages above alluded to, be so full and complete as to require no further consultation.— Barcelona, 2nd February 1538.
French. Original. Entirely ciphered. pp. 20.
25 Feb. 213. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 231, f. 9-12.
Don Diego de Mendoza and I have lately on five different occasions been in communication with this king and his ministers concerning his own marriage with the dowager duchess of Milan (fn. n11) about which His Majesty the Emperor wrote last to both of usas well as concerning that of Dom Loys [of Portugal] with the Princess [Mary]. After a good deal of disputation and altercation, many devices, and no small amount of expostulation, mutual offers and so forth, the King and his deputies have come to this resolution. They would willingly agree to the Princess' marriage with the Infante of Portugal, were we, the Imperial ambassadors, furnished with full and express powers to name and fix the dowry that the said princess is to have, as well as describe the property and estates on which that dowry is to be settled. But that as our powers were evidently insufficient for that purpose, and besides, did not extend to the other marriage alliances spoken of, such as that of the King himself with the dowager duchess of Milan, that of this prince with His Majesty's second daughter, of the duke of Savoy's son with this king's second-horn daughter, he [the King] and his ministers could not well agree at once, inasmuch as it was the King's wish that all those marriages should he discussed conjointly and at the same time. In addition to that the King (said the deputies) was unwilling to marry the dowager duchess of Milan unless he saw her first; it was hut just also that the Princess [his daughter] should see the Infante [of Portugal].
This might easily he accomplished, the King observed, at one of the conferences, by Your Majesty coming to Calais accompanied by the said duchess [of Milan], as well as by the Infante Dom Loys, when he, himself might repair thither accompanied by the Princess, his daughter, and we, both Don Diego and I, were requested to write to His Imperial Majesty on the subject, which we have since done by an express messenger of his, who came [to London] for the purpose. I must add that the royal messenger to whom I allude brought letters requesting again that the arbitration of peace should be placed in his own hands, offering at the same time to do wonders against the Turk. I have no doubt that he [the King] will go on bragging, hut, in my opinion, solely for the purpose of drawing money out of his subjects on the specious pretence of waging war against the Infidel.
It seems to me as if a good deal of the coldness and indifference which these people show in the matter had its origin in the report which has come to them from abroad, namely, that should the Emperor treat of a peace with France, this King would certainly be included in the treaty as principal contracting party, and, moreover, that His Imperial Majesty would never consent to any matters likely to turn out to this king's disadvantage being discussed at the General Council or elsewhere. Indeed, not later than yesterday, as I myself was in the Privy Council urging some of its members to make haste and take some good resolution in the affair before peace was definitely concluded between His Imperial Majesty and the Icing of France, I was answered by one of the councillors to whom I addressed myself, that they were not the least concerned about the peace with France or the General Council.
I must say that this king's privy councillors individually are just now treating us with all possible courtesy and favor, and I guess by the King's express commands, who only the other day treated my colleague and myself in the kindest and most honorable manner, sending us a message that he wished to entertain us next week at Anthoncourt (Hampton Court) for three or four days running. In fact I hear that apartments are being prepared for us there, and that, as a mark of still greater favor and distinction, permission is to be granted for us to visit the young prince.
I really believe, Madam, that part of this intended favor and feasting owes its origin to the good reception made by the Emperor to this king's ministers, and the other to their wish of promoting the jealousy of the French.
Yesterday, the 22nd, Briant (Sir Francis) returned from France. I believe that he is not the bearer of great news, at least if I am to judge from the countenance of those who ought to know. The bishop of Tarbes is on the road. He brings the French answer to the note taken by Briant. On his arrival here I will try to ascertain what his commission is and inform Your Majesty thereof.—London, 23 February 1538.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Queen of Hungary."
French. Original, partly ciphered. pp. 3.
2 Mar. 214. The Same to the Same.
Rep. P.C.Fasc.231,
ff. 13-4.
Last Wednesday, which was the 28 February, this king sent for Don Diego [de Mendoza] and myself to go and visit him at a manor of his, 12 miles distant from London. Two of the principal gentleman of his chamber having been appointed to meet us on the road and conduct us to the Royal presence, we were first of all taken to our respective apartments, and then shown all the curiosities and most remarkable appendages of the place. Then a message came from the King saying that he was ready at any hour that would suit us best to give us audience, and have a talk. We fixed the morning of the next day, and having accordingly appeared before him, were most kindly and graciously received, the King expressing his regret, as well as offering his excuses for the trouble he had given us in visiting him in his manor. (fn. n12)
He then asked us whether we had heard anything of what his ambassador residing in France had lately written from that court, namely, that there was a talk of the Emperor's deputies and commissaries again meeting those of king Francis for the purpose of treating about the peace.
Our answer was, that we had received no information whatever on that point, upon which he [the King] began to say that in his opinion it would be time lost; the only way to secure the said peace was to appoint him mediator and arbiter of the same. King Francis (he said) will have no difficulty in trusting the mediation to me, and as to the Emperor, I cannot see what objection lie can possibly raise. I imagine that one of the reasons that has brought the bishop of Tarbes to this country is to offer me the arbitration in his master's name, as I will shortly apprise you, for on this very day the ambassadors of France are to come here to me, and explain their charge (fn. n13)
After taking leave of the King we were conducted by the said gentleman of the King's chamber to the lodgings (logis) of the Prince, about three or four miles off, where we were as well received, feasted, and banqueted as on the former day at the Royal manor. After dinner we saw the little prince (Edward), who in reality is one of the prettiest children of his age that could be seen any where. We also saw there Madame Isabelle (Elizabeth), the King's daughter, who is certainly very pretty, (fn. n14) From there the gentlemen took us to Richemont, to the princess [Mary], where we stayed a good many hours talking with her, and hearing her play on the luth or the spinet in so admirable a manner that I really believe she is the most accomplished musician that could be found. (fn. n15) Among other things she said to us, one was to commemorate in due terms the immense obligation under which she stands to you, Madam, at the same time begging us both to commend her to Your Majesty's good graces, for whose happiness and prosperity she never ceased, as is her duty, to address her prayers to God.
On our return to this town one of Cromwell's secretaries came to us, and said how two or three hours after we had taken leave of the King, the ambassadors of France had arrived [at Hampton Court], and that their message was of such a nature as to cause the King, his master, to communicate at once with his ambassador at the Imperial court. He (Cromwell) had considered it necessary to inform us of the fact, and as be understood that we were on the point of dispatching a courier to the Emperor, he begged us to delay his departure until we heard from the King or from him.
The day after, which was the first of March, Cromwell sent us message by the said secretary that the French ambassadors had positively assured the King, his master, that Icing Francis wished nothing so ardently as to see him [the ling of England] mediate and be the arbiter of the said peace. He, king Francis, had written to that effect to the Emperor, but the latter would not hear of it, which was an evident proof of the mistrust and ill-will which the Emperor had towards England, whose king (said the ambassadors) ought not to trust to the former s fine words and promises, only calculated to detach him from French alliance in order to fall afterwards on him. The French ambassadors added that it was in the King, their master's, power to make peace at once, whenever they chose, and yet king Francis would do nothing of the sort without the previous knowledge and consent of his ally [king Henry of England]. They ended by saying that they had mandate and full powers to treat of many other things with the King, &c.
The Secretary added that Cromwell wished to inform us of this state of things not so much for the good issue of the negociation in hand, as for his own particular safety, for he would be in danger of being destroyed and branded with infamy were the Emperor to turn against his master, the King, in the manner specified by the ambassadors, since he himself had often assured the King of the contrary.
The finer and warmer our reception at Hampton Court the colder was that of the French ambassadors, which circumstance makes me fear that the whole of it has been artfully designed and done by these people for the express purpose of arousing the jealousy of the French, and making their own profit out of it. (fn. n16) —London, 11 March 1538.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Queen of Hungary."
French. Original partly ciphered, pp. 4.
4 Mar.
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 231.
ff. 44-6.
215. The English Ambassador in the Low Countries on the Extradition of certain Criminals.
On the 14th of February 1538, the English ambassador personally placed in the hands of the Queen [dowager of Hungary] a certain request to the effect that on Thursday the 6th of the aforesaid month, an Englishman named Henry Philipps (fn. n17) had stolen from him, at his own house, a considerable sum of money, amounting more or less to 2,000 crs. of the Sun, besides some rings, and had fled with an accomplice of his, also an Englishman, Christopher Joye by name. And whereas the said ambassador said that he strongly suspected that one Guillaume Lathon, also an Englishman, in his service, was well acquainted with the aforesaid Henry Philipps, and might perhaps know something of the theft or robbery, he (the ambassador) wished to send the latter to England under irons that he might there be threatened with judicial proceedings, and induce his parents and friends from fear of the Law to restore the money stolen, which request (he said) the Queen ought the more readily grant that the aforesaid Guillaume Layton, having declared himself innocent of the charge brought against him, was very glad of being transported to England that he might then and there clear himself before the judges of the country.
The Queen, finding the thing rather difficult owing to the consequences of the affair, answered that the crime of which Layton was accused having been committed in this country (Brussels), where justice was impartially administered, he (the ambassador) might send the culprit before the chancellor of Brabant, who would, by her express commands, have him examined and do speedy justice in the cause, which manner of proceeding the ambassador ought to approve of, considering that by that means reparation would be obtained without any prejudice to the liberties and privileges of the Low Countries or the Emperor's authority. The ambassador, however, did not agree to that manner of proceeding in the affair, upon which Her Majesty the Queen said that she would send his request to the Council and give him an answer as soon as possible. Meanwhile the Queen was told that the case might be different from what the ambassador had stated, for, in the first place, it was rumoured that Layton had, with the knowledge and full consent of the ambassador, written to Henry Phillips, at that time on bad terms with the king of England, owing to his having once accused and denounced in this country a famous English Lutheran of the name of Tindalle (fn. n18) —since executed and burnt at Viluvorde (Vilworden), that if he chose to leave Cleves, where he (Phillips) then resided, and come back to Brussels to the ambassador, the latter would obtain for him the King's grace and pardon for the offence he had done him. Henry Phillips believing Layton's words to be true, determined to come back to Brussels, which he did on Wednesday the 5th instant, when, after certain formalities and talk, the ambassador received him kindly, invited him to supper, addressed him in the most gracious and amiable terms, and ended by telling him that he had actually obtained through his friends in England the King's full pardon for all his previous offences.
After supper, however, the ambassador began to hold a very different language to him, saying that he (Phillips) had done well in coming back to Brussels, for even if it had been necessary to spend one hundred thousand angelots to send him a prisoner to England, his arrest and transportation would have been effected, inasmuch as the King wished very much to know from his own lips what were his motives for accusing Tindalle in this country; what he himself had since done whilst at Rome, and what could be cardinal Pole's machinations in that city against England, for it was well known that during his brother's lifetime the Cardinal had planned the invasion of England by a foreign force. The King was aware that he (Henry Phillips) was well acquainted with the Cardinal's movements, and knew his secrets, and, therefore, wished to interrogate him. Had it not been for that the ambassador could never have obtained his pardon.
Henry Phillips, hearing the ambassador express himself in such terms and say that he was to go to England willingly or by force, to answer the King's questions as above; knowing the horrible executions which daily take place in that country, where people are put to the rack to confess things which they never did or thought of doing, and where so much human blood had been and is daily being spilt; knowing also that his own father was in gaol, dissembled out of fear, and lest he should be forcibly detained and secretly conveyed to England, said that he was quite ready to obey the ambassador's orders, intending all the time to seize the first opportunity to escape and be free. After this the ambassador retired to his chamber and went to bed, as did also both Joye and Lay ton, who had prepared the trap for Phillips. Next day four post-horses were hired and three of the embassy men made ready to conduct Henry to England; but whilst they were looking out for their traps (houseaulx) he (Phillips) had time to run away, at which the ambassador, perceiving that his plans had been defeated, was exceedingly angry. Then it was that, in order to make sure of his person again, he caused to be publicly cried throughout Brussels and other neighbouring places that he had been robbed by the said Henry Phillips, and that whoever would discover his whereabouts, and reveal it to him, or bring the culprit to the English embassy, would receive forthwith one hundred crs. of gold as reward. (fn. n19) He, moreover, caused all the gates of this city to be closely watched, and sent horsemen to scour the country and look out for him; but in vain, for Henry could nowhere be found.
Then the Queen was reminded and she soon recollected, that about three years ago an English ambassador (fn. n20) had brought her letters from his master, in which the said Henry Phillips was described as a great traitor and a criminal lœsœ majestatis, and requesting that, according to the treaties existing between the Low Countries and England, he should be arrested and delivered up to the King's officials in Brussels to be conveyed a prisoner to England, there to be tried and punished according to his deserts; but Phillips having had knowledge of the King's application, and not choosing to become the cause of an international quarrel— though he declared to be innocent of the crimes brought against him, and knew very well that the whole affair had been got up to deceive the Queen, and take revenge of him on account of Tindale (sic)—left Brussels and went away.
The Queen then had the whole case submitted to the deliberation of her Council, and inquired whether the ambassador's request was to be granted, and whether he was to be allowed or not to send Layton a prisoner to England. The Council's report was that it would he a bad example for the future, and one much against the Emperor's honor and that of his Low Countries to send away or expel therefrom the said Layton, or anyone else accused of crimes or misdemeanours committed in this country to be punished in England, and that, according to the information obtained, it was probable that the ambassador's request was only dictated by his own desire of safeguarding his honor, and making people believe that the crime with which he charged Phillips was not an invention or a feint, since he was sending to England his own man (Layton) accused of being his accomplice, and that his principal object was to catch hold of Phillips and send him to England if he could. The ambassador alleged that the Queen might well grant him this request, and that she could not well deny the permission he had asked of sending Layton to England, for, after all, robbery and theft (fn. n21) were one and the same thing.
It was then deemed fit, in order to put an end to the ambassador's petitions, to tell him that, should Layton wish to go to England of his own accord and will, free, not a prisoner, he would in nowise be prevented from doing so; for the going in and out of these Low Countries was allowable for the natives thereof, as well for English-born subjects. If, however, the ambassador wanted to send him thither in irons, that could not be; Her Majesty had decided to appoint commissioners to interrogate Layton thereupon, and ascertain from him whether it was with his consent and out of his own free will that he was to be conveyed to England as prisoner, and what he himself knew of the theft, and whether he had connived at or taken part in it, in order to investigate the whole case and arrive at the truth.
The Queen's resolution was communicated to the ambassador by the Chancellor of the Order, Dr. Schore, without, however, letting him know any part of the above information they were in possession of respecting Phillips and his case. The ambassador's answer was that really and truly he had, at the request of Joie (fn. n22) and Layton, Henry's fellowservants, solicited and obtained for him the King's pardon; that Joie and Layton had accordingly written to him to come to Brussels, which he did; that on his appearing before his presence he wished to touch his hand, but that he (the ambassador) would not give it him at first unless he intended forsaking his old habits, and becoming an honest man; and that having heard from him that he would be such in future, he then tendered his hand, and said to him, "You are welcome; I have procured your pardon In England; you may be sure of that." The ambassador also owned that after supper he had spoken to Phillips the words above related, or nearly the same, and that the latter had shown willingness to go to England, upon which, having decided to send him thither with three of his own men, without any afterthought he (the ambassador) took out of his desk 40 crowns for the expenses of Henry's journey to England, together with his three companions, but had inadvertently left his cash-box (boile) on his bedroom table.
The same night, when asleep, his valet went down to banquet with his companions, and left the door of the bedroom ajar, upon which Phillips entered and stole the box (bougette), and next morning went away with it. As Joye (pursued the ambassador) had accompanied him in his flight against his solemn promise of escorting him to England, I infer that he (Joye) had helped to steal the cash-box, inasmuch as some years ago he had robbed his own father, and was altogether a thorough knave. With regard to Layton, I fancy that he was not guilty, since he remained behind, and yet I cannot help thinking that he must have known something about it. That is why I will not have him examined by commissioners, as if he himself were a thief; I intend to keep him in my service as long as I remain at Brussels, and on my return to England will act towards him as I may be legally advised. "If I have asked for permission to send him to England a prisoner it is not for the purpose of having him examined and tried, but merely to threaten his parents, and compel him by that means to the restitution of my money, as aforesaid." The ambassador ended by thanking the Queen for attending to his request, though he said he might have wished for greater dispatch.
On the 19th of the same month of February a request was presented to Her Majesty by the said Henry Phillips, stating that he had heard that the ambassador had without reason imputed to him the theft and robbery of his money, of which it was his intention to clear himself before the judges of the land, offering to present himself and surrender his person into the hands of the Emperor's officers in these Low Countries, or in the Chancery of Brabant, and wait for a sentence, however rigorous, provided a good and valid safe-conduct were furnished him to come to, reside, go in and out of these Low Countries for any case that might otherwise be brought against him, save that of the above-mentioned robbery, for which he desired no safe-conduct whatever, since he hoped that all the calumnies raised against him, and the artful devices employed to make him go to a sure death in England would soon be discovered and made patent.
The Queen, thereupon, determined to grant the safe-conduct applied for by Henry Phillips, but before doing so, she thought of communicating the petition to the ambassador in order to hear his opinion, and know from him whether in the event of the safe-conduct being granted, Henry Phillips might consider himself secure in the Low Countries, and be without fear of being delivered to England. Should the ambassador refuse, it would be a proof that he objected to the whole truth of the affair being known, and therefore, there would be a presumption of fraud or intrigue of some kind. To ascertain this from the ambassador Her Majesty ordered the Chancellor of Brabant and that of the Order, to call on the ambassador, which they did on the very same day, communicating to him not only the contents of Henry's petition, but the decision also which Her Majesty was likely to take respecting it. Which being heard by the English ambassador, he replied that he was glad that Henry Phillips was still within the Emperor's dominions, perhaps in Brussels itself, as he fancied, for he had had the gates of the city closely watched, and the neighbouring districts well explored, and he could not be found. After which he recited to the commissioners word by word the whole of his allegation, telling them how he had obtained the King's pardon for Phillips; how his companions had written to him to come; how he himself had exhorted him to live honestly; how he had intended to send him to England at his own expense; and how the latter had taken to flight and robbed him in the manner above described. All of this the ambassador swore to be the plain truth, not an invention or a falsehood: he never had received either from the King or from his Privy Council undue orders or instructions respecting the said Henry. This he maintained over and over again, asserting that he was not a man to take part in unbecoming practices and intrigues of that sort, for he professed to be an honest man, as he could prove by referring to the King, and to his Privy Council, if necessary. It seemed to him (the ambassador went on to say) that if faith was attached to Henry's petition, a different opinion might be formed of his own personal character; if so, that pained him exceedingly Ever since his arrival in the Low Countries he had been most unfortunate; in crossing the sea he was seized with quartan fever and ague, which had lasted for upwards of three months. He had been expressly sent to Brussels for some good affair, the first overtures of which had come from the Emperor, and yet he perceived that no good would ultimately come out of it; he had been robbed and lost his money, though he could not positively assert whether it was Henry Phillips who had stolen it, or whether Christophe Joye and Guillaume Lay ton, or any other servant of his household, or some stranger, perhaps, had done the deed, though his presumptions were that the former had been the thief. At any rate, he had lost his money, and Henry Phillips had disappeared. With regard to the safe-conduct applied for, he (the ambassador) begged the Queen to have the said Henry arrested as a traitor and a thief (larron); then he would demand his person to have him tried in England and sentenced, notwithstanding any safe-conduct obtained by him; and upon the commissioners observing that the Queen was not aware of Henry being in Brussels, and that his petition had come by a man quite unknown, who had since gone away, the ambassador affected not to know anything about it, although there is every reason to believe he is perfectly well aware of his whereabouts, having ascertained by the report of his own servants that he quitted this town immediately, and has since been seen at Louvain, which fact has been carefully reported to the Queen.
On the 20th, the English ambassador having called on the Queen, thanked her for the honor of the communication brought by her commissioners, but said that he could not possibly agree to the safe-conduct in question, inasmuch as it tended to the prejudice of his master's rights, who is under the impression that as long as the said Henry remains in the Emperor's dominions, he can be personally surrendered when applied for, and therefore, that if Her Majesty would have him arrested and given up, the King would be highly pleased at it.
The Queen's answerwas that honesty forbade her summoning Henry to Brussels to be tried and then delivered to the king of England; but if the ambassador insisted upon his being tried and punished for the theft of which he was accused, she could not do less than grant him the safe-conduct he had applied for, and give him an opportunity of clearing himself before the judges of the charges brought against him. She (the Queen) had communicated with the ambassador about Henry's petition, not indeed to obtain his consent as to granting or refusing the safe-conduct, but in order to ascertain whether he (the ambassador) agreed to his trial for the theft whereof he was accused. As to the safe-conduct itself she (the Queen) could not conceive how it could possibly affect or damage the King's rights since the ambassador himself had owned that the King had granted Henry full pardon in all other cases,
The ambassador replied that he did not wish the safe-conduct to be granted, or that the said Henry should be tried here for his theft, inasmuch as he was not sure that it was he who had committed it; all he could say was that he had lost his bougette with upwards of 2000 crs. inside, and that he ought to be believed on his word, for he was an honest man, and presumed that it was Henry who had stolen it, from his having immediately taken to flight, though he himself could not adduce further proofs of the man's guilt. It was quite true that the King's pardon had been solicited and obtained; but it was on condition of Henry leading a new life, becoming an honest man, and repairing to England, which he had not done, and had on the contrary broken his promise and secretly fled, and, therefore, made himself undeserving of the King's conditional pardon. The ambassador ended by requesting Her Majesty that since Henry had presented a petition, it was evident that he was still within the Emperor's dominions, and, therefore, he asked that the culprit should be arrested and sent to England, especially as he had been informed that he was still in Brussels. He was ready to pay for any expenses incurred by the most diligent search, for he would spare nothing to secure his person and would willingly spend all his substance to get hold of him, even if he were in the hands and under the shelter of the bishop of Rome.
Upon which the ambassador was requested to name the person from whom the information had been obtained as to Phillips being still at Brussels, that the Queen might investigate the truth of the report; but this he declined to do, alleging that the Queen might as well interrogate the man who brought Henry's petition. The Queen's answer was that the petition had been presented by an unknown man while she herself was going to Mass, but that when the answer should be called for, proper inquiries should be instituted as to Henry's whereabouts, at which the ambassador seemed satisfied.
Indorsed: "Ce que a este fait et procede contre celles qui l'ambassadeur d'angleterre resident devers la royne a accuse luy avoir desrobe."
French. Original, pp. 6.
4 March. 216. The Queen of Hungary to Cromwell.
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 231, f. 55.
I have many a time read and heard by letters from the ambassador in England of my brother, the Emperor, as well as from the report of other Imperial ministers who have been, in that country, the good offices which you are continually making touching the keeping and increase of the good brotherhood, friendship, alliances, and confederations between the Emperor, my brother, and the King, your master, and the efforts you have and are making to insure the peace and welfare of their respective dominions. Which conduct on your part is so meritorious and laudable that We cannot do less than thank you most heartily for it, begging you to persevere as hitherto, in doing with your customary affection and devotion that which you may think most fit for the honor, welfare, as well as closer affinity and union of the two princes above named. In doing which I have no doubt, and know by experience, that your wisdom and prudence will dictate the steps most conducive to that end, and I shall be, God knows, most obliged to you.—Brussels, 4th March 1538.
Addressed : "To Mr. de Cromwell, garde sçeaux, &c."
French. Original draft. 1 p.
March. 217. The Queen Dowager of Hungary to the Imperial Ambassador in England.
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 231,
ff. 47–8.
Your letter of 25th ultimo, informing me of your conferences with the king of England and with Sieur Cromwell, respecting the peace and the matrimonial alliances in question, have come to hand. I am perfectly convinced, as you yourself are, that all their flattering words are but a feint to deceive us, and yet that it is necessary to dissemble and try to carry on the negociation as long as possible with them, according to the Emperor's intention and the instructions received from him.
However, that you may the better keep to the letter of those instructions there, where you are, I deem it opportune to acquaint you with a fact, of which you are not perhaps aware, namely, that Sieur Cromwell has sent here expressly a man, besides a message by ambassador Hauton, to the effect that the Emperor had proposed to the King, his master, the marriage of my niece, the dowager duchess of Milan, with honorable and advantageous conditions; that he (the Emperor) offers to help efficiently towards it, and wishes it to take place before king Francis becomes aware of it. Cromwell asks that the man be allowed to see and talk with my said niece, and take her portrait in order to show it to the King and give him greater desire to see her. This I have allowed, and the man has actually returned to England with the portrait, well satisfied with the personal appearance and manners of my said niece, who has not failed on the occasion to thank Cromwell for his offers and show of affection. It is now for you to ascertain, as far us it is in your power, how and where this thing has sprung up, how the proposition has been received in England, if it came from the Emporor, as Cromwell says, and, in short, to let me know, in conformity with your ambassadorial duties, how political matters stand.
From Italy and France the news is that the meeting of the Pope, Emperor, and king of France, is to take place at the end of this month at Nyce, but the Emperor has not yet written in confirmation, nor do I known whether the duke of Aarschot is on his road or not, by whom I expect to have news.
I have given orders that a sum of money on account of your salary be remitted to you in bills from this Imperial treasury, and will take care that the remainder be forwarded to you as soon as possible by the Ministers of the Finances.— [Brussels], March 1538.
French. Original draft, pp. 2.
March. 218. The Same to the Count or Nassau.
Rep. P.C., 231,
f. 49.
My cousin, I send your the news I have received from Italy, which is also confirmed by letters from that country as well as from France, to the effect that the meeting of the Pope, the Emperor, and king Francis, is fixed for Nyce at the end of this month. I am astonished not to have news either from the Emperor or from the duke of Aarchot on that score, and beg you not to fail in coming back and attending the assembly of the States of Brabant to aid in the deliberation on public affairs, which is take place at the end of this month. —Bruxelles, March 1538.
Addressed: "To my cousin the count of Nassau."
French. Original draft. 1 p.
219. The Same to the Duke Savoy.
Rep. P.C., 231,
f. 50.
Condolence on this of his eldest son. (fn. n23)
French. Original draft. 1 p.
23 March. 220. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 231,
ff. 53-9.
On the 8th inst. Your Majesty's letter of the 4th came to hand, and on the same day I gave orders that a passport should be made out for the courier to go on board the same galleon in which the Sieur de Vauldieu came back from Spain, which is a very fit and well-appointed vessel, and I have recommended the master and crew of the said galleon to make all possible haste, as otherwise they might not reach Spain before the Emperor's embarkation for Italy.
Your Majesty has, as on all other occasions, thought prudently and wisely of writing to Sieur Cromwell, who is certainly the personage who desires most, as he justly deserves, to be trusted in these affairs, were it for no other cause than the singular devotion he has always shown for the Emperor's service and your own. He has been immensely gratified and joyful at receiving Your Majesty's letter, and has begged me to thank you for it, making, at the same time, the offer of his small and humble services.
On the 12th inst. the courier these people sent to France, immediately after the bishop of Terbes (Tarbes) had spoken to this king, as I had the honor to write then to Your Majesty, arrived. The very moment the courier came back the French ambassadors sent to ask for an audience from this king, which was not granted at first, on the excuse of a severe cold that had come suddenly upon him, and which prevented his seeing any one. The King, therefore, referred the ambassadors to Cromwell, but the Bishop declined, saying that he had been sent expressly to the King, not to his ministers. At last, on the 18th, the ambassadors had audience from the King, who, as far as I can hear from the Princess and from other quarters, gave them a poor reception, and addressed them in such unpleasant words that they came out of the palace greatly disappointed and dissatified, as the Bishop himself has since declared to the Venetian secretary, saying to him : "One thing consoles me, which is, that I shall soon be revenged of these people and their bravadoes (braveries), for I will now do my best to promote a peace between His Imperial Majesty and the King, my master, of which I hitherto entertained some doubts." On the following day the Bishop received, as present, 500 crowns, and about 150 more for a gentleman of his suite (fn. n24) who has come with him; but with all that be has not yet got his passports, nor do I believe he will get them until this king has received an answer from Spain to his two lust despatches, the waiting for which was the cause, as I have said before, of the King delaying so long to give them audience.
On the very same day, the 18th, the painter sent by this king to Flanders came back with the Duchess' likeness, which, I am told, has singularly pleased the King, so much so, that since he saw it he has been in much better humor than lie ever was, making musicians play on their instruments all day along. Two days after he went to dine at a splendid house of his, where he had collected all his musicians, and, after giving orders for the erection of certain sumptuous buildings therein, returned home by water, surrounded by musicians, and went straight to visit the duchess of Suffocq, the mother-in-law of the duke of Norfolk, and the wife of his brother, and ever since cannot be one single moment without masks, which is a sign that he purposes to marry again, unless he does all that by way of dissimulation whilst the bishop of Tarbes is here still.
As far as I hear this king is anything but pleased at the meeting, which is soon to take place, of the Pope, His Majesty the Emperor, and the king of France; and yet, when Sieur Cromwell sent me the information respecting it, he added, without any further remark on the subject, that should the Emperor decide to part with the duchy of Milan, I ought to suggest that a good and substantial pension should be reserved for the dowager duchess of Milan, in order to give more authority to her marriage.
Nothing further to advise from this country save that by this king's order the monasteries and abbeys of this country are being demolished and ruined.—London, 23 March 1538.
Signed: Original mostly in cipher, pp. 2.
23 March. 221. The Grand Master of France to Cardinal Pole.
Rep. P.C., Fasc. 231,
f. 56.
I am in receipt of the letter which you did me the pleasure of writing on the 16th inst. by the abbé de Saint Salut, bearer of this my answer, and perfectly well understood what you therein tell me respecting the affair for which our Holy Father had sent you to the Emperor, and the answer you got from the latter. And not only have I acquainted the King, my master, with the contents of your letter, but I have procured for the abbé an audience, and heard from the King's own lips the verbal message which that ecclesiastic gave him in your name. The King is now engaged in writing an answer, as you will see and, therefore, will not say more about it than assure you that the King, my master, persevering in the conduct he has hitherto observed, and keeping faithfully to his word, will not fail to guide the affair in question according to the intentions of our Holy Father, and do on his side as much as the Emperor will do on his.
And whereas you will hear from the abbé, bearer of this present letter, what else the King, my master, has told him respecting this affair and yourself, I will not stop to write, further than say, that should you find any occasion or place where I can in future be of use, you may apply to me at once, and be sure that I shall be most happy to employ myself in your service.—Nogent sur Seyne, 24 of March 1538.
Signed: "Montmorency."
Indorsed: "Copy of the Constable's letter."
French. Contemporary copy. pp. 1½.
25 March. 222. King Francis to the Same.
Rep. P.C., Fasc. 231,
f. 57.
I have received by the bearer of this your letter, dated from Livorno the 16th inst., and understood by the contents of your missive, and likewise by what the bearer has told me in your name, the whole of the affair in which you are at present engaged, as well as the Emperor's late answer to the proposals you personally made him in our Holy Father's name respecting the business for which you were sent to him. I entirely approve of the motives and reasons specified in your letter, as well as of your resolution to stop and wait sometime at Avignon until His Holiness' answer to what you wrote respecting the said business comes to hand. In the meantime I declare to you that for my own part, everything I have continually said or written in the matter will hence-forwards be my line of conduct, and that our Holy Father will always find me ready and willing to pursue that affair, following his good desire and intentions, and guiding my actions and conduct by what the Emperor may do on his side; for you must understand me, there is nothing in this world I desire more than to employ myself in those things which may concern the welfare of Christendom, and more particularly in those like the present, of the utmost importance for all of us.
On this account it seems to me as if the best yon can do whilst staying at Avignon, is to keep the Papal Nuncio residing at this our court well informed of our Holy Father's proceedings in that affair, in order that I may be opportunely advised, and give you my opinion on the whole. I can say no more for the present, referring you to this present bearer for what I have told him on your own account, sure as I am hat he will faithfully report to you my words on the subject. —Nogent sur Seync, the 25th day of March 1538.
Signed : "Françoy's."
Countersigned: "Breton."
Indorsed: Copia "della lettera del rè Christianissemo."
French. Contemporary copy. pp. 1¼.
13 April. 223. Eustace Chapuys to the Queer of Hungary.
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 231,
ff. 53-9.
I have received Your Majesty's letter of the 26th ultimo, for which I return my humblest thanks, as the first paragraph of it concerns me personally and relates to my honoraries, &c.
With regard to other matters contained in the said letter having, as I think, answered in full, I will not be over prolix now, but refer only to it and relate what has happened since. The letter came very à apropos to afford me, in the difficult and embarrassing position of our affairs here, an opportunity to send a message to Cromwell, and refresh his memory respecting the good opinion you have of him; for ever since I last saw him he has never ceased to tell me how astonished he was at not hearing from Your Majesty since the English ambassador residing at that court had written to say that I should soon get a confidential message from him [Cromwell]. (fn. n25)
Respecting the business in hand, which is still far from being settled one way or the other, all I can say is that it seems, to judge from the words and doings of these peoplethat there is much less hope than ever of bringing it to a satisfactory conclusion. To give Your Majesty an idea of the present state of the negociations, I will draw up a summary account of what has happened since the date of my last despatch. On the 24th ultimo a courier lately sent by this king to Spain, returned, bringing despatches from the English ambassador at the Imperial court, as well as official letters for Don Diego and myself. The King and his privy councillors, and above all Cromwell, looking upon the letter of their ambassador as rather cold and unmeaning, the latter sent me word twice, and by two different secretaries of his, the very same day of the courier's arrival, begging and entreating me, for God's sake, if I had any good news to impart likely to be beneficial in the present state of the negociations, to communicate it to him, for (said the message) he was exceedingly disappointed at noticing the coldness and indifference of the ambassador's despatch. And, although I did not fail on this occasion, as on all others, to answer him in hopeful terms, yet he himself came to my lodgings on Lady Day, and we had two hours conversation together, he (Cromwell) going away, as it appeared, more comforted and satisfied than he came to me, chiefly from my having assured him, upon my faith and honor, that His Imperial Majesty proceeded frankly and without dissimulation in the business; that whatever mutual engagements might be taken respecting the two marriages in question, the Emperor was willing and ready to agree to, ratify and observe in the most absolute manner; and that there was no cause or occasion to allege as an excuse on their part the insufficiency, as they called it, of our commission and powers to treat.
Next day, which was the 26th, the French ambassador, accompanied by a councillor of the Parliament of Paris, the same who came to London with the bishop of Tarbes, dined at Cromwell's, and after dinner held a consultation with the members of the Privy Council. The day after Don Diego and I went to the Kings, who, I must say, treated us with more civility, kindness, and familiarity than ever, telling us, among other things, which I omit for brevity's sake, that he owned he had hitherto leaned ostensibly on the side of France, but that now he had changed his purpose. He had been told that His Imperial Majesty had lately shown some discontent and jealousy at Mr. de Tarbes' arrival in this country, but there was not the lead occasion for that, the principal object of the Bishop's mission being to apologise for words he had uttered when last in England on the presentation of his master's letters. It was he (the Bishop) who, out of bombastic arrogance and vainglory, had solicited the mission, boasting that he knew well the manner of dealing with the English, and would maintain and affirm that neither his masters letter, nor the words imputed to him on the presentation of it, bound the king of France in the least. To assist him in the disputation he had brought with him the above-mentioned councillor, who, however, did not quite share his opinion on the subject. And inasmuch as on the Bishop's arrival In England the King had treated him as his arrogance and vanity deserved, he (Monseigneur de Tarbes) had immediately after written for his congé, and had actually returned to France, leaving behind him the above-mentioned councillor named in the powers and commission to make a league defensive and offensive against all the World, the Pope and the king of Scotland included. Such was the King's explanation of the whole affair, and he ended by saying, with a gracious smile on his lips: "It will be a good pastime for you to see the bird within his cage" (fn. n26)
On the 27th Don Diego and I went to dine at Cromwell's, where we met the King's deputies, namely, the archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), the Chancellor (Audeley), Suffoc (the duke of Suffolk), the Admiral and two Bishops. By way of "Benedicite," and as a sort of introit to the repast, the abovementioned King's commissioners began unanimously to blame and ridicule the extravagant and mendacious promises which Frenchmen are in the habit of making. The dinner over, the commissioners met, and after a long discussion, at which my colleague and I were present, it was decided to send the King a written report of all that had been said at the meeting, the substance of which is: that the Emperor engaged to give the duchess of Milan in marriage to the king of England with the very same dower she had on her being wedded to the duke Francesco Sforza, and. in addition to that 15,000 ducats, as well as all her rights to the patrimonial estates of her father, besides jewels fit for her high rank. The lady's journey to England to be entirely at the Emperor's expense, who would besides try and procure that the duke Frederic, and his wife the duchess, should relinquish and cede the right they pretend to have to the crowns of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, though with such indemnity as may be agreed upon between the Emperor and the interested parties. On the other side, the king of England is to grant the hand of the Princess, his daughter (Mary), to the Infante Dom Loys of Portugal with a suitable dower and jewels. The Infante to assign as security for the Princess' dower the fourth part of his own revenue, and more if necessary, calculating 5,000 ducats revenue for each 100,000 of the latter's dower. The Princess' journey to be defrayed by her own father, but the time and place of the delivery to be left entirely at the King's will and discretion, not at her future husband's. This last condition, however, was afterwards changed, for the King disapproved of the whole, so that nothing definitive was settled. My colleague and I have since been twice in communication with the commissioners, who, it must be said, instead of the many good things they offered us before the birth of the Prince (Edward), and when there was a hope of the Princess (Mary) inheriting the crown of England, have now proposed a dower of 100,000 ducats, and even then they wish to know what personal property the Infante Dom Loys owns, and on that account they attempted to leave the marriage in suspense, and only conclude that of the dowager duchess of Milan with this king, for which marriage they ask as a condition that Frederic should at once renounce in favor of the Duchess all his rights to the crowns of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, without any indemnity or compensation whatever, and besides that the 15,000 cr. of the dowry should be consigned on the treasury of Flanders. The commissioners even moved that a separate article should be introduced into the marriage contract or in the treaty itself stipulating for the recovery of the arrears of pension owed to them by France, and, last not least, that should His Imperial Majesty give the duchy of Milan to the Infante Dom Loys, although, the King had offered to contribute towards the defence of that duchy, he would no longer consider himself bound to pay the Duchess' dower.
The above will give Your Majesty an idea of the good intentions and honorable behaviour of these people; but I must not omit a circumstance which will darken still more the picture I have drawn of our negotiations. Twice or three times during the conferences this king's commissioners said, rather abruptly, to Don Diego and to me, without our giving them the least occasion for it, "You two imagine, perhaps, that we ought to do anything the Emperor asks of us, out of fear of the meeting which is to take place at Nyoe (Nizza); but you are very much mistaken if you think so, for even if a league were formed against us, between the Pope, the Emperor, and the king of France, we should not care a fig for it"
This taunt of the privy councillors I take to be the very reverse of their present sentiments, unless they have entirely lost their senses, or keep close intelligence with the Lutherans and trust greatly in them. I must say, however, that since our diplomatic communications have been resumed, no agent, that I am aware of, has been sent to Germany. True is it that the other day, when Cromwell called on me, he owned that the King had just sent a personage to the coast of Denmark for the purpose of looking into the affairs of that country, and the disposition in which king Christiern was; but whatever he (Cromwell) may say, I suspect that the man is gone thither for some other object.
Having eventually hinted to the King's commissioners at the end of our conferences that since our powers and instructions did not seem to them sufficiently ample and well founded, they might advise and persuade the King to send some one to Spain to treat directly with the Emperor, and that the person thus appointed would undoubtedly find him very reasonable and accommodating on all points; and that even in the case of the marriage alliances not taking place, there would still be great friendship and esteem for their master, they answered me that they did not think that this king would ever consent to such marriage alliances being discussed elsewhere than here, in England, and, therefore, that we ought to make up our mind not to be more advanced in the question than we were on the first day, and as to the friendship and esteem of which we had talked, that it would remain on the paper or vellum on which it was written, but not in the hearts; so would the good neighbourhood of the countries, though the sentiments and feelings of the people would be as alien to each other as if they lived at the opposite corners of the globe.
Two days after the last conference the King dispatched a courier to Spain, secretly, so that Don Diego and I should not know of his departure, though we had previously been informed that he would not leave without letting us know; for having since sent to Cromwell two or three times to inquire when two doctors at law, whom this king was to send to the Emperor in Spain, were likely to take their departure, we could in nowise get an answer from him, nor ascertain what their names were until the day before their departure, although one week before it was known all over this city.
Even Cromwell, to whom I have lately sent no less than three or four messages to know when I could see him at his office, has sent me word that he considered the negociations as altogether broken off, without the least hope of their being again resumed. If so, the doctors above alluded to are no doubt going to Spain for the purpose of justifying the mode of living of these people, of remonstrating against the convocation of the General Council, which, they pretend, is not within the Pope's province, and of alleging that the town of Vicenza is by no means a fit place for the meeting. I even presume that if the doctors do not succeed with their persuasions, they will have recourse to a protest. Indeed, this matter of the Council (fn. n27) is the thing this king dreads most, so much so that the King himself said to Don Diego and to me the other day, "I cannot conceive why the Emperor wishes to do me such injury as to solicit the meeting of the General Council before the rest of the princes in Christendom have agreed to it, for the whole thing might then turn out to my discredit and shame. Supposing (said the King) that all Christian princes, some of their own free will, others out of shame, fear, or intrigue, attended the Council, which I myself do not intend to do, it would seem as if I wished to make a God of my own, apart and separate from the rest of Christendom, which, besides being a great shame, might bring great harm upon me.
I do not percive any signs of satisfaction and contentment between these people and the French, nor have I been able to discover what Master Briant is about. He left this city three days ago, just about the time that the above-mentioned doctors departed for Spain; perhaps he came to guide, instruct, and model another young, though experienced, doctor, who is to reside at the court of France, and replace one of the ablest men of this kingdom, the bishop of Winchester.—London, xiii April 1538.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To Queen Mary."
French. Original, entirely ciphered, pp. 4.
20 May. 224. Eustace Chapuys to the [dowager] queen of Hungary.
Rep. P.C., 231,
ff. 33-6.
I hear from a good quarter that the ambassador of France, at his departure from this country, showed some dissatisfaction at the result of his last interview with this king's ministers about the 3rd ult.; from which time the latter ceased cajoling and frequently inviting him to court as they had done before. This, notwithstanding they have, as I am told, within the last fortnight dispatched three messengers to their ambassadors residing in France, though I do not believe that the cause of their being sent has any importance. (fn. n28)
Lately, on his way to one of his manors, this king called on the Princess, his daughter, to whom he shows as much affection and love as he ever did, for no other purpose, as I imagine, than to gain credit, and persuade her that he has done more, and tendered more liberal offers than his paternal duties required, with regard to her proposed marriage to the infante Dom Loys, and at the same time make her believe that His Imperial Majesty had feebly supported him, and not behaved well in the matter, to the great disregard and discredit of the Princess, (fn. n29) who, as far as I can gather from the various messages she has sent me, has not only attached faith to the King's words, but begins to show great diminution of her trust and confidence in the Emperor, as well as inclination not to remain so staunch on various points, as she has hitherto been. (fn. n30)
The man sent by this king to the assembly of Brunsuyt (Brunswick), arrived in this city a few days ago. Immediately after the King held a council, and was long in it. The man, however, has sent me word that he wished to see me at this embassy. I have given him an appointment, and if there be any means of ascertaining from him what he has been about, I shall not fail to apprise Your Majesty immediately.
Just at this moment some one has come to tell me that the King is exceedingly displeased at his ambassadors at the court of France not having had audience for twenty days.
The Venetian secretary having for the third time requested this king's help and assistance against the Turk, had the other day a very meagre answer. Indeed, it would seem as if he (the King) wished to make fun of him and his Signory, saying that Venice did not require assistance against the Turk, since she would sooner or later make peace with him. I fancy that by the King holding suck language to the Venetian secretary, he meant to imply that he rather wished the Emperor to be disappointed in that quarter, for immediately after he began to complain of the Signory having granted to his capital enemy, the Pope, the city of Vicenza to hold the General Council of the Church therein; adding several other reasons and arguments why the Signory might as well have refused, to give up Vicenza for that purpose as the duke of Mantua (Frederico Gonzaga) his capital, and thus prevented, for a time, the celebration of the Council.— London, 20 May 1538.
French. Original, entirely ciphered, pp. 2.
17 June. 225. Eustace Chapuys and Diego de Mendoza to the Emperor.
Rep. P.C., Fasc. 231,
ff. 37-8.
Our joint letter of the 8th of June, which Francois, the Piedmontese, this king's courier, took to Spain, must have informed Your Majesty of what has passed here between this king, the members of his Privy Council, and ourselves since the arrival of ambassador Huyet, (fn. n31) the mere perusal of which account will at once convince Your Majesty of the small appearance there is at present of any desirable or good issue of the negociations so long ago entrusted to our care. It is not to be supposed that this king, who has allowed us to communicate on two different occasions with his privy councillors, showed no desire of bringing the negociation to a close; but having no mandate or commission from Your Majesty to treat of, or solicit anything else, save what was expressly mentioned in Your Majesty's letter, we naturally limited ourselves to reading the same in the King's presence as a confirmation of what Your Majesty had said or caused to be said to his ambassador, Hoyet, who seemed very desirous of penetrating Your Majesty's intentions in the affair, for no other motive perhaps than his own gratification, or else to profit by the intelligence and communicate (fn. n32) the same, if not to the ambassadors of Saxony, and of the Landgrave [of Hesse], at least to that of the king of France here, who, all the while that my colleague and I were communicating with this king's privy councillors in Cromwell's rooms, was having audience from the King, who (we hear) caressed him immensely, and placed at his disposal four of his country seats, there to pass the summer, if he liked, besides giving him for his habitation the very house which Your Majesty occupied when you came here, which is now the usual residence of the said ambassador. (fn. n33)
Since the 13th of the said month Cromwell has forwarded to us Your Majesty's letters of the 4th, inquiring at the same time whether we had received any instructions respecting the message brought by Master Hoyet, and begging us to excuse him if he did not communicate all the particulars of that ambassador's charge, inasmuch as the King (he said) had expressly forbidden him to do so, not from any mistrust he had of us, but because he found that, when requested to read in his Privy Council the whole of the letter received from Your Majesty and explanatory of the charge committed to Master Huyet, we, both Don Diego and I, had made scruples about it; and also because Your Majesty had confidentially said to his (the King's) ambassador many things to which there was no reference or allusion whatever in ours, and above all because in the present state of things he (the King) considered the said Master Huyet more Your Majesty's ambassador than his own.
The substance of the King's answer, a draft of which has been shown to us, is that he (the King) takes in very good part Your Majesty's affectionate letter, as well as the kind sentiments expressed therein, to which it is his wish to correspond in every possible way; but that he begs to be excused if he does not immediately send the powers asked by Your Majesty. He could in nowise do so owing to the great importance of the affairs in question, and principally of the proposed defensive and offensive league, which requires to be clearly specified and defined, considering that the English are just now enjoying peace whilst Your Majesty is, as it were, in the midst of war, and owns, besides, vast dominions, which must be protected and defended from aggression not only on the part of a foreign enemy, but on the part of those who (the King says) are only your subjects in name. (fn. n34) Besides which, he (the King) has not by him a person sufficiently able to treat of such high matters, and, if he had, could not dispatch him with the haste required.
The draft went on to say how the King considered himself wronged by the reduction to one half of the right to the crown of Denmark, which he pretends belongs entirely and exclusively to the dowager duchess of Milan, (fn. n35) for "desirous as I am (says he) of the peace and union of all Christian princes, and having besides offered to become mediator in the dispute about Milan, it would not do for me so to meddle with the affairs of that duchy, or make any convention respecting the same from which a European war might result." (fn. n36)
At the end of the draft there was a passage stating that the King hoped that even in the event of the proposed arrangements not taking place, Your Majesty would not disapprove of anything said or done by him pending the negociations.
To the foregoing memorandum, the draft of which was shown to us [by Cromwell], our answer was that since the King looked upon Master Huyet more in the light of an Imperial ambassador than as one of his own, so might he look upon us two as if we were his own servants, and confidentially acquaint us with all the particulars of the verbal message brought by Master Huyet. Nevertheless, we said that we took in good part every thing that had been done or said, and should not fail to write home as it was the King's wish, and would do whatever else was in our power to promote the King's wishes in every way. And yet, I (Chapuys) added, both my colleague and I could not help thinking that the excuses alleged in the draft for the delay or suspension of the negociations on foot were futile enough, as we had stated the first time that we met the King's privy councillors. Our reasons then were—and are still—that the pretended inability of the bishop of Winchester (Gardiner), the putting aside of other points in order to treat exclusively of the two marriages were, in our opinion, very feeble and badly framed pretences to protract or suspend the negociations, and that Your Majesty, when informed of the whole, might easily suspect that the King had no desire to treat about the said marriages, —his own and that of the Princess, his daughter,—and that it was only owing to the rumour then current, that the Germans had also offered him other marriages, that he had seemingly stirred in the matter. (fn. n37) Indeed, it is a fact that about that time the King sent to Germany a painter (ung paintre) and one gentleman of his chamber, for the express purpose of pourtraying the personages "au naturel"; for, although Cromwell at first denied this, or at least dissembled, he afterwards owned to me (Chapuys) that the report was true, that both from France and from Germany several marriages had been proposed, and yet (said Cromwell on the occasion) "the King, my master, is not one to many without having first seen and known the princess who is to be his companion for life." (fn. n38) Believe me, the affairs we have in hand are in better train than you imagine, much better than ever they were, and, therefore, it is for you two to continue doing good offices.
We have not yet been able to ascertain what marriage alliances the Germans propose; some say that the son of the duke of Cleves for the Princess, and a kinswoman of his for the King, and that one of the two ambassadors above mentioned is soon to leave, whilst the other will wait for his return, or have news from him before he quits, (fn. n39) —London, 17 June 1538.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys and Don Diego de Mendoça."
Addressed: "To His Sacred Imperial Majesty."
French. Contemporary copy. pp. 4.
18 July. 226. Diary of Occurrences during the Emperor's and King Francis' Interview close to Nizza.
S. E., L. 3. It was considered certain for some time past that the proposed interview of our Emperor [Charles V.] and the king of France for the purpose of settling the peace between their respective kingdoms and dominions, would take place at Perpignan, owing to that town being only three leagues distant from the frontier of France, and close to the fortress of Salses, and town of Narbonne in the Roussillon. The Emperor, relying more on the activity (diligencia) generally displayed on such occasions than on the certainty of the interview taking effect, decided to go hastily (fn. n40) from Valladolid, where he was at the time, to Barcelona. Although, it was towards the end of December 1537, close upon Christmas Day, which he would have liked to spend with his Empress [Isabella of Portugal], yet he started on his journey, after ordering the marquis de Villena, (fn. n41) the duke of Najera, (fn. n42) the High Constable of Castille, (fn. n43) and the duke of Infantado (fn. n44) to get ready to accompany and serve him on that expedition. The above-said noblemen, therefore, after making great preparations, and summoning their relatives and kindred— in all which large sums of money were spent by them—left for Barcelona in January 1538. Then the Emperor wrote to them that his interview with king Francis was no longer to take place, and, therefore, that they had better return home, not without thanking them for the promptitude and readiness elicited in his service. On the receipt of which letter the Constable of Castille (Velasco), the marquis de Villena (Pacheco), and the duke del Infantado (Hurtado de Mendoza) went home, but the duke of Najera, accompanied by his brethren and uncles, and followed by the knights and menials of his own household, determined to prosecute his journey to Barcelona. On the road thither the Duke sent forward his own servant, Sancho de Villodas, at that time treasurer of Biscay, with the following message for the Emperor: "Since he, the Duke, had been invited to attend a meeting for the sake of peace, and that peace did not take effect, whence most probably war would ensue; and since it had always been the habit of his ancestors to follow kings in their wars, he begged for permission to prosecute his journey to Barcelona and kiss the Emperor's hand, for being close to the Imperial presence it behoved him to know how he could serve his lord and master in peace or in war." The Emperor was much pleased with the Duke's message, and replied to it in gracious words accepting his services.
On this occasion the infante of Portugal, Dom Luiz, (fn. n45) the Emperor's brother-in-law, arrived at Barcelona, where he was greatly grieved to hear of the death of the Infanta, his sister, duchess of Savoy. (fn. n46) The sad intelligence had come to Barcelona some days before Dom Luiz's arrival in that city; the Emperor knew of it, and had accordingly put on mourning. A fortnight afterwards, in order to console the Infante and relieve his mind, the Emperor ordered the duke of Najera to prepare a ladies' party, which gentlemen in masks might attend, so that He himself (the Emperor) and the Infante might mix unknown with the rest of the company. The Duke did as he was told, and on a certain night got together as many as 50 among the principal ladies of Barcelona, richly dressed in brocaded silks of various colours. This was easily accomplished owing to the Duke being a great favourite at Barcelona, and his having many kindred and relatives thereat. To 12 knights and courtiers, moreover, whom the Emperor was pleased to designate, blue velvet robes lined with yellow satin, hats of the same with white feathers, and masks were given. All were dressed alike, and their names were the Emperor himself, the Infante, Dom Luiz of Portugal, the duke of Najera, the duke of Albuquerque, (fn. n47) the duke de Vero (fn. n48) from Portugal, Don Francisco d'Este, brother of the duke of Ferrara (Alfonso), the admiral of Naples, Monsieur de Bossu, the Emperor's Master of the Horse, Don Pedro de la Cueva, (fn. n49) High Commander of Alcantara, Don Luis de Avila, and Monsieur de Pelu, falconete. (fn. n50) When night came, all the above named repaired to the house where the ball and masquerade were to take place, and there, in a spacious hall, each gallant conversed with the lady he preferred, or danced with her to the music of sackbuts, clarions, and other wind instruments. (fn. n51) In this manner was the greater part of the night consumed, when upwards of 40 more masks came in, all of them courtiers, who were so much engaged talking to, and dancing with, the ladies that they actually forgot the supper hour. At midnight the Emperor and the Infante, Dom Luys, went into an adjoining room and supped together at the same table. Another one was reserved for the ladies, and a third for the lords and knights, &c. So abundant was the supper, consisting of all manner of domestic and wild birds, as well as of dishes of all kinds, that the quantity of food which remained untouched was far greater than that wanted in the first instance for the entertainment.
Alter this the duke of Alburquerque prepared another feast of the same kind, which took place four days after, although it must be said that as the Duke was not so popular, nor had as many friends, as he of Najera, the ball was far from being so well attended by the Barcelonese ladies, with whom, however, the Duke and the rest of the courtiers managed to dance, talk, and chaff as well as on the former occasion. The Emperor and the Infante were also present. Frequently did it happen that the former, after talking for a while to a lady, declared to her who he was, and took off his mask that she might recognise him, and yet the lady no doubt dissembling, persisted in treating him as if he were a simple knight and she knew nothing of him.
Ten days after this the Emperor ordered the duke of Najera to prepare another entertainment, always with a view to cheer and amuse the Infante Dom Luyz. This time tilting with reed-spears and running at the ring (fn. n52) was the order of the day.
Accordingly, the Duke gave to Monsieur de Bossu, the Master of the Horse, to the Adelantado de Galicia, to Don Miguel de Velasco, to Don Luys de Avila, to Monsieur de Pelu, to the Baron de la Laguna, to Don Juan de Mendoza, to Don Juan de Bogados (Boxadors?), to Don Antonio de Ril (d'Eril), to Don Alvaro de Madrigal, and to several other gentlemen, vestments of rich yellow satin lined with white silk, and furbelows of the same, as well as harness and trappings for their horses, (fn. n53) of white satin lined with yellow taffeta, besides tufts of white silk for the top of their helmets. (fn. n54)
In this manner did several knights tilt or run at the ring. Whenever the Duke did better than his opponent he gained no jewel, as customary in such cases; but, on the other hand, if any of the other players had an advantage in every four runs over his rival, he received forthwith one of the many gold gems previously sent by the Duke to the field for that purpose.
This accounts for the entertainment to which I allude having cost the Duke so much money. After the ring, in which several knights and noblemen took part, there was a tournament, and a sham fight on horseback with swords. Both the Emperor and the Infante of Portugal (Dom Luys) attended, this latter leaving some days after for his own country.
Meanwhile, Pope Paul III. having heard that the proposed interview at Perpignan would not take place, and fearing lest by the negociation between the Emperor and the king of France remaining in suspense, still greater enmity should be engendered in the hearts of those princes—whence much .scandal and injury might ensue for Christendom—decided, as the peace-maker and good shepherd that he is, to interpose and send to each of them a legate to try and persuade them to hold an interview at Nizza (Nice), a town belonging to the duke of Savoy; His Holiness at the same time offering to be present at the conferences. Both Emperor and King, aware of Pope Paul's righteous intentions, agreed to the interview, and His Holiness, notwithstanding his old age and infirmities, as well as the length of the journey to be undertaken—Nizza being upwards of 80 leagues distant from Rome by land, and 150 miles by sea—determined to go thither and attend the interview.
Whilst its form and time were being discussed and settled the Emperor decided to visit Perpiñan (Perpignan) and Salses, which he had never seen. Thither he went through Gerona, where a fine reception was made to him, for on his arrival at the place he was conducted under an awning of richly brocaded silk to the Cathedral, where he (the Emperor) alighted and performed his devotions.
Nothing can give an idea of the richness of the altar-piece of that Cathedral, for it is all covered with plates of pure gold, studded with emeralds, rubies, and other precious stones of inestimable value. On the altar itself were many gold and silver vases, and among them a most magnificent gold cup of graceful shape, with its lid of the same material, which Charlemagne is reported to have offered to that church.
At Perpignan the Emperor was equally well received with rejoicings and carousing. After three days' stay in that town lie went to Salses, throe leagues from Perpignan, the fortifications of which he himself inspected. A short distance before him marched 3,000 well-armed men, composed of men-at-arms lancemen, and hackbutiers. On his arrival at Salses, as he passed before the garrison, the hackbutiers, by way of a salute, applied the match to their hackbuts and fired a volley. One ball came and struck a man-at-arms of the Imperil I body-guard, who was 10 or 12 paces behind the Emperor. It struck the horse on the head and the rider on the right arm. It was rumoured at the time that this was an intentional and treasonable act; but though great diligence was made in the inquiry nothing could be found out. From the fortress also a good many shots of ordnance were fired. However this may be, the Emperor failed not to inspect most carefully the defences of Salses, which is reported to be one of the strongest fortresses in all Spain.
On that very day he returned to Perpignan, where he stayed two more days, and then went back to Barcelona by way of Colibre. His suite consisted of the duke of Najera, Don Francisco d'Este, the admiral of Naples, the count of Santa Flor, the High Commander of Alcantara (Cueva), and several more noblemen and knights. Barcelona was reached one day before Carnival. The Emperor stayed there all Lent, at which time Andrea Dona, prince of Melfa (Melphi), arrived with 28 galleys. Soon after preparations were made for crossing over to Nizza, upon which the count of Benavente, (fn. n55) the duke of Alba, (fn. n56) and the count of Modica, (fn. n57) who, as above stated, had gone back home, having received orders to join the expedition, and wishing to accompany the Emperor and serve him on that journey, posted to Barcelona with their respective retinues, the Emperor being highly pleased at this.
Thursday evening, the 25th of April of this present year 1538, the Emperor sailed from Barcelona. He was accompanied by the count of Benavente, the dukes of Najera, Alba, and Alburquerque, the archbishop of Santiago, (fn. n58) the count of Modica, the admiral of Naples, the marquis de Cuellar, (fn. n59) the count of Santa Flor, (fn. n60) Don Francisco d'Este, the High Commander of Leon (Covos), the High Commander of Alcantara (Cueva), the bishop of Pamplona, and several more noblemen, all sons of dukes and marquises. The fleet (armada) consisted of 28 galleys, besides ships (naos), light frigates (escorchapines), and other smaller vessels. Next day, the 26th, the Imperial fleet anchored at Cadaques, a place belonging to the duke of Segorbe, 20 leagues from Barcelona, where His Majesty the Emperor stayed two full days waiting for some galleys that had remained behind, and also on account of the wind being contrary and the sea boisterous. Having sailed from Cadaques and the wind continuing unfavorable, the fleet had to put in to a place called Porto Ligato, (fn. n61) where the galleys again anchored for two days. Thence they went to the Gulf [of Lyons], which, as the wind was rather unfavorable, they crossed with some trouble, at times using sails, at others oars. In this manner did the Imperial fleet reach Las Pomegas (Pomègue), off Marseilles, a deserted island without water, a league; distant from that town, where they remained at anchor one day and one night. Next Sunday, the 4th of May, at sunrise, the fleet set sail again. The Emperor had ordered that 14 of the galleys should go to the coast of France, about a league off, to get provision of fresh water. Scarcely had they sailed for one hour when cannon shots were heard firing in the distance. The Emperor ordered the duke of Najera to go forward with his own galley, and ascertain what could be the cause of what seemed at first a fight at sea. The Duke quickly obeyed the Imperial commands, and, having sailed in the direction of the sound of the firing, in less than half-an-hour discovered four galleys, and close to them, amidst some rocks, six more. Though no more were seen from the top of the masts, the Duke's galley proceeded to reconnoitre. A signal was then made to the rest of the Imperial fleet to the effect that 10 strange galleys had been discovered. No one doubted at first that they were Turkish, and that perhaps also there were more of them in the neighbourhood, and therefore, it was decided to wait for the return of the 14 that had gone to obtain water. The Emperor then ordered the captains and crews of his galleys to use the utmost diligence in getting ready to fight the enemy, which was done, the whole fleet starting soon after in pursuit. Meanwhile the 10 suspicious galleys were furiously making for the coast of France; six of them, though hotly pursued by our own, succeeded in reaching a sheltered spot; the other four were captured after a short fight, with the loss of three of their men killed, one captain, and We sailors. On the surrender of which four galleys it was soon found that they were really French, and belonged to the king of France, who last year had sent them and three more under the baron of Samprancart (fn. n63) to join the Turkish fleet. It would appear, however, that whilst the said 13 galleys of France were at the Chio, (fn. n63) in winter quarters, the Grand Turk at Constantinople hearing of the truce between our Emperor and the king of France, and being very angry in consequence, sent the Baron a deceitful message, telling him to go thither with his galleys in order to receive pay and provisions. This message the Grand Turk sent with a view to capture, if possible, the Baron's galleys. The Baron, heedless of the treason that was in contemplation, went to Constantinople with only three of his galleys. No sooner had he arrived there than he himself, one of his sons, and the duke of Soma, one of the Neapolitan "fuorusciti," were sent to prison. Meanwhile the captains of the remaining 10 galleys at the Chio, having received intelligence from certain Christians of that locality of what had passed at Constantinople, set sail for Marseilles as fast as ever they could. It so happened that they came in sight of that port whilst the Emperor was in its immediate neighbourhood.
As to the six galleys which, as above said, succeeded in reaching the coast of France, the crews landed and, with the assistance of the village people, prepared for defence; but as it was not war but peace that the Emperor intended he commanded that not only should no harm be done to the crews of those six galleys, but that the other four that had been taken should be set free. This was done on the next day, immediately after the above-mentioned skirmish, and when it was known that they were in reality French galleys.
On Thursday, the 9th of May, the Emperor arrived with his fleet at Villafranca di Nizza. Passing before the latter place he was saluted with great salvos of artillery from the castle; which salute the Imperial galleys returned as was fit. On the same day, after landing, the Emperor ordered 10 galleys to go to Saona (Savona) for the Pope.
On Friday, the 17th of May, the Pope (Paul III.) arrived in front of Nizza. He had some time before sent his own son, Pier Luigi Frenesi (Farnese), to request that he might be lodged at the Castle, and the Emperor accordingly sent to ask the duke of Savoy (Carlo III.), who was inside, to comply, if possible, with His Holiness' wishes. No sooner, however, were the people of Nizza aware of the Pope's demand than they warmly protested against it, many of them shutting themselves within the Castle, along with a son of the Duke, and declaring that no king, emperor, or pope should be allowed to go inside. Then the Duke (Carlo III.) wrote to the Emperor that his own son (fn. n64) and his vassals had made themselves masters of the Castle, and, therefore, that he could no longer dispose of it in favour of His Holiness, as he might otherwise have wished. This answer was taken to the Pope by Don Lorenço Manuel; but neither His Holiness nor the Emperor was satisfied with the Duke's excuses; on the contrary, both thought it a poor subterfuge of the Duke's, who, instead of gaining any advantage or improving thereby his position, lost much ground as far as his own affairs were concerned. The people of Nizza had erected far into the sea a wooden pier for the Pope's landing, covered with verdure and very much ornamented; but as they would not give him admittance into the Castle, he declined to take lodgings within the town, or use the pier. He went to a monastery of St. Francis outside, though the cardinals and other Roman courtiers took up their quarters in the town.
Next day, the 18th, the Emperor went to Nizza to kiss the Pope's feet. He went by sea with all his fleet, accompanied by all the noblemen and knights of his court. He found the Pope in a chapel of the cloister of the above-mentioned monastery approached him most reverently, and attempted to kiss his feet. This the Pope would not allow, but embraced the Emperor and kissed him on the cheek. More than one hour was spent in conversation, after which the Emperor took leave and returned to Villafranca.
Again, two days after, on the 20th, the Emperor called on His Holiness, and they held an interview in a field between Nizza and Villafranca, under tents erected for the purpose. The Emperor went thither by land, accompanied by the nobles and knights of his Court and one division of infantry. He happened to be first on the spot, and on the Pope's arrival went forward, with head uncovered, and helped him to dismount, the Pope taking off his bonnet. Then both went together to an orchard close to the tents, where a pavilion had been erected There they sat for nearly two hours in conversation, after which each returned to his lodgings.
The duke of Najera went next day to kiss the Pope's foot, accompanied by his brothers, uncles, kinsmen, and other relatives, besides many knights attached to his person. Indeed, so numerous was the Duke's retinue that at the gate of Nizza the guard refused at first to let him enter, lest treason should be intended, all owing to the hatred and ill-will which the townspeople entertain for us Spaniards. For this reason, they had doubled the guards at the gate, and provided them with hackbuts, halbards, and spears, though in the end they allowed the Duke and his party to pass unmolested.
On the 26th of May it came to pass that on the very top of a mountain on the sea-shore, about half a league from Villafranca and not far from a watch-tower in that locality, several signals were made with what seemed to be a black flag repeatedly raised and lowered. I myself saw it quite plainly from Villafranca, and with me upwards of 2,000 men who looked in that direction. It was then said—and, indeed, everyone believed it—that the man at the watch-tower was making those signals to announce that a powerful Turkish fleet was in sight, and that whenever he raised and lowered his flag he meant thereby how many the galleys were. Indeed, I heard Don Luys de la Cueva, the captain of the Emperor's bodyguard, say, on this occasion, that the black nag had already been raised 40 times, and, therefore, that the Turkish fleet amounted at least to so many galleys. I saw him hasten, though I must say without any symptoms of alarm, to the Imperial quarters, to let the Emperor know of the fact. Meanwhile the signals at the watch-tower increased so much that no less than 100 were counted in a short space of time. All the nobles and knights in attendance ran then to the Imperial quarters; the infantry at Villafranca was soon under arms, formed close to the building where the Emperor was; Andrea Doria leaped into his captain-galley, trumpets sounded in all directions, and the whole fleet was soon in two wings, ready to put off to sea. This being done, Doria dispatched a light brigantine to reconnoitre and bring back news of the enemy's force, and how near the Turkish galleys were. Nor was this move of Doria likely to calm the alarm of the people, for being certain that Barbarossa was in command of that most powerful fleet; knowing also that for the last 10 or 12 days south-eastern winds had prevailed, and, therefore, that there was plenty of time for that corsair to have come down from Constantinople or Algiers; that king Francis, the Emperor's enemy, though not yet arrived at Nizza, was not far off with a very powerful force, and might have sent Barbarossa a message to come down, and perhaps also offered him help and assistance, no one in the Imperial Camp doubted that the Infidel's fleet was in sight. If to this be added, that the Emperor's person was insufficiently guarded, and his Italian army far away; that we were hemmed in on one side by deep water, on the other by steep and rugged mountains, it seemed to us all that there was no other thing to be done than wait for the attack of the powerful fleet that was near, and die to the last man in the Emperor's defence.
Now, as people were conversing freely on the subject and expressing to each other their mutual fears, the brigantine sent by Andrea Doria to reconnoitre what was thought to be a Turkish fleet, came hastily back, her commander having stated that the whole was a hoax, and that there was no fleet at all. As to the signals supposed to have been made by the watch-tower, the true case was that a farmer, who had a large quantity of beans in shell, was actually winnowing them. (fn. n65) Every time he threw them up into the air, it looked at a long distance off as if the man at the watch-tower was raising and lowering a black flag, and naturally enough, as the people of Villafranca were terribly afraid of the Turk, they thought the tower signals intended to apprise them and the Nizzans of the enemy's arrival, and that the strokes of the flag indicated the number of galleys of the approaching Turkish fleet. Such was the original cause of the above-described false alarm, which ended, as such things generally end, in the people laughing at their own credulity and ignorance; and yet it is for me a matter of serious thought that a mere winnowing of beans should eventually create such an alarm. (fn. n66)
On the 28th of May the king and queen of France arrived at a place of their own called Villanova, six leagues from Nizza. Thence king Francis sent the Emperor a Russian gentleman, who coming here to us with an embassy from his master had been made prisoner at sea by the Turks. King Francis had paid his ransom, and was sending him on. Along with the Russian ambassador came also a French gentleman, count of Tenda by name, with two galleys, whose mission was to visit our Emperor in Francis' name, and also introduce to his presence the liberated Russian.
June 1st.—On this day cardinal de Lorraine (Jean de Guise) and the High Constable of France (Montmorency) came to Villafranca to visit the Emperor in the name of king Francis. They came with seven galleys well fitted with pennons and flags, which were lowered the moment they came in sight of the Emperor's captain-galley. Then they made a salvo with their guns, which was quickly answered from the Imperial galleys in this port. The Emperor ordered the duke of Najera, and the archbishop of Santiago (fn. n67) and other courtiers, to go out and conduct to the Emperor's presence, which they did, the latter coming out to the door of the Hall to receive them. In fact, no French gentleman of note was that day prevented from entering the Emperor's apartments. After a most remarkable greeting and entertainment the Cardinal and High Constable went away. On this very day the duke of Alburquerque (D. Beltran de La Cueva) went in the Emperor's name to visit the queen of France (Eleanor), whilst the High Commander of Leon (Covos) went to call on the King.
June 2.—On the 2nd the Pope left his lodgings at a country house (casa de plazer), one league outside of Nizza, and rode in the direction of Villanova, where king Francis, escorted by 50 light horse and 2,000 Germans, besides several courtiers splendidly arrayed, came out to greet him and kiss his feet. Close to the king were Monsr. de Labrit (Albret), the son of king John of Navarre; two cardinals, and the High Constable of France (Montmorency). On either side of him were his two sons, the Dauphin (Henri), and the duke of Orleans (Charles), surrounded by 50 halbardiers of his royal guard. Then came 50 lancers, (fn. n68) and a large body of infantry who had remained behind. In this manner did king Francis march along the sea coast, in sight of 14 of his galleys well appointed, with their flags and pennons flying in the air. Arrived at the place where His Holiness was, the infantry fired their hackbuts, whilst the galleys fired salvos with their guns. Then king Francis kissed the Pope's foot, and the Pope embraced and kissed him on the cheek. After which he apologized for his delay, which he attributed entirety to the bad state of his health, and to the necessity of bringing his Queen with him. Then a Frenchman of his suite made a speech in Latin, in which he declared his master's will and full intention to secure peace at any cost, and obey in this, as well as in other matters, His Holiness' commands. All this time king Francis was standing cap in hand until His Holiness having ordered chairs told him to sit down, which he declined to do, though with great reverence. At last, on the Pope insisting, he actually sat down. The conference lasted upwards of two hours, after which they took leave of each other, the Pope to go to Nizza and king Francis to return to Villanova.
June 3.—On the following day, the 3rd of June, the Emperor went to visit the Pope at a house between Nizza and Villafranca. He went by sea with all his galleys, and 2,000 men as his escort following along the coast: a very fine set of men, well appointed and gallantly accoutred. On the other hand, several French gentlemen were also on the sea-side hoping to catch a glimpse of the Emperor, on his landing opposite the place appointed for the conference. This desire of getting sight of our master had already been satisfied by most of Francis' courtiers, for ever since his arrival at Villafranca several cardinals, titled noblemen, knights, and courtiers of every denomination and description had been backwards and forwards to visit the Imperial camp, where they were splendidly entertained, whilst our own had frequently gone also to king Francis' residence for the same purpose.
This very day, the 3rd of June, during the conference of Pope and Emperor, which lasted upwards of three hours, the count of Benavente (fn. n69) and the duke of Najera, my master, went to Nizza, whose inhabitants—at least the low rabble— had risen in arms against the few Spaniards who happened then to be in the town. A lacquey of the Emperor had been badly wounded on the preceding day, and several other Spaniards had been slain. The Count and the Duke, after taking a stroll through the streets, returned home. It was afterwards stated that when the Emperor received information respecting the row, he was told that the intention of the Nizzans had been to get rid anyhow of the above-mentioned noblemen, the count of Benavente and duke of Najera.
Among the Italian noblemen who came to Villafranca to kiss the Emperor's, hands, I must mention the duke of Savoy (Carlo III.), the duke of Mantua (Frederico Gonzaga), the duke of Lorraine, the marquis del Gasto, the prince of Bisiniano (Bisignano), that of Sulmona, one son of the duke of Urbino, the marquis de Saluzes (Saluzzo), count Maximiniano, and several other lords.
On the 8th, the queen of France and the wife of the Dauphin (Caterina de' Medici) (fn. n70) came to Nizza to kiss the Pope's feet. They brought in their suite upwards of 50 ladies riding on palfreys richly caparisoned, and having most, if not all, trappings of gold tissue and brocaded silk. The Queen dismounted at the monastery of St. Francis, where the Pope then was, and after kissing His Holiness' feet—the Dauphin's wife doing the same, both sat down in chairs destined for the purpose, queen Eleanor close to the Pope, her sister-in-law (Caterina) and the rest of the ladies at a short distance behind. Nothing could be more agreeable than the Pope's reception of the Queen and Princess, who, after a visit of two hours, returned to Villanova, whence they had come.
June 9.—On the 9th the Emperor held another conference with the Pope at the above-mentioned house.
June 11.—On the 11th, the last day of Whitsuntide, (fn. n71) the queen of France (Eleanor) came to Villafranca to visit her brother, the Emperor. There came with her Mme. Margaret, (fn. n72) daughter of the King, her husband [Henri d'Albret], the wife of the Dauphin (Henri), and upwards of 40 ladies of their respective households, among whom was the duchess of Etampes (with whom it was rumoured that king Francis was then perhaps more in love than suited an honest marital life). All came by water in 16 galleys, escorted by cardinal de Lorraine, the Grand Master of France, Montmorency, and several other noblemen and knights. By the Emperor's command the duke of Najera (D. Antonio), the count of Benavente (D. Antonio Alonso Pimentel), and the archbishop of Santiago (Sarmiento), went out a good distance with all the galleys to receive her. At the meeting both fleets fired salvos with their artillery, and then the Count, the Duke, and the Archbishop jumped into a, boat, approached the Queen's galley, and went up to pay their respects to her. They were very well received, the Queen herself showing by her countenance how pleased she was with their visit. At Villafranca the Emperor went out to receive his sister on a bridge or pier, 30 fathoms long, entirely built of timber, which the Emperor had caused to be erected purposely for her landing. The ladies of the royal suite were the first to land, the Emperor, cap in hand, greeting them as they placed their feet on the pier. He was on the pier embracing his sister, when all of a sudden, owing to the great pressure and weight of the many people who had flocked thither to see the Queen, the whole structure gave way and all were precipitated into the sea. The Emperor and his sister fell like the rest; but were almost immediately helped out. Several ladies also fell in, and those who did not caught hold of the gentlemen close by, much preferring, no doubt, to fall into the arms of a cavalier to being immersed in the sea-water. Neither Mme. Margaret nor the Dauphin's wife fell, owing to their being on that part of the pier which did not give way. Some of the gentlemen had water up to their waists, whilst others had almost to swim for their lives. It pleased God, however, that no harm was done, save that some ladies' nerves were a little shaken; indeed, some of them were so frightened that in coining out of the water fear and consternation were visible on their countenances, as if they had had but a narrow escape from death. In short, both ladies and gentlemen had a good deal to say to each other after that.
On this occasion queen Eleonor wore a black velvet robe, with a border in front of gold wire and quills of the same. She wore besides some triangles of pure gold, embossed with pearls and piecious stones; a sash or waist band (cinturor) of wrought gold with two rows of big pearls, and a little lower down another sash or girdle from which hung a cross made of seven very large diamonds. On the neck a small necklace of rich precious stones. The head-gear in the French fashion, with precious stones of great size and value. (fn. n73)
Mme. Margaret, (fn. n74) the King's daughter, wore a robe of brocaded silk over gold tissue; on the neck and head very large diamonds and other precious stones of great value. She is far from being good-looking, and considers herself much flattered if anyone hints to her that she is to be one of these days the wife of the prince of Spain (Philip).
Neither is the Dauphin's wife much to be praised for her beauty, though she is stout. (fn. n75) She wore a robe of brocaded silk, and on the neck a collar of many fine gems.
The duchess of Tampa (Etampes) (fn. n76) was dressed in white brocaded silk, on a ground of silver wire with a slight greyish hue. The front or apron as well as the sleeves were of gold and silver wire, of the same material which our ladies in Spain make their neckcloths and nets. The neckcloth was indeed very rich; not so the head-gear. She is well made and pretty looking. She, like the others of her class, goes about with her breasts uncovered, and the small collar (collarejos) from shoulder to shoulder. They are by no means so modest as our women, and use no artificial colouring. (fn. n77)
To all these ladies of the French court much attention was paid, refreshments of all sorts being abundantly provided for them as long as they were at Villafranca. When the Queen, Mme. Margaret, the wife of the Dauphin, and the rest of the ladies, to all of whom our Emperor gave proofs of how pleased he had been with their visit, had taken leave, they returned with their galleys to Villanova. And now it is well worthy of remark that king Francis being then, as he really was, our Emperor's sworn enemy, and speaking disparagingly of him on every occasion, should yet rely to the utmost on his honour by placing, as it were, in his hands, his own wife, his daughter, and his son's wife (nuera), with their respective suite of ladies, not to mention the immense treasure of jewels and precious stones, without saying anything of the cardinal of Lorraine, and the Grand Master of France (Montmorency), his favourites and ministers, besides so many galleys. To abuse the Emperor in words and yet trust him implicitly and rely on his honour, is certainly remarkable behaviour on the part of king Francis, and one which cannot be explained otherwise than by supposing that though his words are in open contradiction with his deeds, yet he is so convinced of the Emperor's natural virtues and benevolent disposition that lie relies on him as confidently as he would on himself.
June 12—On the 12th of June king Francis held another conference with the Pope, at the same place where they had met at first.
June 14.—On the 14th the duke of Najera, the count of Benavente, and the admiral of Naples, with a suite of upwards of 400 knights, all superbly dressed, went in four galleys to kiss the hand of Queen (Eleanor). The Duke was on that day dressed in a mauve-coloured velvet vest, tight to the body, bordered up and down by a wide fringe of pearls, and having sleeves embroidered with gold-lace worked into beautiful patterns four inches wide. The vest itself with many slashes or cuts richly inlaid with gold and precious sstones, and on his cap a jewel of very big diamonds. (fn. n78)
On their landing, about half a league from Villanova, the Queen sent 20 knights to receive them. A handsomely-caparisoned mule was offered for the Duke to ride, but as he had beforehand sent his own horses by land he declined, and passed it to the Count [of Benavente]. At Villanova the Duke and his companions were received by the King's knights, and by the archers of the Royal body-guard, well appointed and dressed, drawn up in a line. The Queen, Madame Margaret, the Dauphin's wife, and Mme. d'Alancon, (fn. n79) king Francis' sister, married to prince Labrit, (Henri d'Albret), were in a large hall, accompanied by many ladies of their respective suites. On the Duke and the others entering the hall all the ladies got up, and remained upwards of two hours conversing with them without taking their seats. The Queen herself stood all that time in pleasant and amiable conversation with the gentlemen and ladies who accompanied them. After partaking of a repast (colacion) that had been prepared for them, all the company went to the King's apartments, the Queen having taken the Duke's arm. Arrived at a hall entirely hung with rich tapestry, and where there was a rich canopy (dosel) of black velvet strewn with fleur-de-lis of gold, they waited a few minutes, and then the King came out of his private rooms accompanied by the Dauphin and the duke of Orleans, his sons, and followed by cardinal Lorraine, Don Enrique de Labrit (Henri d'Albret), and the Grand Master of France (Montmorency). The Duke desired to kiss the King's hand; but this he would not allow, receiving him most cordially and in the best possible spirits, and standing for upwards of one hour in close conversation with him and his colleagues.
A Navarrese gentleman, named Anton Darizcon, (fn. n80) who had long been a servant of Don Juan Manrique de Lara, brother of the duke of Najera [D. Antonio], was one of those who were present at this interview of Nizza. He was then and there acknowledged to be the brother of prince Henri de Labrit (Albret), inasmuch as it was legally proved by reliable testimony that he was the son, though illegitimate, of king John of Navarre. (fn. n81) He was then five and thirty years old, well made, brave, and of courtly manners. On the 14th of June the duke of Najera [D. Antonio] took him with him and introduced him to his brother, the Prince, who was very much pleased and heartily thanked the Duke for the introduction. The Duke next took him to kiss the King's hand, by whom he was well received, cap in hand. From that moment Mr. Darizcon changed his name, and took that of Antoine de la Brit (Albret). Some years before he had contracted matrimony in Najera with the sister of an hidalgo, of the name of Gil Garcia de Gauna; but when recognised, as above said, he concealed that circumstance, and settled at the court of France.
During this time the Pope was doing his utmost to make our Emperor and king Francis friends. The plenipotentiaries on the part of our master were the High Commander of Leon (Francisco de los Covos) and Mosiur de Granvela (Nicolas Perrenot); those of the French king were cardinal de Lorraine (Jean de Guise), and the Grand Constable of France (Anne de Montmorency). They met several times in the presence of the Pope. Now and then it happened that the plenipotentiaries parted with each other in disgust, not having been able to agree as to the terms of the peace; but the Pope insisted on their meeting again and again, though it must be said that notwithstanding pope Paul's strenuous efforts nothing substantial was accomplished, save perhaps a truce of 10 years, each of the parties remaining till then in possession of what was his own.
June 19.—On the 19th of June the queen of France, with Mme. Margaret and the Dauphin's wife, landed again at Villa- franca to visit the Emperor. They came in six galleys with a large retinue of ladies in waiting, who, having taken the arm of the Spanish cavaliers, walked towards the Imperial Palace. The Queen was between the cardinal of Lorraine (Jean de Guise) and the Grand Master of France (Montmorency); the count of Benavente gave his arm to Mme. Margaret, and the duke of Alba to the Dauphin's wife (Caterina de Medici). The Emperor being that day indisposed did not come out to receive his sister, but stood at the door of his own apartments. Queen Eleanor remained with him all that night, and supped with the Cardinal and the Grand Master at the same table. Mme. Margaret and the Dauphin's wife returned the same night to Villanova in the King's galleys, with part of the ladies. Those who remained in Villafranca passed their time dancing with the Spanish cavaliers till midnight.
Next day, Corpus Christi Day, the Queen stayed at Villafranca until after dinner, the duke of Najera having previously entertained at his own lodgings a number of ladies and gentlemen of the French Court. The dinner, which consisted of many dishes, was entirely served by Spanish gentlemen; there was music both vocal and instrumental, and after dinner a dance, in which Spaniards and French ladies joined. On that very day the Emperor sent by Don Luys Davila to the Dauphin's wife and to Mme. Margaret presents valued at 60,000 ducats.
The truce having been signed on Corpus Christi Day, the 20th of June, the Pope left for Rome. The Emperor would have wished to accompany His Holiness to Saona (Savona), but something prevented his going as far as that city, and he took instead the land route to Genoa, where both Pope and Emperor made their public entry on Saturday, the 22nd of June. For upwards of one hour the artillery in the city and that of the galleon and ships in the harbour kept firing salutes. Twice did His Holiness visit the Emperor in Genoa, the Emperor returning his visits on St. Peter's Day. The day after, in the morning, the Pope left for Rome in the galleys (fn. n82) of Andrea Doria, which returned to Genoa three days after, having landed him at a place eight days' march from that capital. (fn. n83)
At Genoa are kept the bones, or rather the dust, of the glorious St. John the Baptist, in a magnificent chapel of its cathedral. On the festival of that saint, I saw, among other most precious relics, a sallow coloured dish made of glass encircled with gold, a most valuable piece. (fn. n84) It is held in great reverence by all the Genoese, as they say it is the very dish on which Herodias received the head of the Baptist saint.
In the same cathedral church, called "El Domo" (II Duomo), on the eve of St. Paul the apostle, I saw also the holy Greal, (fn. n85) which the Genoese call il sacratissimo cattino, owing to their having ascertained that it is the very same dish in which Jesus Christ, our Saviour, ate on Thursday his last supper with his disciples. It is kept under lock and keys, of which there are no less than 12, one for each of certain officials of the Signory, without whose concurrence it cannot possibly be opened. It is shown with great ceremony and respect, after the publication of bands to this effect, that no one is to bring to the chapel where it is kept weapons or stones by which it may be injured. It is, in fact, a large and deep dish of sexangular form, made of one matchless emerald, and so valuable that even if it were not, as it really is, a most precious relic, the dish itself would be so valuable that I do really believe no crowned prince in the whole Christian community, however rich, would have enough money to pay its price. Indeed, I heard Don Sancho de Leyva say that at the sack of Genoa this dish I speak of came accidentally into the possession of the marquis de Pescara, and that, not daring to keep it by him. he returned it forthwith to the church from which it had been taken.
At Genoa I saw a man going about the streets who could not walk like other people, but went on dancing and jumping. Having inquired into the reason, I was told that many years ago, in Lombardy, whilst the Sacrament of the Extreme Unction was being taken to a dying man, there were in an adjoining street several young men dancing and carousing, who, though they did see our Saviour pass by, never ceased in their amusement, but took no heed nor made any reverence. Since then, it is averred, those men were never able to walk like other people, but could only dance and jump, their sons and descendants having since inherited the same infirmity. The man I saw belonged to that set, for, wishing to ascertain whether the thing was really true or not, I investigated the matter and asked several citizens worthy of trust, every one of whom positively assured me that it was so, and that the thing bad happened exactly as related to me. This propensity to dance lasts with the patients the whole of the day from sunrise to sunset; for the remaining hours they are at rest. Oh res mirabilis
July 4.—On the 4th of July the Emperor left for Spain. It took the fleet 10 days to reach Nizza, the weather being foul and the sea boisterous. Some distance from that port is the castle of Monaco, close to the sea, on the Imperial fleet passing which at midnight salvos of artillery, 200 shots in succession, were fired. It was a fine sight to watch the blaze of the guns, for as it was then dark, whenever a gun was fired the whole castle seemed illuminated as if in a blaze. Our captain-galley answered the salute.
In front of Nizza the duke of Savoy (Carlo III.) came out in a light frigate to kiss the Emperors hands, and likewise when the Imperial fleet reached the Saint Onorato islands, a French galley, in which rode an ambassador from king Francis, approached. After lowering the royal standard and flags the ambassador got into a small boat, and was rowed to the Imperial galley. There he delivered his message, which was thus worded:—"If the Emperor wishes for peace in Christendom, let him meet me in Aguas Muertas (Aigues Mortes), where I will wait for him; no third person is needed." The Emperor replied to the ambassador:—"Tell your master, the king of France, that I shall not pass Aigues Mortes without seeing him," and the ambassador went away. The governor of the islands sent the Emperor a present of fruit of all kinds, and came himself to offer in his master's name all the castles and fortified towns under him. The Emperor thanked him for it, and said that as he himself was shortly to meet king Francis he would not fail to commend his services to him.
July 23.—On Saturday morning, the 23rd of July, the Emperor arrived in sight of Marseille, when 21 galleys of the king of France's came out to meet him. When these neared the captain galley, in which the Emperor was, all the French lowered their standards and flags with the single exception of their captain galley, which kept its standard hoisted. So numerous and frequent were the salvos of artillery which both fleets then fired in honor of each other, and so dense the smoke produced, that one galley could not see her neighbour. Then the count of Tenda (fn. n86) and several other French gentlemen left their captain galley and went to that of the Emperor to offer him Marseille and the whole of the surrounding territory, (fn. n87) after which both fleets joining together, made towards the port. About half a league from it is a very strong castle, built in the centre of a small island for the defence of the harbour. From this castle and from another on the city side many salvos were made, as well as from Marseille itself. In fact, the salvos of artillery both from the city and from the forts were quite imposing. (fn. n88) Until sunset the Imperial fleet anchored between the castle I mentioned at first and an island close by, many nobles and gentlemen going in boats to see the town, where they were well received.
It was close upon night when the Imperial fleet raised anchors and began to sail towards Aigues Mortes, where king Francis was expecting the Emperor. That night the wind was fair, though the navigation, on account of the swell, was rather a troublesome one, not to say anything of the accident to the Emperor's galley, which will be mentioned hereafter.
That part of the coast of France is particularly shallow, and big ships must keep far at sea for fear of stranding; so much so that during the fog that prevailed all that night and four or five hours of the ensuing morning several Imperial galleys were on the point of going on shore, The Emperor himself was perhaps in greater danger than at any other time of his life, owing to that fog. So dense was it that the men of. one galley could not see the other at a short distance off. Each individual galley, therefore, had to go her way separately, in doing which there was a double danger, for if the men saw the land close by they might make at once for it, and perhaps fall in the midst of breakers or stick in the sand. The other was, that being so numerous (upwards of 50, counting the French), and not seeing each other owing to the fog, the galleys might accidentally dash against one another without being able to prevent it, since all were sailing at the time under full canvas and with fair wind. And so it happened, for at sunrise of Sunday, the fog being still thick, the Emperor's galley got on shore and stuck in the sand in very shallow water, without being able to move forwards or backwards. Another galley which followed closely, and in which was the count of Modica, (fn. n89) being unable to stop her course or deviate from it, owing to the impetus she had under full canvas, dashed against that of the Emperor, and, hitting her rudder, broke it to pieces, as well as one of the benches athwart. So great was the impulse and so strong the blow, that those who, like me, heard the sound and saw the damage done, thought at first that the Imperial galley would split and sink in consequence. Possibly the Emperor at that moment contemplated the shortcomings of humanity, and what little hold man has over the sea and the elements. Meanwhile the Imperial galley fired three shots in succession in demand of help; but the rest of the fleet was so scattered, that out of 30 of ours, two more which D. Bernardino de Mendoza had brought from La Goleta to Villafranca, and 21 French—altogether 54 galleys—only five were near enough to be able to render assistance. The first thing done was to bring on deck chests and heavy luggage of all sorts ready to be thrown into the sea so as to lighten the galley. The very first to help was that of the duke of Najera, who seeing his lord and master in such plight, and moved to pity, ordered at once to lower sails and approach under oars that of the Emperor. Then having had the boats of both lowered and the stranded galley strongly secured with big ropes or cables, the crews were ordered to pull the two ends of the cable, which they did so effectually, that at the third pull the galley floated and got free. All those who were in the Duke's galley at the time considered themselves happy to have been on board of her at such a moment, and heartily thanked the Duke for it. I need scarcely add that the Emperor also thanked the Duke, my master, for the promptitude and zeal displayed on that occasion.
July 14.—On Sunday, the 14th of July, the Imperial fleet arrived at Aguas Muertas, and cast anchor about one league off. Then came the Grand Master of France (Montmorency) to visit the Emperor in king Francis' name, which being done he returned to Aguas Muertas. One hour after the King himself, with the Dauphin (Henri) and the duke of Orleans (Charles), besides a retinue of knights and gentlemen of their respective chambers, came along the Imperial galley in 10 or 12 barges, without any previous arrangement having been made as to where and how the interview was to take place. The Imperial fleet, however, on seeing the King leave the shore, saluted him in the most beautiful manner with several rounds of ordnance. Francis then approached the Imperial galley, and the Emperor having helped him in, they embraced each other and conversed for some time in the best possible harmony. Prince Doria also came forward to kiss the hand of Francis, who embraced him and called him friend. After remaining with the Emperor till the afternoon of that day, seemingly with great pleasure on both sides, king Francis returned to the village of Aigues Mortes, and the Emperor remained on board.
Next day, Monday, the Emperor went on shore to dine with king Francis. He gave orders that all the noblemen and courtiers should follow him thither, each attended by four knights only, no other one being allowed to land from the galleys under pain of death. This was a precaution on the part of the Emperor for fear king Francis should think (if he took a numerous escort with him) that he mistrusted him in any way, or that he placed greater trust in his own escort than in the King's honor and hospitality. King Francis seemed very glad at the Emperor returning his visit. Not only did he and his Queen walk to the gate of the village whereat the Emperor lauded, but on seeing him at a distance he ran towards him and received him in his arms. So long were they thus embraced that Queen (Leonor), thinking that the embracing lasted too long, approached and put her arms round them both. When at the palace they entered a long and spacious hall covered with hangings of silk and gold. The roof of the house was of mauve velvet and satin sprinkled with fleur-de-lis of gold. There was, besides, a superb canopy, made of brocaded silk richly embroidered with gold and pearls. The Emperor, the King, and Queen dined together at the same table, the Dauphin's wife and Me Marguerite at another. The latter served to the Emperor the towel for the water basin. This his Imperial Majesty would not take, but wiped his hands on the table-cloth, not, however, without making the lady a most gracious acknowledgment. (fn. n90) Meanwhile the Dauphin and the duke of Orleans sent for the dukes of Najera, Alba, and Alburquerque, as well as for count Benavente and other lords of the Emperor's household, and took them to dine with them. The dinner was over just in time for the Dauphin's wife (Caterina de' Medici) to go and serve the towel to the Emperor, which she did with one knee on the ground, and with as much reverence and respect as if she had been a chief waiter. (fn. n91) Again did the Emperor decline to receive the cloth, and wiped his hand with the table-cloth, as he had done at the beginning of the dinner; and though he thanked the Dauphin for his wife's courtesy, yet he did this with a certain air of displeasure, meaning that he considered it a dishonor for him to be served by so high a lady. (fn. n92) It was certainly a grand sight to witness the magnificent display made on this occasion by king Francis, for the sideboards in the banqueting hall were literally covered with large dishes, ewers, and all manner of vessels of gold and silver exquisitely wrought; many other chambers, and especially the one destined for the Emperor, were hung with the richest tapestry of silk and gold, the curtains, canopied arm chairs, &c., being made of the same material. As to queen (Eleanor), the Emperor's sister, her joy was so great that it seemed to absorve any other sentiment. (fn. n93) Nothing could be prettier to look at than the feasting and dancing of the ladies. The Queen chose the duke of Najera for her partner, having sent for him when he was in the midst of a group of ladies. Indeed, she seemed to distinguish him among the rest of the company, not only as regards the favor she then granted him, but also, when the dance was over, by sending his duchess, Doña Luysa de Acuña, a most magnificent present, consisting of several pieces of gold and silver tissue, besides several jewels.
After the ball the Emperor retired to his chamber, where he was soon after visited by king Francis, who thanked him in the warmest possible terms for the proof of esteem and friendship he had just given him in trusting his person into his hands. He then promised not only to keep the truce most faithfully, but to be as long as he lived the Emperor's friend and ally, and recommend his sons and successors to do the same. Should Barbarroxa or other infidels appear on the coast of France, on the Mediterranean side, he would certainly employ all his maritime power to destroy them, and send them on as prisoners to him. In aid of the undertaking and conquest of Constantinople, which had been fixed for next year, king Francis voluntarily offered 30 of his own galleys abundantly provided with everything, well armed and carrying good ordnance on board, besides, if thought requisite, his own person. In proof of which, and as a pledge for the sincerity of his words, king Francis took out a fine diamond ring he wore at the time, and put it on the Emperor's finger, adding: "Should I through my own fault fail in any of the things I have just promised you, let God destroy me, and do away both with my honor and life."
After these words king Francis retired to his own apartment, where in an adjoining hall he happened to find the cardinal of Lorraine and the Grand Master of France (Montmorency) busily engaged in conversation on the politics of the day. King Francis addressed them in ill humour, saying: "I will not allow such conversations; as long as the Emperor is under my roof no other business should be done save that of attending to his pleasure and comfort. There will be plenty of time hereafter to discuss such subjects. After all, things must be settled to the Emperor's liking, not otherwise."
That king Francis was then sincere in his professions, and intended to fulfil his promise with regard to the Turkish war, cannot be doubted, for there seems to have been at this time some warm contention between the Dauphin (Henri) and the duke of Orleans (Charles) as to which of the two was to take the command of the expedition to Constantinople in case the King himself could not personally go. (fn. n94)
In short, the esteem and friendship which these two mighty princes showed towards each other on this occasion was much greater comparatively than the mutual enmity and hatred of former times. Frenchmen, never ceased praising God for the conformity of ideas which then seemed to prevail between our Emperor and king Francis. Indeed, it was considered certain that it was the Almighty who brought about this interview by which so desirable a peace will finally be obtained through the most glorious journey ever undertaken by a Christian prince. That is, supposing the words of the king of France to be substantially true, and to have, as people generally believe, no other meaning.
The count of Benavente had in his suite a buffoon (hombre gracioso) named Perico, who once said to king Francis : "King, I know very well that the Emperor holds as certain all you have said to him, fully believes you, and is satisfied. I wish I myself could be so; but I am not. What security can you give me ?" The King's answer was: "Should I not fulfil my promise, let God make of thee such a valiant man that you may call me out in duel and kill me."
The Emperor talking one day with the Dauphin, said to him : "For God's sake let not you and my son (Philip) be such fools as your father and I have been."
With such jests and rejoicings that day and the following passed until the afternoon, when the Emperor returned to his own galley accompanied by king Francis, his two sons, and several French noblemen and knights. Already on deck, and before parting from the Emperor, king Francis said to him: "I must go once more to Spain to visit you and the best cities in the Peninsula." To which the Emperor replied : "I also intend, whenever I am bound for Flanders, to go through Paris, and traverse the whole of France," which saying was no small flattery for king Francis.
With these and other courteous offers the two princes parted, the King insisting on his 21 galleys accompanying the Emperor as far as Barcelona, though the latter did not accept the offer, and sailed off. That night upwards of 30 miles were made with a fair wind; but suddenly the weather changed and became foul; the sea rose so high that on the next Wednesday the galleys had to go back to the same place whence they had started. King Francis had already left Aigues Mortes, but Queen (Eleanor) and Mme. Margaret being still there, went to visit the Emperor in his galley, and had another treat. (fn. n95) On that very day queen Eleanor went to join her husband the King.
On Thursday the Emperor again sailed from Aigues Mortes with fair wind; on Friday morning Colibre, in Spain, was sighted, and with the help of Jesus Christ and his glorious Mother, we all landed at Barcelona, Saturday, the 20th of July 1538, at 10 o'clock of the night. And on this very day I, Pedro de Gante, secretary of Don Antonio Manrique de Lara, duke of Najera, count of Treviño, knight of the Golden Fleece, closed this diary of the events at Nizza in the summer of 1538.
Spanish. Original. pp. 16.
13 July. 227. The Emperor to the Empress.
S. E., L. 42,
ff. 27-28.
On the 20th ult., Corpus Christi Day, We wrote by Don Alonso Manrique, advising the prorogation of the truce lately concluded between Us and the king of France, as well as other particulars. On the evening of that day We embarked on board the fleet, intending to accompany and escort His Holiness as far as Saona (Savona), and try whether at sea an opportunity would offer itself for treating on the three capital points, namely, the Faith, the General Council, and the repulsion of the Turk. After talking about all and every one of these topics, and discussing them more leisurely at a place on the coast, where We landed for the purpose of being alone and undisturbed, no agreement was come to, nor could We in so short a time make the Pope take a resolution one way or other. We, therefore, decided to accompany His Holiness as far as Genoa, a distance of 30 miles, where We anchored on Saturday, the 22nd of the said month. Having again conferred with His Holiness on the above three points, and made the agreement, of which more will be said hereafter, pope Paul left on Monday for Rome, with 15 of Our galleys. They took him along the coast and beyond the mountains, and landed him at a place in the Signory of Lucca, (fn. n96) whence he intended going by land to Rome. We Ourselves remained here waiting for the return of the galleys which had gone with the Pope; they came back on Wednesday, and on the following Thursday We set sail again.
With regard to matters of Faith it was at once agreed and concerted that the Council should be prorogued; not, however, longer than Lent of next year, for fear some of the milder Separatists should find cause to despair altogether of the remedy, or the more violent make it a pretence to persevere in their shameful conduct, and try and induce others to join in their errors. His Holiness would send to Germany one of his cardinals to concert with Our brother, the king of the Romans (Ferdinand), the best means of preventing those evils and bringing about the meeting of the Council. Our ambassador at Rome (marquis de Aguilar) has been instructed to solicit from His Holiness the speedy accomplishment of these resolutions.
With respect to the provisioning and arming of the fleet of the League, according to the treaty lately made and ratified, it was agreed to employ the utmost diligence and activity in so doing. Accordingly, some days previous to Our embarkation at Genoa, no less than 13 or 15 transport-ships, having on board 2,000 Italians levied for the purpose, besides the Spanish infantry that was at Villafranca for Our own guard, left for Sicily and Naples. At the same time the galleys that His Holiness was arming at Venice had already left for Ancona thence to go to Messina, where the forces of the confederates are to collect.
It was not decided at Our meeting with His Holiness on which side and how the Turk is to be attacked, because, although the Venetians have frequently been urged by the Pope and by Ourselves to send in their powers and mandate to that effect, and to declare which seems to them the best means for destroying and annihilating the Infidel, yet no such declaration had come in before Our departure from Genoa. According as the answer of the Venetians may be, an agreement shall be made with His Holiness, and in the meantime the marquis de Aguilar (fn. n97) has been instructed to solicit and procure whatever may be deemed most fit.
As you may have seen by the copy of the treaty of truce between Us and the king of France, one of the articles prescribes that each of the contracting parties shall during the truce send ministers to Rome for the purpose of treating of the peace. To this end, as it appears, king Francis is now sending cardinal Turnū (Tournon). (fn. n98) We have instructed the marquis de Aguilar to meet the French minister with the very same words, and should any advance be made to let Us know at once that We may forward to him fresh instructions.
It was agreed with His Holiness that no action of any sort should be undertaken against the duke of Urbino (Francesco Maria della Rovere), or the duke of Camarino (Guidobaldo), his son, for their past doings, or on account of claims His Holiness has or may have; nor against the duke of Ferrara (Ercole il d'Este). His Holiness promised as much, declaring that if he ever was compelled to take action against any of them, he would never begin it before letting Us know and waiting for Our answer.
We also asked him for the Cardinal's hat he had promised to Us before this, in favor of the most Illustrious Infante Don Enrique, our brother. (fn. n99) This is a matter about which His Holiness makes great difficulties, alleging that there never was a case of two brothers being made cardinals. (fn. n100) Then We asked him to grant Us five more hats, and We named the archbishop of Santiago, (fn. n101) who remains in Italy for that purpose; the bishop of Burgos, (fn. n102) he of Cordova, (fn. n103) he of Geneva, (fn. n104) and one of the Colonna family; and, although His Holiness did not then give his formal consent, yet We are in hopes that between this day and the end of this year he will grant Our request, the marquis de Aguilar having been instructed to solicit the declaration of their names, as soon as possible, and that of the Infante (Dom Enrique) before the rest. Though the parties concerned have been apprised of the fact no publicity has yet been given to the affair, for fear some unforeseen impediment should supervene.
With regard to the marriage of the dowager duchess of Florence with Octavio Farnese, His Holiness' grandson, there had been formerly some talk of it; fresh negociations are now on foot, and the marquis de Aguilar has Our full power to have it carried into effect, and the matrimonial settlements made out at once.
The above are the affairs of which His Holiness and We have treated. We have put them down in writing that you may fully understand how Our present relations with him stand, and know also that We both parted in a friendly spirit and on the best possible terms.
When the most Christian queen of France, our sister, came last to visit Us at Villafranca, after the signing of the truce, she begged and entreated Us to have another private conference with the King, her husband, declaring that the latter wished it above all things; and We, considering that this might perhaps lead to a consolidated peace, did not refuse the appointment. After that Our said sister sent a gentleman to Genoa to remind Us of Our promise, and king Francis sent through viscount Hannaërt to his ambassador there [at Genoa] a similar message, begging We would be pleased to fix the day and place of the meeting. It was then agreed that in prosecuting Our voyage to Spain We should touch at Las Pomegas (Pomègues) of Marseille, where the King would be waiting for Us. We accordingly left Genoa on the appointed day, and at times with moderate breezes or none at all, at other times with contrary winds. (fn. n105) In this way, by tacking and occasionally taking shelter in the bays and creeks of that coast, the fleet anchored on Monday, the 8th instant, in sight of the island of Santa Margarita, on the coast of France. We there found one of the King's galleys, on board of which were Mossiur de Velly, the French ambassador, accompanied by Our own residing in France (Hannaërt), both of whom announced to Us that the King had suddenly been obliged to quit Marseille, as, owing, as they said, to the very rough passage encountered in coming from Nizza, and to the bad air of Marseille, the health of the King, that of the Queen, and principally that of his sons and of almost all the courtiers, had been so shaken that he could not possibly wait for Us. The French ambassador went on explaining the motives of the King's absence, and ended by requesting Us in his name that since the navigation from Marseille to Barcelona was easier and safer We would consent to go to Aigues Mortes in Roussillon—a distance of 60 miles—and thence sail along the coast of Catalonia to Barcelona. He (king Francis) had already started in the direction of that place, and would be there to receive Us, having already sent thither his Grand Constable and High Chamberlain to provide and procure all things for our stay there. "The King, my master (added Mr. de Velly), wishes very much for such an interview, and would be glad to make a step forward to ensure peace." This the ambassador said with great show of good-will and all manner of offers, saying, among other things, that should We wish to enter Marseille the keys of the city should be put into Our hands, and We Ourselves should be obeyed as much ns the King was, as Our ambassador at the court of France, there present, was ready to testify. Velly ended his speech by saying that his master's bad health had been the only cause of his not waiting for Us at Marseille as preconcerted.
Not to make it appear that We refused the King's request, or rejected his overtures, and, on the other hand, wishing to be agreeable to the Queen, Our sister, who seemed to desire it most particularly, We decided to follow that route and touch at Aigues Mortes. The two ambassadors, Our's and king Francis', went back, and We accordingly prosecuted Our voyage, and next day sighted the islands of Ras (Rhe), where, the winds becoming contrary, We anchored until the navigation could be resumed. To-day We have reached Las Pomegas (Pomègues), whence We have dispatched the Adelantado, or frontier-captain of Galicia, (fn. n106) that you may be apprized of Our intended voyage to Aguas Muertas (Aigues Mortes), and the cause of it. Thither We will sail as soon as We hear of king Francis being already in that locality, for he can go thither in less than half a day. At Aguas Muertas We intend spending one day, or two at the most, and then will prosecute Our journey, of which the greatest part will then be over. Thus We hope to be at Barcelona at the same time as the Adelantado, or shortly after, and after two or three days to take rest and provide horses and all necessaries for travelling, We will go thither (to Valladolid) (fn. n107) as quickly as possible.
Up to the day We left Genoa the news of the Turk was that Barbarossa had already sailed from Constantinople with the greater part of his fleet; the remainder was to follow. With these, joined to those the Turk may be able to arm in the course of this present year — in all 150 galleys, without counting in this number 100 more belonging to privateers and corsairs—the intention of that captain is to inflict all possible harm on the Christian powers indiscriminately, beginning with the Venetians, whose lands and territories in parts adjacent to Greece and Turkey, he purposes to attack. However this may be, if the fleet of the confederated Christian powers comes to meet together, not only will it be able with God's help to resist the attacks of Barbarossa, but possibly also inflict considerable harm on the Infidel Turk. So that this year there will be no great work by water, and as to land, if We are to believe the information from Constantinople, the Grand Turk is not likely to come down personally, for he has made no provision hitherto; even if he sends against Hungary an army under one of his generals, neither the one nor the other will have any importance.
Meanwhile Our brother, the king of the Romans (Ferdinand), has made terms with his opponent, the Waywode (Zapolsky). Already in Italy are the persons deputed from each side to bring Us for confirmation the treaty made by the parties. This being settled there will be greater facilities for resistance in those parts, should Hungary be invaded by the Infidel.
The Spanish infantry of Our army of Lombardy was, according to the last news, in a state of mutiny, caused, as it is said, by Our truce with king Francis; for no sooner did the men hear of it than, suspecting that the whole or the greater part of them would be dismissed in consequence, they rose against their captains and commanders. They are, however, mistaken, for the infantry not wanted in Lombardy will be sent to man the Levant fleet. Before Our departure from Genoa We sent an officer to the mutineers, and took other measures to re-establish discipline among them. I have no doubt that at this moment calm is restored.
With regard to the duke of Savoy, his affairs remain unsettled, as you may have seen by the copy of the treaty of truce between Us and the king of France, which We sent you the other day. The Duke sent to Genoa, during Our stay there, his ambassadors and certain members of his Privy Council, and We have given orders that all parts of Piedmont of which We had taken possession, with the exception of Vercelli and two more fortresses whose preservation is very important under present circumstances, should forthwith be returned to him. As the whole of those fortresses were occupied by Our arms, with the sole view of better defending the Duke's estate, it is natural that Vercelli and the other should for the present remain in Our hands; yet the Duke will in reality be owner of them; he will receive the rents and dues thereof. Notwithstanding this, We have resolved that the annual pension of 40,000 crs. granted to him and to the deceased Infanta, Our sister and his wife, (fn. n108) shall continue. We will always take care to favor him, and work for the restoration and improvement of his affairs, as well as those of his son, as is but just. This, however, may be more easily accomplished should he declare that he wishes to be comprised in the treaty of truce, as We hear he is disposed to do, because if so his affairs will be mended, and his vassals and subjects able to enjoy their property peaceably.
As to the Infanta's will and bequests to various persons, provision has already been made for the fulfilment of her intentions. Out of the 40,000 crs. on Milan, for this year and the next, the necessary sums shall be deducted, as Don Francisco de Aragon, bearer of this despatch, will verbally explain.
The marquis del Gasto has been appointed governor of Milan. We have sent him orders to keep by him 2,000 Spaniards, 1,500 Germans, and 200 light cavalry. With these he is to attend to the garrisoning of the fortresses in Piedmont, and to whatever else may be needed in the duchy of Milan. The remainder of the Spanish infantry under his command he is to keep by him until the time comes for their being employed in the Levant fleet. As to the menat-arms not required for such service, those of Naples may be sent back thither, the rest may be disbanded.
Don Juan de Luna has been appointed governor of the castle of Milan, and another officer to the command of Liorna (Livorno or Leghorn), two of the principal and most important fortresses in that duchy.
At Genoa your letter of the 14th of June was duly received, in answer to which, as far as matters of State are concerned, We have nothing to add to the above statement. For the present, owing to the prorogation of the truce, there seems to be no fear of war, especially on the side of Navarre, and yet it behoves Us to keep a vigilant eye over that country, and press the work at the fortifications of Pamplona and Perpignan until both are completed, and those towns placed in a state of defence. That is Our firm purpose, and it is for that reason that We applaud the measure lately taken of sending thither a superior officer to hasten the works at the former fortress, and report. It is, therefore, highly imperative that the necessary funds be provided without fail, and that the works of defence be solid and lasting, not temporary, so that once the works finished We may have no fear on that side. (fn. n109)
The same may be said with regard to Perpignan. Upon Our arrival at Barcelona We will see what number of men will be required to garrison the place.
We have no doubt that money will be wanted for the pay of the coast guards, (fn. n110) and for other expenses connected with the War Office; and yet We object to the Peruvian gold, now at Seville, being used for such a purpose. Orders should be sent to the councillors of the Finances to look out for other sources of revenue to defray the aforesaid expenses.
Care should be taken that the grandees of Spain, the high clergy, and the towns be apprized of Our return to Spain, as it is customary to do in such cases.
Luis Sarmiento (fn. n111) writes that the king of Portugal [Dom Joaõ]. Our brother-in-law, has made a truce of 10 years' duration with the king of Fez, (fn. n112) and that by one of the articles in the treaty it is stipulated and agreed that should We at any time choose to be included We may be mentioned therein. We send you a copy of the treaty itself, that it may be examined and discussed in the Council, so that on Our arrival in Spain We may know how to act in this particular, after returning due thanks to the king of Portugal [Dom Joaõ] for his courtesy.
The High Commander of Leon (Covos) has reported to Us the substance of your letter to him respecting the 12,000 crs. more or less that came lately from the Indies for Our brother, the king of the Romans, namely, about 10,000 remitted by Andrés de Ferrara, the King's agent in those parts, as proceeds of the sale of slaves by the Belzeres, and about 2,000 crs. more, which came in other ships. These sums, as it would appear, were duly registered and consigned to Gaspar de Torres, a merchant of Seville, to be paid into the hands of the King's factors in Andalusia. "We hear that the clerks of the "Contratacion de las Indias," in Seville, on some excuse or other have detained the gold. You will see to that, and order that the bullion or money may be landed and delivered to the consignees, since it really belongs to Our brother, the king of the Romans (Ferdinand), and that all the formalities prescribed by law and the ordinances in force be complied with.
Since We are already in July, Alonso de Baeza, Our treasurer, must be told to remit to Barcelona, to Andrea Doria, the pay for his galleys for July and August.—From Our galley at the Pomègues of Marseille, 13th July 1538.
Signed: "Yo el Rey."
Countersigned: "Covos."
Spanish. Original. pp. 13.
18 July. 228. The Same to the Same.
S. E., L. 3. By the Adelantado of Galicia, who departed from Aguas Muertas on the 14th instant, We wrote to you the news of Our voyage to Genoa, and thence to Las Pomegas (Pomègues) of Marseille, where the letter conveyed by the said Adelantado was signed and sealed. The Adelantado did not sail on that day (the 14th), but accompanied Us to Aguas Muertas, whence We dispatched him with the account of Our interview with the Most Christian king of France.
[After relating in some detail his arrival at the Pomègues, off Marseille, on Saturday morning the 13th of July, the visit of the count of Tenda, lieutenant of king Francis in Provence; his offer of the keys of that town, as well as the withdrawal of all the garrison in case the Emperor should like to enter the place; the visit of a chamberlain of king Francis wishing to know on what day Charles was expected to at be Aigues Mortes; the departure from the Pomègues in the evening of Saturday, the 13th, and last, not least, the sea fog, which, as related (p. 528), placed the whole fleet, and principally his galley in some danger, the Emperor continues]:—
In the afternoon of Sunday, the 14th instant, We anchored in sight of Aguas Muertas. The Grand Constable of France (Montmorency), who had already been two or three days on the spot, came to visit Us in his master's name, accompanied by a good number of gentlemen. After renewing the offers of friendship and esteem so often put forward by Francis' ministers at the Pomègue, the Constable proceeded to say that the King, his master, had not yet arrived at Aguas Muertas, because he was with his Queen waiting for the news of Our anchorage. He was, said the Constable, with the Queen at a castle in the neighbourhood; but the very moment he would hear of Our arrival he would come and visit Us in Our galley, and place himself entirely at Our disposal.
Hearing this We immediately sent the duke of Alva (fn. n113) (D. Fernando Alvarez de Toledo), the High Commander of Leon (D. Francisco de los Covos), and Monseigneur de Granvelle on a visit to Aigues Mortes, a small town about one league from the sea. The King, however, being informed of Our arrival, hastened to Aigues Mortes, and, without stopping there, set out at once for the seaside. So much diligence did he use, that when Our deputies arrived at the mouth of the harbor formed by a river close to the village, they found that the King, accompanied by princes of the blood and great lords, was already rowing towards Us in six well-manned and much ornamented barges. (fn. n114) Having heard from the mouth of Our ministers in a few words, as well as it could be done from one boat to another, the substance of Our message, king Francis, without stopping there any longer, but showing on the contrary great desire to see Us, made as quickly as possible for Our galley, which he entered. We received him with, every sign of sincere friendship and cordiality, and conversed with him for nearly two hours, during which he protested more than once that such were his good-will and esteem for Us that his most ardent wish was that we both should be henceforward good friends and allies, and the terms of that alliance settled in common by our respective ministers. Should there be no agreement there was no reason at all for the present friendship diminishing in the least; he wished it to be lasting. After these and other equally gracious words king Francis departed, saying, though with great modesty, that it would be an immense pleasure and satisfaction to him if We deigned to visit him at Aigues Mortes, adding that the Queen, Our sister, and the ladies of her suite, asked so earnestly for that favor that We could not, without breaking through the rules of courtesy and good breeding, refuse it. And although We must say that at the time We were rather undecided as to accepting or not the King's invitation, yet, considering his apparent good-will, the trust he had placed in Us, and the good that might come out of the proposed interview, as well as the harm likely to ensue from Our not responding to the trust placed in Us, and having likewise regard to the earnest prayers and requests of Our sister, the Queen, We determined to repair to the appointed place, and, if possible, be there on Monday morning. And so it was, for on Monday, the [15th of July], at 10 in the morning, We anchored opposite the strip of land and mouth of the bay leading to Aigues Mortes, where We found king Francis and his Queen, the Dauphin, the duke of Orleans, the rest of the princes and princesses, with their individual retinues of gentlemen and ladies, waiting for Us, besides the courtiers who generally attend on the King. Our reception was as good, nay, better, if possible, than that of the previous day. Indeed We have no words to describe to you the mutual protestations of friendship and esteem that were made during Our stay at Aigues Mortes, as well as the many proofs of trust and confidence which we gave each other whilst there, treating of our political affairs in the most open and familiar manner possible. So much so, that We do not hesitate to say that had it not been for these two private interviews in which, as above stated, our common affairs were most amicably discussed, no reconciliation would over have been effected between us. The agreement in substance comes to this. We are both to continue and remain for ever good and true brethren, allies and friends of each other; not to believe in, procure, nor do anything that may eventually turn to the prejudice of the other party; each of us to try and promote the honor and welfare of the other respectively; that the friends and servants of one of the parties be also the friends and servants of the other, not to be nor remain otherwise, and that we shall advise of, and acquaint each other in the most open and sincere manner with our ideas concerning the march of political affairs in Christendom.
The 10 years' truce formerly made between us two to be considered as a perfect and accomplished peace; all doubtful points to remain as they are at present until fully declared by the ministers, or resident ambassadors of each party, who, having, as they will most undoubtedly have, the confidence and trust of their respective masters, and being, moreover, animated by the same conciliatory and friendly spirit, will without ceremony or concealment indicate to each other the points on which they diverge; and should there be any difference of opinion, let matters remain as they are at present, without giving rise to contention or disputes likely to impair the friendship and alliance now existing between the parties.
Besides the above agreement, orders have been issued by Us and by king Francis conjointly to the cardinal of Lorraine and the Grand Master of France (Montmorencey), on his side, the High Master of Leon (Covos), and Monseigneur de Granvelle, on Ours, for them to meet and have a consultation together as to the best remedy to be applied to the public evils now disturbing Christendom, and principally to those caused by the Separatists, urging and persuading the latter amicably and without violence to forsake their own erroneous doctrines and return to the old Faith; king Francis and ourselves acting conjointly in the matter, and endeavouring with the authority of Our Holy Father, the Pope, to arrange matters in the best possible way. Also to proceed with a numerous and highly efficient force not only to the defence of Christendom and the repulsion of the Turk, but likewise to offend and attack him in his own territory, if deemed necessary or convenient. The above two points, that is to say, that of the Separatists from Faith and that of the Turk to be particularly examined and discussed by our respective ministers or ambassadors, whoever they may be at the time, without ceremony of any sort or further meetings.
We must say that during our mutual conversations on board Our galley, as well as at Aigues Mortes, king Francis always showed perfect good will and sincere desire that the above points should be settled as soon as possible in all their details, and, therefore, as our interview was so short; as the Constable (Montmorency) alleged his manifold engagements as an excuse not to remain at Aigues Mortes; as We ourselves wished to depart as soon as possible for Barcelona, and king Francis was also in haste to depart, We have decided to leave the details of the two above points [the Separatists and the Turk], as well as other minor points, for another occasion.
There was also a question in general terms of matrimonial alliances between our two families, though without mentioning names, and with a protestation on both sides that whatever has been said at this our meeting, one way or the other, will not be considered binding hereafter; and that should the matrimonial alliances spoken of at this interview not be effected, there must be no diminution whatever in our mutual friendship : on the contrary it is to continue firm and in full vigor. We calculate that the Cardinal's and Grand Master's visible disinclination to particularize the said matrimonial alliances or mention names, is chiefly owing to their scruples, lest it should be said hereafter that they wished to take advantage of the King being present to enter more fully on the subject, and that it was not pure love and affection for Us, Our sons and relatives, as well as those of the king of the Romans, Our brother, that prompted them to enter, though slightly, on it.
It has also been agreed that not only all public affairs, but likewise the private ones above mentioned shall be treated of, and discussed with His Holiness' approbation, to whom due participation must needs be given, as befits his honor, dignity, and authority, and as it is our common duty to do, considering that it is to his good and rightful intentions, as well as to his strenuous efforts to secure peace, that our present amicable relations are owed.
There was also some talk at Aigues Mortes respecting Gheldres, (fn. n115) king Francis having promised that neither by himself nor by his ministers shall anything be done, directè or indirectè, likely to prejudice Our interests; on the contrary, that he (the King) will be glad that We assert and maintain Our Imperial rights in that duchy, and will even assist and help Us in any way he can, should We require his help and assistance. It must be said, however, that the King's plenipotentiaries have brought forward certain pretensions of the duke of Lorraine (fn. n116) to that duchy. It has been agreed, with the King's approbation and consent, that the Duke's claim to the dukedom shall be looked into and amicably discussed whenever he [the Duke] sends to Us or to the dowager queen of Hungary, Our sister, (fn. n117) some person of his Court properly empowered. But at the same time it was also agreed that we both ought to do our best to meet and counteract the plans of all other pretenders to the duchy. For the considerations above specified no definite resolution was taken on this particular point, nor was the affair examined in its minor details as it ought perhaps to have been, principally owing to Our being then waiting for Our sister's official information respecting the events that had taken place in the duchy since the demise of the last duke of Gheldres, and what measures the duke of Cleves had taken.
Lastly, having stayed the whole of Monday, and part of the next day until after dinner with the Most Christian king of France, the Dauphin, and the duke of Orleans, Monsieur de Labrit (d'Albret), (fn. n118) We retired to Our galley accompanied by them all, until they left Us on board. The King on this occasion came with all the princes and nobles of his court, as well as the principal officers of his household, in doing which not only has he shown the sincere and cordial affection he professes for Our person—an affection which We fully reciprocate —but has also given evident proofs of his reliance and trust in Us, from which We conclude, and have every reason to hope, that God, who has been pleased to bring forth and direct (encaminar) such a good deed will also permit that Christendom at large be benefited through it.
King Francis is now sending Mr. de Brissach, (fn. n119) a principal officer of his royal household, to visit you in his name. You will give orders that there, at Court, and wherever he may go, or pass through on his road thither, he be well treated, and that a handsome present be given to him on his return to France, that king Francis may thereby know the pleasure and satisfaction generally felt throughout Our Spanish dominions for the mutual agreement in which we now are, and the love I profess and hope to preserve in future for the Most Christian king of France.
On the very same night of our embarkation at Aigues Mortes, after having made 25 or 30 miles, We were obliged by contrary winds and stress of weather to come back to the same spot where We had anchored at first. King Francis had started on the morning of Wednesday for a monastery in the neighbourhood, to wait there and see Us off again. The day after each of us sent visitors to the other; the Queen, our sister, came on board Our galley and again took leave, she, as well as the King, her husband, having deputed persons to attend to Our comfort, and supply anything We might be in want of. (fn. n120) —From Our galley in the harbour of Aigues Mortes, 18th July 1538.
Signed : "Yo el Rey."
Addressed: "To the most high and most powerful Empress."
Spanish. Original. pp. 12.


  • n1. Jean Hannaërt, viscount of Lombecke.
  • n2. "Pour ce que la dicte lettre a este addressée au dit ambassadeur du dit Angleterre par celluy quest de la part du roy son maistre au dit France."
  • n3. Briñolas, as written in the draft, is a small town of the Basse Provence called Brignolles, now Departement du Var. The Emperor was then in full retreat from his unfortunate expedition to Marseilles.
  • n4. Both these letters of the Emperor to Hannaërt and Chapuys are written in Spanish in the hand of Granvelle's clerk, who, in 1540 became councillor of State and died in 1547. Most likely both were afterwards translated into French, that being the language in which the Emperor and his ministers generally corresponded with the ambassadors in England and in France, both of whom happened to be foreigners.
  • n5. No letter of this date is to be found in the Imperial Archives of Vienna, or at Simancas, although one of the 11th, addressed by Covos and Granvelle to the marquis de Aguilar, at Rome, has already been abstracted under No. 176, bearing on the subject herein mentioned, and announcing the suspension of the negociations. Most likely a copy of it was sent to Chapuys on the 19th.
  • n6. The same observation as in the preceding note (p. 498) maybe here applied. There is no letter of the 9th November (1537) from the Emperor to Chapuys among those already abstracted.
  • n7. "Et encoires que le dit Sr Roy enclinoit plus a nostre dite niepce vefve (sic) de Millan pour raison de leasge (sic), corpulence, et que les complexions se raprocheroient plus selon la naissance et nourriture et correspondence des climatz raprouchans."
  • n8. "Que si son dit maistre vouloit lon pourroit faire beaucop de bonnes choses pour le bien publique de la Chrestiente, frequentacion et prouffit de son dit royaulme."
  • n9. "Par vertu du quel le dit sieur Roy pourroit recouvrer et avoir pour les enffans descendans de cestui second mariaige, les etats et royaulmes de Dennemarque, Norvege, et Zoveden, et tout le patrimoisne de leur pere."
  • n10. "Pour,sil est possible, le pouvoir conduire a bonne conclusion avec les condicions requises en chacun des dits pointz pour conioindre, et concathener le totaige."
  • n11. Christine of Denmark. The widow of Francesco Sforza, the last duke, who died on the 24th of October 1535. She herself was the daughter of king Christiern.
  • n12. "Regrettant et excusant la peine quil nous donnoit pour aller visitor sa ainuer (sic) manoir"?
  • n13. "Et que le vrai moien pour effectuer la dite paix estoit que il eust laffaire entre mains, quil ne sçavoit pour quoy deust faire difficulte a son condescendre, et quil pensoit, que une des causes pour quoy levesque de Terbes (Tarbts) estoit venu, sestoit pourlui offrir le dit arbitrage, comme il nous feroit entendre en brief plus amplement."
  • n14. Quest certainnement toute jolye."
  • n15. "Tant en devisant avec elle que la voyant et ouyant jouer du leut et de lespinette dont je la tiens des meilleurs ouvrierez quil est possible an monde de trouver."
  • n16. "Daultant que cusmes plus grande chiere le tant plus froidement furent trayttes les ditz ambassadeurs, et crains quil ne soit artifice nostre festoyement pour donner jalousie aux autres, et en cuider faire lour prouffit."
  • n17. His name is differently spelt in the document, which seems to he original and emanated from the chancery of the duchy of Brabant, Harry Philip, Henry Phillip, and even Philippes. As to Lathon, his name is also written Laiton and Layton.
  • n18. William Tyndale.
  • n19. "Pour un pot de vin."
  • n20. Most likely Stephen Vaughan, Cromwell's secretary.
  • n21. "Car ce seroit ung mesme cuisme asçavoir de furt et larchin."
  • n22. Elsewhere written Joye.
  • n23. Luigi or Ludovico, born 4th December 1523, and who died at Madrid, on the 15th of the same month 1536, aged 13.
  • n24. A member of the French Parliament. See p. 523.
  • n25. "Et lui raffreschir la bonne souvenance que vostre maieste a de luy, ce quil sa monstre desireulx dentendre; car depuiz ne fuz je avec luy quil me dit quil estoit esbahy que navois nouvelles de vostre maieste, attendu quc celle avoit dit a leur ambassadeur quelle mescriproit quelque chose pour luy dire."
  • n26. "Et a la fin iceluy Sr. roy nous vint a dire en ryant de bonne grace que nous auryons bon passetemps de le faire estre amoureulx an çe cage (sic), en or dans sa cage?"
  • n27. "La dite matiere du Concille est celte (celle) du monde que trouble plus le diet roy, le quel nous dit nommement quil ne pensoit que sa mte, luy voulust tant de mal que de vouloir solliciter et haster le dit concille avant quil en fust advise entre les princes, car autrement cela luy pourroit tourner á une honte inextimable, supposant quil pourroit estre que toute la reste de Chrestiennete, les ungs par volente les autres par honte, crainte, ou practiques, y assisteroient, et lion entrevenant, comme ne pensoit de faire, il sembleroit quil voulsist faire ung Dieu apart, et soy desunir du corpz de la crestiente, que luy pourroit tumber oultre la honte sus dite a tres grand dommage."
  • n28. "Et a ce que pense ne doyt estre pour matiere dimportance."
  • n29. "Que sa maiesté sen estoit petitement et maigrement acquittee au desprisement et inexistimement ation de la dite princesse."
  • n30. "La quelle, a se quay peu apperatrevoir par divers propos quelle ma envoye dire, a adjouste grande foy aux parolles que luy dit iccluy roy, rabatant a cesle occasion beaucoupt de la confidence quelle avoit a sa mte et aussi du cueur quelle avoit de tenir bon en diverses choses."
  • n31. Huyet, and lower down Hoyet, are for Wyhat (Sir Richard), at this times Henry's ambassador at the court of Charles.
  • n32. "Pour confirmation de ce que votre mate avoit dit et fait dire au dit ambassadeur Huyet pour envye quil eust de desgrosser et esclarier (esclaircir?) les affaires ou pour autres causes."
  • n33. In 1517, before going to Spain, Charles spent a few days in London.
  • n34. Namely, the Moriscos or Moorish population, who, during Charles' reign, made several unsuccessful attempts at rebellion.
  • n35. Christine was the eldest daughter of Christiern, the dethroned king of Denmarl; her sister Dorothea was married to the Palatine Frederic.
  • n36. "Aussi est dit que le dit Sieur Roy se trouvoit fourcompte de la moitie ties tittres au royaulme de Dennemurque, quil pretendoit appartenir a la duchesse de Milan, attendu que comme prince tres desireux de la paix et union entre tous les princes chrestiens luy messeroit, sestant mes[me]ment offert mediateur du differend du dit Milan, de vouloir faire quelque traicte ou practique touchant le dit Milan par ou la guerre [pourroit] sallumer."
  • n37. "Touteffois quil nous [permist de dire] que les excuses contenues en la dite minute par les raisons que leur avyons alleguez la premire fois, tant de lhabilete de l'evesque de Winchester que de differer les autres pointz, et entendre [seuleraent] aux deux marriages, estoient tres rnal coulorez, et que vostre mate pourroit prendre nouvelle suspicion que le dit sieur Roy na envye dentendre aus dits marriaiges quo pour le bruit que couait, que les allemans leur avoient ouvert nouveaulx pointz de marriaige."
  • n38. "Mais quant estoit a la personne du roy il ne se licroit ne la ne ailleurs sans avoir veu te cogneu la personnaige."
  • n39. "Nous navons encoires peu entendre quel party offraient les dits allemans; ancuns pensent que ce soit le fils de Cleves pour la princesse, et quelque syenne parente pour le dit roy. Lung des dits ambassadeurs partira bein tost dicy; les aultres attendront son retour ou de ses nouvelles."
  • n40. "Medio por postas" (half by post). According to Vandenesse the Emperor left Valladolid, then the court and capital of Castille, in the first week of April 1537.
  • n41. Don Diego Lopez Pacheco III. duke of Escalona.
  • n42. Don Antonio Manrique de Lara, second duke of Najera, third count of Treviño.
  • n43. Constable of Castille, D. Pedro Fernandez de Velasco, fourth duke of Frias.
  • n44. Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, third duke.
  • n45. Brother of the Empress Isabella, both being the sons of king Dom Manoel, who died in ].1521.
  • n46. Doña Beatriz, daughter of king Dom Manoel of Portugal, and who in 1521 was married to Carlo, duke of Savoy.
  • n47. D. Beltran de la Cueva, third duke.
  • n48. Vero is no doubt meant for Avero or Aueiro.
  • n49. Son of Don Francisco, second duke of Alburquerque, and uncle of D. Beltran.
  • n50. That is "falconer" of the Emperor, as I presume, though falconete (Fr. fouconette) was about this time the name of a small piece of ordnance.
  • n51. "Con su musica de sacabuches, chirimias y otros instrumentos."
  • n52. "Juego de cuñas y correr sortija."
  • n53. "Guarniciones y paramentos para los caballos."
  • n54. "Todo con aforros do tafetan blanco y con muchos papos de tafetan, y penachos de seda blanca sobre los almetes."
  • n55. At this time Don Antonio Alonso Pimentel was sixth count of Benavente.
  • n56. This duke of Alba (D. Fernando Alvarez de Toledo) is the same who, in 1566, during the reign of Philip II., became governor of the Low Countries. He was the son of Don Garcia, who died in battle with the African Moors, 1510, without inheriting the title. After the death of his father, Don Fadrique, second duke of Alba, the estates passed to his grandson, Don Fernando, who thus became third duke of Alba, marquis de Coria, count de Salvatierra, Piedrahita, &c.
  • n57. D. Luis Henriquez de Cabrera, count of Modica and Melgar, seventh admiral of Castille, who, after the death of his father (D. Luis Henriquez), in 1572, became third duke of Medina de Rioseco.
  • n58. D. Pedro Sarmiento from 1534 to 1541; cardinal in 1538.
  • n59. D. Francisco Fernandez dc la Cueva, eldest son and heir of the duke of Alburquerque (D. Beltran), about whom see above, p. 510.
  • n60. Santafiore or Sancta Fiore is the title of au Italian family often mentioned in papers of the XVI. century.
  • n61. "Se allegaron las galeras á unas peñas do dizen Porto Ligato."
  • n62. St. Brancard. See above, p. 481.
  • n63. The island of Scio or Chios in the Greek Archipelago.
  • n64. Emmanuele Philiberto, surnamed Testa di Ferro, born in July 1528, and therefore, only 10 years old at the time, for his elder brother Luigi, born in December 1523, had died in 1536. See above, p. 519.
  • n65. "Que un labrador, que tenia mucha cantidad dc habas en rama queriendo limpiallas las ablentaba." I presume that 'ablentaba' is an error of the copyist for aventaba, from "aventar," or toss before or in the wind corn, barley, or any other grain.
  • n66. "Que un labrador limpiando habas pusiese en cuidado á tales y tantas personas como alli se hallaron."
  • n67. Pedro Sarmiento (1534-41), created cardinal in 1538. See above, p. 535.
  • n68. "50 lanzas grucsas" literally 50 gross lances.
  • n69. D. Antonio Alonso Pimented, and D. Antonio Manrique de Lara.
  • n70. That is Caterina de' Medici, married to Henri de Valois, at this time Dauphin of Vienois, owing to the death of Francis, his elder brother.
  • n71. "Pasqua de Espirtu Santo."
  • n72. Marguerite de Valois, daughter of Francis, hten married to Henri d'Albret; she was not the daughter—as the text said, and I have taken upon myself to correct—but the sister of Francis
  • n73. "Traya la Reyna una saya de terciopelo negro con una faxa de oro tirade, ya en ella labors de oro de Canutillo; por la delantera traya unos triangulos de traya de dos ordenes de perlas gruessas y por quarto dedos mas abaxo otra tal de poedras recas, y la guarniçion del tocado (que era frances) de la misma manera: todo de poedras gruesas de mucha riqueza."
  • n74. Marguerite de France, daughter of Francis I. and of his first wife Claude de Valois. She was born on the 5th of June 1523, and on the 9th of July 1559 was married to Emmanuele Philiberto, duke of Savoy.
  • n75. "Aunque es gorda."
  • n76. Anne de Pisselen.
  • n77. "La duquesa de Tampa (d'Etampes) traya una saya de brocade blanco, y el campo de plata tirade con un poco de tornasol pardo, la delantera y mangas era rico, mas cl tocado no lo era. Es bien dispuesta la Duquesa, y de hombre a hombre. No son tan mesuradas como las nuestras, ni ay en ellas color artificial."
  • n78. "Llevaba el duque una ropa de tercia pelo morado ceñida con una guarniçion de perlas por lo alto y por lo baxo, y mangas bordadas con oro de Canutillo de muy graçiosa labor de quarto dedos en ancho, muchas cuchilladas en la ropa, y un grançellin de diamantes de mucho valor."
  • n79. Madame d'Alençon, that is, Franics' sister, widow of Charles, duke of Alençon, who died in 1525 from wounds received at the battle of Pavia; she was afterwards married to Henri d'Albret.
  • n80. Lower down D'Arizcun, which I believe to have been his right name. Arizcun is to this day the name of a distinguished Navarrese family.
  • n81. Henri was the son of Jean d'Albret, king of Navarre, as consort of Catalina (1483-1517).
  • n82. The galleys, 15 in number, were commanded by Joannetin Doria. See Vandenesse, Itinerary of Charles V., p
  • n83. "Las quales boluicron dentro de tres dias. Dexaron el Papa on tierra, ocho jornada de Roma," that is at a prof of the district of Lucca.
  • n84. "Plato leonado entre colores, que es una pieça de mucho precio guarnecida de oro."
  • n85. The St. Greal, said to have been preserved by Josef of Arimathia, and the quest of which became, during the Middle Ages, the most fertile source of adventures for the knights of the Round Table and Merlin.
  • n86. The count's name was Claude de Savoie; he was the son of René, natural son of Philippe sans terre.
  • n87. "A ofrecelle á Marsella con toda aquella tierra, despues de lo qual todas las galeras en compañia se fueron haçia la çiudad. Çerca de media legua de ella esta un Castillo harto fuerte dentro en la mar en una pequeña isla."
  • n88. "Las salbas (sic) de una parte y de otra fueron muy brabosas"
  • n89. The son of the admiral of Castille. See above, p. 535.
  • n90. "Siruió Madama Margarita al Emperador la toalla de las fuentes; S. M. no la quiso recibir sino limpiarse en los manteles."
  • n91. "Acabaron la comida á tiempo que la Dolfina pudo yra servir al Emperador la tobaja de la fuente."
  • n92. "S. Md se limpió en los manteles como al principio de la comida hizo, y dió al Dolfin las gracias, casi con aire de desgracia, dando á entender que le hacia sinrazon."
  • n93. "Era tan grande el alegria de la Reyna que parecia estar suspendida de otro qualquier sentimiento que no fuese gozo."
  • n94. "Entre el Dolphin y el Duque Dorliens hauia ya competencia sobre qual dellos hauia de yr cou el armada de su padre, á Constantinopla, sino fuesse el Rey. 'Mayor fue' la amistad y amor questos principes se mostraron que la enemistad que se habian tenido antes."
  • n95. "Do se dieron otro pasto de plazer."
  • n96. At Molo.
  • n97. The Emperor's ambassador at Rome.
  • n98. François II., bishop of Bourges, French ambassador at Rome.
  • n99. This Enrique or Henrique was the third son of king Dora Manoel of Portugal, and consequently the Emperer's brother-in-law, since his wife, the empress Isabella, was his sister. Alter the death of king Dom Sebastian, his nephew, in 1578, he became king of Portugal, and died without succession in 1580.
  • n100. No brother of this Enrique was ever created cardinal that I know of, for Dom Luys did not take ecclesiastic's orders.
  • n101. D. Pedro Sarmiento, at this time archbishop of Santiago. See above, p. 535.
  • n102. D. Iñigo Lopez de Mendoza y Zuñiga, bishop of Burgos, from 1529 to 1539, Imperial ambassador in England.
  • n103. Juan Alvarez de Toledo, who succeeded D. Iñigo in the see of Burgos (1539-50).
  • n104. Pierre de la Baume, from 1523 to 1542.
  • n105. "Unas vezes con tiempo mediano y calmas, otras con contrario, sperando y dejandolo pasar, teniendonos en estaciones y entradas en tierra de la Ribera."
  • n106. See above, p. 533. His name was Pedro Alvarez Ossorio.
  • n107. The Empress was then at Valladolid, which town the Emperor reached on the 26th of July.
  • n108. Beatrix, who died on the 8th of January 1538.
  • n109. "Y que se mire que todo lo que se labrare y fortificare sea perpetuo, y no temporal porque [en] acabandose quedemos fuera deste cuydado."
  • n110. "Para la paga de las guardas." Here the Imperial body guard might be meant (that is, "las guardas de Castilla," as in the time of Ferdinand and Isabella), but I have preferred adding "de las costas."
  • n111. Luis Sarmiento de Mendoza, the Emperor's ambassador in Portugal.
  • n112. The first of the xarifes or sherifs of Morocco.
  • n113. "Y luego embiamos al duque de Alva, Comendador Mayor de Leon y Mons. de Granvela para visitarlo de nuestra parte en la villa que es lexos del puerto una legua."
  • n114. After the midday repast the king of France, accompanied by a few attendants, arrived in small vessels lined with tapestry to see the Emperor, and in about an hour's time took his departure. Vandenesse, Itinerary of Charles V., p. 510.
  • n115. About this time the duchy of Gheldres or Gueldres, already separated from that of Juliers, was giving rise to much dispute; Francis favoring one of the pretenders to it, whilst the Emperor upheld the cause of the other.
  • n116. Antoine, from 1508 to 1544.
  • n117. Mary, the Regent of the Low Countries.
  • n118. According to Vandenesse's Itinerary, p. 510, Henri d'Albret and the duke of Orleans (Charles), had come from Avignon to Aigues Mortes purposely to see the Emperor.
  • n119. Charles de Cosse-Brissac, marshal of France.
  • n120. "Towards midnight the Emperor weighed anchor, but was obliged, on account of a storm, to return to the harbour, where the King and Queen, accompanied only by five ladies, visited him once more in his galley after dinner, and finally took their leave of him in the evening." Vandenesse, Itinerary of Charles V., pp. 510-11.