Spain: August 1548

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1912.

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'Spain: August 1548', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549, ed. Martin A S Hume, Royall Tyler( London, 1912), British History Online [accessed 14 July 2024].

'Spain: August 1548', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549. Edited by Martin A S Hume, Royall Tyler( London, 1912), British History Online, accessed July 14, 2024,

"Spain: August 1548". Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549. Ed. Martin A S Hume, Royall Tyler(London, 1912), , British History Online. Web. 14 July 2024.

August 1548

3 August. Vienna Imp. Arch. The Emperor to Van der Delft.
The English ambassador resident here requested audience of us for Sunday last, in order, as he said, to communicate to us good news of great importance. We granted him the interview desired; and, after he had in general terms recited his intelligence and handed us a copy of the same in writing, the news being in substance what we had already learnt from our sister the Queen Dowager and yourself, he proceeded to say that he had been instructed by the King his master, by our cousin the Protector and the members of the Council, to address us for the purpose of obtaining permission to raise at their own cost a body of not exceeding one thousand horse soldiers in the States of Cleves and Juilliers, and to request us to write to our sister the Queen Dowager desiring her in accordance with the terms of the treaty of close alliance, to allow them to export from Antwerp and other places in our Low Countries, pikes, lances and other warlike material.
After we had congratulated him upon the English successes against the Scots, our common enemies, we referred him, for consideration of the rest of his message and requests to the members of our Council of State. We were, we told him, intending to start on the following day on a hunting expedition; and during our absence the Council might discuss the matters he now broached, and confer with him on the subject. As M. de Granvelle was at present unwell, the ambassador negotiated with M. d'Arras, (fn. 1) to whom he repeated the request about the horse soldiers they wished to raise, and also about the warlike material they needed.
To his requests M. de Granvelle (Arras) pointed out to him that he had a right to ask for the munitions of war to be provided at the King of England's cost, after the need of our own countries for such material had been satisfied; but with regard to the levying of soldiers he could not base such a request upon the treaty, because Germany was not included in the treaty. As the English would not be bound to defend Germany or any other of the Emperor's dominions not specially mentioned in the text of the treaty, neither could they claim by virtue of the treaty to raise troops nor any other warlike necessaries from them.
The ambassador readily admitted this and said he did not base his request to raise the troops on the letter of the treaty in question, but depending only upon the confidence that the King and his Council had in the affection we had displayed towards them, and also upon the cordial expressions we had graciously used to the ambassador himself when he first arrived in our Court. Not only did the ambassador hope, he said, that we would gratify his master in this, but also in things of even greater importance. He could assure us on his own part that Englishmen were not ungrateful, and they would do much more for us in similar case.
M. d'Arras, however, pointed out to him the edicts and prohibitions in force in the empire (i.e., against the recruiting of mercenaries for the service of foreign States). We had consented to wink at the levy of foot soldiers which Courtpenninck had effected for them, and the French had resented it, especially when we refused emphatically to allow them to raise any men in our dominions. The edicts on the subject had been renewed on that occasion, and we had also reinforced all our coasts and frontiers, even that of Zeeland, and increased our garrisons, in case the French should attempt to show their resentment by any overt act of hostility on their homeward voyage from Scotland. If, continued d'Arras, we made more concessions to the English it would be very difficult to avoid acceding to French demands for similar facilities if they should be made. We did not see how it was to be done without violating the laws of friendship, which we were bound to respect towards the French, especially as the treaty we had with the latter was made with the consent of the English themselves.
The ambassador was not satisfied with this view of the matter, and desired that a report should be laid before us. M. d'Arras accordingly, on the following morning, gave us an account of what had passed; and, having considered the matter, we instructed him to reply to the English ambassador that he would on no occasion find us lacking in the fulfilment of any and every obligation to which we acknowledged ourselves bound towards the King, his master, in virtue of the treaties existing between us. He might be the more confidently assured of this by considering how we had always in times past dealt with everybody. In the case of his master, especially, the truly paternal affection we bore him would cause us to be the more scrupulous to avoid the slightest shortcoming towards him; and we would on every occasion do all that we properly could do to show our particular love and regard for him.
On consideration, nevertheless, of the demand he now made of us, we were of opinion that it would not be advantageous even to the King himself that the levy of troops desired should be made, having regard to the fact that it could only be done at great expense, and that it would take two months at least to muster the men and conduct them to the seaside. The season of the year being already so far advanced, and the French having assembled their forces for the purpose of besieging Haddington, and, as the reports he now brought us related, they had been forced to retire from that place and abandon the siege with heavy loss, it was not probable, we said, that the French would remain in the country very long. In any case, it was most unlikely that they would venture to delay their departure therefrom until the bad-weather season made the voyage dangerous for their galleys.
Jointly with these considerations we told the ambassador (Philip Hoby) he should bear in mind the arguments brought forward by M. d'Arras to the effect that, in all probability, if the request were granted, the French would press us to grant similar facilities to them for the raising of troops in our dominions, especially as they had on a previous occasion done so, and were much offended at the refusal and at the almost simultaneous renewal of the prohibitions and edicts on the subject of such levies published throughout the empire in consequence of their demand.
If the English request now made were granted, we said, the French would become more pressing than ever, especially having regard to what we had heard by letter from Saxony, where the rumour was current, spread it was said by the English themselves, that the levies being raised by Courtpenninck were raised by our consent. If the French approached us with these facts and asked for similar favours, we should have much difficulty in avoiding their request without showing too much partiality. The ambassador might well consider, we continued, that if we found ourselves thus obliged to grant permission to the French to raise a certain number of men at arms it would be easy for them, considering their close proximity to Germany, to use this permission as an excuse for drawing across the frontier a very much greater number than that authorised. By this means the English would find themselves even more closely beset than at present; and the French would be all the more likely to take this course if they thought themselves aggrieved by any noticeable inclination on our side to favour the English unduly.
The English ambassador replied that the King of France had no claim whatever to make any such request of us as that referred to, since the men that they desired to raise would be for the purpose of helping the Scots, our common enemies. Our answer to this was that the King of France would make the demand, as he had done on the former occasion, ostensibly to defend his own dominions and under pledge that he would not employ such troops for any other purpose, although when once he got the men into his territories he could use them as he pleased.
With regard to the request made by the ambassador that we would allow the purchase in and export from Antwerp and other places in our Low Countries of pikes, lances and other warlike material, due payment for them being made, we replied that we would write to our sister the Queen Dowager about it, as we did not know that stock of such things there was at present available for the requirements of the countries themselves. We would, however, desire the Queen Dowager to accommodate them (the English) with such things as they required, in so far as the treaty provided, after the needs of our own subjects were supplied.
The ambassador pressed that, at least, they should be allowed to raise a smaller number of horsemen that had been specified, but we stood firm in the position we had taken up, as described above, in order not to go beyond the imperial edicts to which we have referred, and to prevent Germany from being denuded of fighting men. We added that we trusted that our cousin the Protector and the members of the Council to whom our reply would be shown would accept it with satisfaction and acquiescence, since it was inspired very largely by considerations of the advantage of the King (of England) and with a view to prevent him from incurring great and unnecessary expense.
You will thoroughly consider all the points dealt with above, and when you see a favourable opportunity or you are addressed on the subject, you may re-state them to the Protector to the same effect as in this letter, as persuasively as you know how to do. You will let us know how he takes it, as well as everything else that occurs.
Augsburg, 3 August, 1548.
21 August. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
Madam, I have made every possible effort to obtain possession of the documents which your Majesty desires; and Controller Paget has also done his best to the same end. As I informed your Majesty in a recent letter of mine, he sent a special messenger of his own to the person from whom he hoped to recover them, who is about 250 miles away from here. His labour, however, was of no avail, as the person in question referred him to another man in London, who he said had the documents. As soon as he learnt this Controller Paget sent me a written warrant addressed to this person, ordering him to deliver the copies of the documents to me immediately.
I sent this order to London, but on the arrival of my man there he learnt that the person in question had been driven out of the city by the great plague there and was at present in the country a hundred miles off. I sent after him at once, and am in hope of receiving a decisive reply within three or four days. (fn. 2)
I am writing at present to the Emperor an account of all that has passed between the Protector and myself and the various occurrences here. His Majesty instructed me in his last letters to report to him how the Protector took the reply given to him about the raising of the thousand horse that they asked for. By the copy of my letter to his Majesty enclosed you will be fully informed on these points.
Kew, 21 August, 1548.
21 August. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Emperor.
The contagious malady which so grievously afflicts London at the present time has caused the King to forbid any person from the city from entering his Court. In order, therefore, to avoid danger for myself, as well as to escape from all other inconvenience, I had thought best to retire to my house in the village, (fn. 3) but I have also been compelled to leave that, in consequence of one of my people having fallen ill, and I have now established myself in a village as near as possible to the house of the Protector. (fn. 4)
I have here received your Majesty's letters of the third instant and four or five days afterwards the Protector returned from Oatlands, where the King at present is staying, to his house in this neighbourhood. I had occasion to visit him for the purpose of discussing various private complaints, and on my requesting audience he replied by inviting me to go and dine with him on the following day. I was received most amiably and much honour was paid to me at the feast. After dinner I was proceeding to lay before the Protector the private complaints which were the object of my visit, when he said, “You are doing what it is more fitting that I should do” (i.e., to make complaints) and after I had set forth the grievances and he had favourably replied to them, he commenced to complain of the reply given by your Majesty to their ambassador with regard to their request to be allowed to raise a thousand horse in the countries of Cleves and Juilliers. This reply being based upon such just and sound reasons, I repeated them point by point and I told the Protector that when he had fully understood and considered them he would recognise how satisfactory they were and how much to their own advantage.
On this he asked me whether I had not some other mission from your Majesty, as their ambassador had written to the same effect as my speech, but had added that he had been told that very shortly he should have something that would be more satisfactory to him. As he had heard nothing further from me than they had learnt from their own ambassador he exhibited great discontent and said that the hopes he had placed in your Majesty had been disappointed. He had thought that you would never fail to aid and succour them in their need, not only in regard of friendship and treaties, but also because they invoked your Majesty's support against the common enemies, who found their friend (i.e., France) so cordial that he assisted them with horsemen, ships and munitions, all at his own expense; whereas they (the English) could not obtain from their friend with whom they were in the closest possible alliance, any assistance in the hour of their need, even though they were willing to pay for it themselves.
He did not know, he said, what sort of friendship I called that, and then, getting into a passion, he cried, “I see very well that we must settle our affairs, so that we may live on good terms with everybody, and rid ourselves of all quarrels. We shall profit greatly by it, for I can assure you frankly that I am every day being approached by the French still, as well as by others, to make up all differences. Everything could be settled by Boulogne, and the King would be the gainer by it to the extent of more than two hundred thousand pounds. But I have always been attached to the service of the Emperor, and have disregarded all other interests, in the belief and confidence that we should never find ourselves thrown over by him. And now, at this time, all the necessity that we experience is placed upon my shoulders, and is attributed to the undue confidence I have reposed in the friendship between the Emperor and my master the King. It seems to me that I am learning fresh wisdom every day against my own inclination.”
I replied that I was much surprised that he took things in this way, and was so extreme in the matter. I should rather, I said, have expected thanks from him for the evident demonstration of paternal affection and singular love of your Majesty as shown in the reply that had been delivered to him. He would find this true as he had always done in the past. I was sure, I said, that he held me as a good well disposed friend to this country, and yet I would not conceal from him that if your Majesty had asked me my opinion with regard to the reply in question I could not have done otherwise than approve most heartily the terms of it, as being amply sufficient and really advantageous to the English themselves. This was especially the case in regard to the view that if the French were allowed to engage Germans their proximity gave them much greater facility for obtaining the men, as well as the fact that there is much greater sympathy between the Germans and the French than between the Germans and the English. He knew, I said, that in the whole of Germany there was not a single town specially devoted to them, whereas the French, thanks to their commerce and frequentation, had several. Your Majesty had nevertheless annulled these advantages by means of the publication of the edicts throughout the empire, greatly to the resentment of the French, who appeared to have just cause for their complaints as the raising of the men by Courtpenninck had been condoned.
With these and other arguments drawn from the text of the reply. I thus met him on all points; but he still continued to press his demand, saying that at least he hoped your Majesty would not raise any difficulty in allowing them to make the levy. He had, he said, at first asked for a thousand horse, but at the present time he did not urgently require so many. He had mentioned a thousand in order not to be constantly troubling your Majesty with these demands. He would write to their ambassador instructing him to continue to press the request upon your Majesty. You might, he said, be quite sure that they would not have asked for the permission to raise these men, nor would they do so now, if they were not really in need of them. The same anxiety as that shown by your Majesty that they should avoid expense had been the reason, he said, why he had deferred asking the favour of your Majesty earlier, as the men would serve him on bounty at the end of October.
He continued by saying that your Majesty knew very well that they had no great horses in this country, whereas the French force now in Scotland had more than five hundred, any one of which was worth ten of their horses. If that which he heard was true, a great number of men were being raised in Ostland, all of whom were paid in French crowns. Ships were being made ready for them, he said, probably to carry them to Scotland in the service of the King of France, thence to invade England in union with the French troops, and this would drive them (the English) to the greatest extremity.
Sire: I do not know why Controller Paget has asked me several times whether I have not received a reply from your Majesty to the remarks made by the Protector respecting the conclusion of a still closer alliance than at present with your Majesty, adding that the present time was one in which the Protector might perhaps begin to vacillate.
Nevertheless I cannot believe that he would ever do anything against your Majesty's interests, for when I talked to him unofficially about religion, being urged thereto by Controller Paget, he (the Protector) took it in good part and assured me that he would adopt such measures that God should be duly served in this country. He would, he said, convoke all the bishops and learned men in the realm on both sides, in order that they might discuss together and make some arrangement that should approach the Interim as near as possible without going contrary to the word of God. (fn. 5) He confessed to me, in confidence, that there were many things being done here that displeased him.
He also said that he wished the Emperor did not show such unwillingness to give pleasure to such a young King as theirs, who ought not only to be assisted as an ally but supported as a son. “Certainly," he continued, “in everything we can do to please the Emperor, so far as our treaty obligations permit, his Majesty will ever find us ready." I did not neglect to reassure him as to the particular love and affection that your Majesty bore to the young King, and said that no failure would occur on your Majesty's part in fulfilling the treaties, and in maintaining the good friendship and neighbourliness between the two countries.
We then entered into conversation about the differences they (the English) are having with the French on the subject of the new fortifications which are being constructed by both parties at Boulogne, though the English will not admit that the wall that they have built at their harbour-mouth is a fortification at all, but only an edifice necessary for the commodity of the port. The Protector, nevertheless, tells me that he hopes to be able to complete it, in spite of the French, in such sort that the new (French) fortification will not inconvenience them (the English).
I can plainly perceive that the Protector is not over-well pleased with the troops he has at Berwick for their not having already revictualled Haddington, in accordance with the orders that he had given them, which would have rendered it perfectly easy. He assured me that he had no fresh news, except that the men inside Haddington were bearing themselves stoutly and loyally like honest men. They had, he said, made a sortie very much to the disadvantage of the French, many of whom fell in the encounter, and the second in command of M. D'Essé, the French general-in-chief, was taken prisoner amongst others. (fn. 6)
The day after I had dined with him the Protector sent a secretary to inform me of the news from Scotland that he had received the previous night after I had left him. This was to the effect that Lord Clinton, the commander of their sea force, has had an engagement with the French galleys which had been forced to retreat, one of the galleys being so damaged as to be of no future service, whilst two more of them were disarmed of their rowers (forsaires) on one side. In consequence of the defeat and plight of the galleys twelve of the French ships loaded with stores had remained in the hands of Lord Clinton, six of which were of at least a hundred and fifty tons burden each and one, named the “Galleon of La Rochelle” of three hundred tons. But, unfortunately, the tide was running out rapidly, and Clinton was unable to bring these ships away with him, and as the weather was becoming very calm it would not have been safe for him to have remained in the position in which he was, for fear of the return of the galleys. (fn. 7) He therefore decide to burn all his prizes; and the English say that this encounter has proved to them that nine French galleys were unable to stand against two of the (English) galleasses (fn. 8) and a little adventurer ship.
They have received information also that the lieutenant of Peter Strozzi was killed in this engagement, whilst Strozzi himself is still very bad with his wound. It is likewise reported that the Queen of Scotland has not left the country. She had been all ready to embark, but the departure had been deferred when it was known that the English fleet had put to sea. I learn also from a very confidential source that the Queen will not be able to pass the Irish Channel without incurring very grave danger, owing to the precautions taken by these people (the English).
Kew, 21 August, 1548.
Postscript.—Sire: At the instant that I was closing this letter, a member of the Council has come to tell me that the French are fortifying the port of Leith, which the English destroyed by fire last year. The Protector, he says, has received news that all the English forces, including Courtpenninck's men, who are very well equipped, will take the field immediately to revictual Haddington and try their fortune.
End of August. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Emperor.
These people (the English) have every day been receiving good news from their forces defending Haddington. They report that the French besieging army were powerless to do them much harm, and that in spite of the enemy the defenders had been reinforced by 3,000 (300 ?) men each carrying a good stock of powder. (fn. 9) Many Frenchmen, moreover, it is stated are falling daily, and Peter Strozzi himself, they assert has been mortally wounded. (fn. 10) Finally the Protector has received intelligence that the camp of the enemy has been broken up and the Scotsmen have all retired, owing to some dissension between the Regent of Scotland and M. D'Essé. This news has produced great rejoicing here; but I was doubtful as to whether I ought to convey it to your Majesty, because the Protector himself said nothing about it to me, as he usually does when he has important information of this sort.
I was the more suspicious because I saw a letter which had been secretly sent by a captain who is accompanying Lord Grey, saying that the French had already gained certain ramparts, and that they had battered one of the principal bulwarks of Haddington to such effect that it could no longer be of any use to the English who abandoned it after they had constructed another breastwork in the rear of it to which they retired. The French had thus gained the advantage and according to this account it was feared that they might make themselves masters of Haddington, and then launch themselves upon Berwick, where Lord Grey and his force were stationed.
On learning this version of affairs I at once sent to Hampton Court to beg Controller Paget to favour me by putting me out of my uncertainty as to what I had been informed, quite the opposite to the good news which was generally current in London. I said I was at a loss to know what to believe, as they (the Councillors) had not communicated to me any news from Scotland at all. Paget replied by my messenger that the Lord Protector would send a secretary to visit me on the following day who would put me into possession of all the facts. Before the secretary arrived, however, the news was spread that the English had lost a thousand horse.
The secretary duly came to visit me last evening, and informed me that on the 13th of this month the French had fought night and day and had contrived to mine and blow up a bulwark, a part of which had fallen down; but the defenders had been so well able to construct new defences and had exerted themselves so stoutly, that when the French thought that the entry was easy and open for them they found to their dismay that another bulwark more dangerous for them than the first had been constructed in the rear of the latter. They nevertheless determined to attack it, and for two days the cannonade on both sides was kept up incessantly, the lieutenant of the Rheingrave and eighty of his men were shot as well as several French gentlemen. Dissensions, however, occurred between the Regent of Scotland and M. D'Essé and the Scottish camp was raised, the men returning to their homes, whilst the French besieging force retired to a place a half a league away from the town. When Lord Grey received this intelligence he immediately took the field with all his force and marched towards Haddington, the leaders being Master Palmer and Master Robert Bowes, captain and warden of the Marches. They left their infantry in a strong pass about twelve miles from the French position, and went with the whole of their cavalry towards Haddington to see if they could gain any advantage over the enemy. They had sent forward some 200 horse as an advance guard to reconnoitre, and these entered the town of Haddington without opposition. They found everything in such excellent order inside that there was nothing lacking, and they therefore returned and rejoined the main body.
As the latter approached nearer to Haddington they were perceived by the French, who were on a hill, and prepared to attack them. The English, recognising that the French who were coming against them were fewer in number than themselves, without further consideration began skirmishing with them, the French always falling back as the English advanced, until the latter were drawn to the side of the mountain where the French infantry force was stationed. The English finding themselves suddenly, to their surprise, in the midst of a large number of enemies, took to flight, the light horse retreating towards the place where the English infantry had been left, although Palmer and Bowes did their best to get them to stay with the men-at-arms, so that the whole force together might escape towards the town (of Haddington), but unfortunately all order and discipline were lost and no one escaped except those who took the road towards the town. (fn. 11) These defended themselves during their retreat and were aided by the garrison of Haddington to such an extent that in a sortie effected by these latter men a great number of the pursuers were killed.
In this encounter (Sir Thomas) Palmer and the Warden (Sir Robert) Bowes were taken prisoners, and the English admit that they lost over three hundred horse. It may be feared that the loss will be greater than this, albeit I read every word of the letter from Lord Grey to the Protector written on the 19th intsant, in which he says that, although their loss in killed and prisoners had been somewhat heavy, the damage sustained by the enemy was still greater. They do not know here yet whether the French have returned to besiege the town again, or what was the reason for the falling out between the Regent of Scotland and the French commander. (fn. 12) They have learnt, however, that amongst other words that passed between them M. D'Essé reproached the Regent with having lost more than 300 French gentlemen. It may well be that this withdrawal of the French was from the first nothing but a ruse intended to draw the English into a ambuscade, and that the spies had been bribed, as these people (the English) say that the Scotsmen who were on their side changed their red crosses for white ones. They impute to the falsity of these Scotsmen the unfortunate result of the encounter rather than to the French prowess.
The English think that there will be no scarcity inside the town of Haddington before they are able to relieve the place by land with the troops they have, and those they expect to be brought by Courtpenninck, who informs them that he has already embarked, or else by the arrival of the English sea force which, however, is not so strong as I recently wrote to your Majesty, but still exceeds thirty sail of well armed and equipped vessels. The arrival of this squadron off Scotland will oblige the French to come to the defence of their galleys and ships, which, it is said, are not so numerous now as when they arrived, because the English assert, although I cannot well believe it, that the Queen Dowager of Scotland with her daughter has embarked and has proceeded to France with three or four galleys and some ships. Another galley also was seen a short time ago passing between Dover and Calais on the way from Scotland, so it is evident that the galleys are not all together there.


  • 1. i.e., the younger Granvelle, Antoine de Perennot son of the Secretary and afterwards the celebrated Cardinal de Granvelle.
  • 2. There is in the Royal Archives at Brussels (359) a letter dated 6 April, 1548, from Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager of Hungary referring to the very urgent request sent by the Queen on behalf of her sister Eleanor, Queen Dowager of France, that Van der Delft should obtain possession of certain copies of documents not specified in the letter. The writer says that Paget, desirous of aiding to the best of his ability, had at once sent one of his men to the person, two hundred miles away, who had possession of the documents. The return of this messenger was daily expected. The present letter gives the sequel to this.
  • 3. Van der Delft appears to have had a suburban residence at Old Ford on the Lea, now one of the poorest quarters of East London, but then quite rural. It was assumed in an earlier page of this Calendar that the village to which he referred was Wanstead, as he spoke of it as being near Wanstead House, the residence of Princess Mary. The distance from Old Ford to Wanstead is about three miles.
  • 4. This was the disestablished nunnery, Syon House, Isleworth.
  • 5. The Interim was the compromise that had been adopted in May of the same year, 1548, by the German Diet and cities. It was succeeded in December by a much more liberal compromise called the Greater Interim.
  • 6. This was an exploit by Captain James Dogg (or Dodd), who, with a hundred men, had gone outside the walls of Haddington to cut green corn for their horses and were attacked by a larger force of French horsemen and some German mercenaries. Protected by the artillery of the town, the English force stood its ground, killing or wounding sixty of their assailants, “one being Captain Mare, lieutenant or chief officer under the Rheingrave." Palmer to Somerset, 13 July; Scottish Calendar, Vol. 1.—Bain.
  • 7. The meaning of this is that galleys, being mobile by their sweeps, had a great advantage over sailing-ships in a calm.
  • 8. The English galleasse had been adapted in Henry VIII.'s reign from the type of Venetian ships called Galleazza di Mercantia. They were much larger and broader than galleys and depended mainly upon sails, the oars only being used as auxiliary power in need. They were much better fitted than galleys for work in the open sea, and could carry broadside armament, which galleys could not do to any extent. They evolved, indeed, the first type of ship which was a fighting entity itself, instead of being a conveyance for fighters; and from this idea the modern battleship sprang.
  • 9. This appears to have been an event that is amusingly described in the Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII. (Martin Hume) as having been performed by one of the Spanish mercenary captains called Sir Pero Negro. Several relieving parties were thrown into Haddington at various times, but Pero Negro's exploit was the only one in which it is mentioned that each man carried a sack of powder. When the French first appeared near Haddington, but had not completely beleaguered it, Pero Negro with his regiment was sent by Grey to reinforce the town. He was, however, deterred from entering by the presence of the French, much to Grey's dissatisfaction. Negro's subsequent dash with the powder was probably his reply to Grey's reproaches. The details of the campaign are very minutely set forth by one who was present with General D'Essé in Histoire de la Guerre d'Ecosse, 1548-1549.—Jean de Beaugue (Maitland Club).
  • 10. Pietro Strozzi, the famous Florentine noble in the service of France, was in supreme command of the expedition, with special charge of the galleys. It is hardly necessary to say that although his wound (a shot through the thigh) was very severe, it was not mortal on this occasion, though Palmer wrote to Somerset (5 July) that it was.
  • 11. This disastrous attempt to raise the siege of Haddington is fully described (17 July) in a letter from Brende to Somerset. Grey was not himself present at the engagement, in which the English were clearly entrapped, the retirement of the French having been a feint. Scottish Calendar, Vol. I.—Bain.
  • 12. Palmer, in his letter to Somerset (15 July), says that Arran told D'Essé that his men did nothing but waste the country, whereupon D'Essé, “in choler,” replied that it was all the fault of the Scots for allowing the English to have made their earthworks when they might have been prevented. “All was wasted that was done for such ungrateful people,” said the French general. There was, indeed, much jealousy between the Scots and the French throughout the campaign.