Henry VIII: November 1514, 2-10

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 1, 1509-1514. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1920.

This free content was digitised by double rekeying. All rights reserved.

Citation:

'Henry VIII: November 1514, 2-10', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 1, 1509-1514, (London, 1920), pp. 1431-1444. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol1/pp1431-1444 [accessed 16 June 2024].

. "Henry VIII: November 1514, 2-10", in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 1, 1509-1514, (London, 1920) 1431-1444. British History Online, accessed June 16, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol1/pp1431-1444.

. "Henry VIII: November 1514, 2-10", Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 1, 1509-1514, (London, 1920). 1431-1444. British History Online. Web. 16 June 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol1/pp1431-1444.

November 1514

2 Nov.
S.P. Hen. VIII., 9, f. 155. R.O.
3409. [5544.] E. [AUDLEY] BP. OF SALISBURY to WOLSEY.
Received the King's letters in September last, dated Esher, 26 Aug., containing a complaint from Sir John Seymour, that the Bishop's servants had killed a great number of deer in the forest of Savernake. Sir John Seymour is the Bishop's enemy because he refused to execute his spiritual jurisdiction contrary to his conscience; and his accusation is untrue. Remmesbury, 2 Nov. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: To, &c., my Lord of Lincoln, postulate to York.
3 Nov.
S.P. Hen. VIII., 230, f. 296. R.O.
3410. THE TOWER.
Receipt, 3 Nov. 6 Hen. VIII., by William Bolton, prior of St. Bartholomew's, from Sir John Daunce, of 100l. towards making storehouses and coining houses in the Tower.
P. 1.
3 Nov.
Calig. D. VI., f. 153. B.M.
f. 157.
3411. [5547.] CHARLES DUKE OF SUFFOLK to WOLSEY.
Had written to the King how he had passed the time hitherto and desires to be informed how the King takes it, especially for his harness. Had written to Wolsey from Abbeville and also from Bowoes (Beauvais), but has learnt from Sir Harry Gylford that his letters to the King and Wolsey had been opened. Whether his last letters from Bowoes were so he cannot tell. "Me lord, thys es a nyell (an ill) pagant. Me lord, I and me lord marques and me lord chambarlyn has takon thys dyrrexseun that wye wyell not styke thyr in un tell they and wye have spoken to gyddar and that wy may have some mattar to wreth un to the kynges gras of, and thyn wy woll say that wy wold [ther]yn wreth un to the kynges gras howar master, [ho]w by et howar lyttares by takon and oponed and ... for un tell schyth tyeme as wy may se a tryall ... and pounnesmynt of thym yt has doun et [we wyl]not syend." Had sent letters which he would not should have been seen, which the King knows well. This same day he and my lord Marquis and my lord Chamberlain with my lord of St. John's and Dr. Wyest had delivered his letters to the King and to the Queen. "And soo whane that wy had doun wye schowd hys g[race] that we had sartyn in struseunes to schow un to hys g[race] ar to hys counssell whane et schold plyes hes gras; and soo he sayd that hes counssell schold gow weth hous and wye schold by gyen to en tyr in comenecaison." They then withdrew to my Lord of Longueville's chamber where they met the Cardinal, (fn. 1) my Lord of Longueville, and Mons. Trymoell and the General and Robert Teet and an old man, (fn. 2) whose name he knew not, and began to communicate for the personal meeting of the King's highness and the French King. "And first we desired [them to] show us what time, what place, and what n[umber their m]aster would think most convenient ... [whereunto] they gave this answer; first for the [time] it was in manner agreed it should be in April, [and] as for the number, look what number the King would come with, he would come in likewise; and as for the place, they began to name a place about Hard [Ardes]. And then we said Nay, and stack on Calles, or else at St. Peter's. And so when they had heard us they said they would show unto the King what we had said, and they would show us the King's pleasure on Sunday after, and so we parted for that time." Suffolk with his fellows went to his lodging where he was sent for by the French King to come and see his two daughters. He went thither alone; "and whane I came thyr a mad me to kyes hys dawttares," and began conversing with him. On seeing the King at leisure and the "chamber [w]oll ryed," he toke his secret letter and read it, telling the King it was a letter of credence, and that he had a message from the King his master; "wherefore I desired his grace to show m[e his] pleasure when he thought best I should speak (?) ..." The King thought best the jousts should be done first, and also the personal meeting concluded; and Suffolk agreed to do according to his pleasure. Begs to know if Wolsey think this good, or if he should begin it sooner. The French King bids him tell Wolsey that he has sent him "moulle (a mule ?) the byst in the warld"; and my Lord of Longueville that, touching his matter of Tournay and his matter of Rome, everything possible should be done. "Howbeit I will make a quarrel that you would not show me of, as knows God, who send you as well to fare as I would myself." Paris the ii[j day] of November.
P.S.—Begs a speedy answer. The Queen is to be crowned at St. Denis, where she is now, on Sunday next, and on Monday to enter Paris. The jousts to begin on Monday se'nnight.
Hol., pp. 5; the leaves misplaced. Add.: To my Lord of York.
3 Nov. 3412. LEO X. to JAMES V.
See No. 3470, footnote.
5 Nov.
Exch. Accts., 418 (5), f. 22. R.O.
3413. THE KING'S BARGE.
Warrant to the Great Wardrobe to deliver John Thurston, master of the Barge, "two tiltes, one for our barge and another for our boat." Greenwich, 5 Nov. 6 Hen. VIII.
6 Nov. 3414. WOLSEY.
Archbishop of York. See GRANTS IN NOVEMBER, No. 8.
6 Nov. 3415. WILLIAM ATWATER.
Bishop of Lincoln. See GRANTS IN NOVEMBER, No. 9.
6 Nov.
Calig. D. VI., 201. B.M. Ellis, 2 S. I., 243.
3416. [5553.] CHARLES EARL OF WORCESTER to WOLSEY.
Received on the 2nd inst. his letter dated at Eltham the 22nd October, communicating the King's pleasure touching the return of my Lady Gilford, and Wolsey's relative to his matter of Tournay. With regard to the first he has done what he could with the French King, who replied "that his wife and he be in good and perfect love as ever two creatures can be, and both of age to rule themself, and not to have servants that should look to rule him or her." He himself could give his wife what advice she required, but he was sure she did not wish to have her again; "for as soon as she came a lond, and also when he was married, she began to take upon her not only to rule the Queen, but also that she should not come to him, but she should be with her, nor that no lady nor lord should speak with her but she should hear it, and began to set a murmur and banding amongst ladies of the Court. And then he swore that there was never man that better loved his wife than he did, but or he would have such a woman about her he had lever be without her." He was sure that when "the King his good and loving brother" knew this he would be satisfied. "He would not have her about his wife; al[so he said] that he is a sickly body and not at all times that ... be merry with his wife, to have any strange wo[man with her] but one that he is well acquainted with[al afore whom he] durst be merry, and that he is sure [the Queen his] wife is content withal for he hath se[t about her neither] lady nor gentlewoman to be with her for her ma[stery but her] servants and to obey her commandments." On which answers "I an[swered him] again so that he was content, and so I make no do[ubt but] the King's grace would be; for the answer was well de[bated or] I gave it, as his grace and you shall know at my co[ming] which I trust shall be shortly, for I purpose to depart hom[eward the] 12th day of this month;" for all that he was charged with either by himself along with "my good lord" of [Suffolk] and my Lord Marquis will be concluded, as much as may be at this time, within these three days.
With regard to Tournay he had sent Wolsey from Abbeville the letter directed to my Lady of Savoy, according to his desire. The Elect was ordered to meddle no further and a letter was sent to the French ambassador at Rome "no further to meddle against you." Had spoken with the French King who was willing to re[compense] him, and has commanded the Treasurer Robertett and the general of Normandy to speak with the president of Parliament, father of the said Elect, to agr[ee to a] recompense, which they would do without fail to-morrow at the furthest. The King desired him to say, that the Elect should make as full a release as Wolsey could wish. "[Or] ever I depart I woll know a parfaite [end therein, and, after the advice] and counsel of master dean of Windsor, I woll [cause] to be made writing, if he think that any may be made for your surety before ye send to Rome; or else I will order the matter so that at all times when ye will send for them that ye shall have them."
The King wished Wolsey to desire Henry, if God should send him a son, that he might be godfather, as he was last; "and he will send a good and honorable personage to be there against the Queen's deliverance to represent his person, and to do the act in his name;" who should also have power to treat for their meeting and of other secret matters. As soon as he has an answer on this point he will despatch his said ambassador. The French Queen told Worcester she loved Lady Guilford well, but was content to be without her, for she may do what she will. St. Denis, 6 Nov. Signed.
Pp. 3. Mutilated. Add.: [To] mine especial good lord, my lord Archbishop of York.
6 Nov.
Vesp. B. II. B.M.
3417. RECEPTION OF MARY QUEEN OF FRANCE INTO PARIS.
The author, Pierre Grigore, in his preface addressed to Mary, explains that he undertakes this work of writing the history of her reception, wherein he was charged, by the treasurers of France and the men of Paris, with the invention of the mysteries used, seeing that the printed account (fn. 3) was not correct, but only compiled from hearsay He intends to confine himself to her reception in Paris, which took place 6 Nov. 1514.
First. At the Porte Saint Denis on the pont levis was a scaffold hung with rich tapestry, on which stood a ship of three tops (hunes), with masts and sails complete; and round it were the four principal winds, as if blowing it. Within were Bacchus and Ceres, holding respectively a vine-branch covered with grapes and a sheaf of corn. A personage named Paris held the tiller. On the main mast stood Honor, holding the arms of France, and on the other masts two men armed with darts, signifying that they would guard the honor of the said ship. In the rigging stood mariners singing the following verses:
"Noble dame, bien soyes venue en France,
Par toy vivons en plaisir et en joye.
Françoys, Angloys, vivent à leur plaisance,
Louange à Dieu du bien qu'il nous envoye."
After the song an eloquent orator repeated these words:
"Trèsillustre magnanime princesse,
Paris te fait reverence et honneur,
Et ceste nef presente à ta noblesse
De la quelle est soubz le roy gouverneur.
Bledz, vins y sont et suave liqueur,
Que vens soufflent par Divine ordonnance.
Tous les manans d'icelle de bon cueur
Te recoyvent comme royne de France."
The Queen was met, between the bridge and the gate by the Prévost des Marchands, the Echevins, Clerks and Receiver of Paris. The Echevins placed a canopy over her head and were followed by the principal burgesses and citizens, who took turns in carrying the canopy. She was thus conducted to a place called "La Fontaine du Ponceau," where was a scaffold, on which was placed a fountain with three jets, watering a lily and a red rose, and near were three ladies, magnificently dressed, named the Graces, who had found means to unite the said lily and rose. The first was called "Gratia preveniens" or Prosperity, showing that foresight (prevenir) was necessary for the attainment of this prosperity; the second "Gratia gratis data," or Mirth, showing that after the foresight necessary, God gives this grace of mirth. The third Grace was named "Gratia gratum faciens," or Beauty, showing that those who have watered with this fountain of graces the lily and the rose, have given to the people prosperity, mirth and beauty, which are present in this lady. The following words were repeated by an orator:
"Pour enrroser le liz miraculeux
Et la rose vermeille florissant
Les Graces sont envoyées des saitz cieulx
Soubz fontaine pure eaue distillant
Prosperite, liesse desirant,
Beaulté, joingnent par vertue nonpareille
Le liz royal à la rose vermeille."
She was then led to a place where the Brothers of the Passion and Resurrection had erected a scaffold on which was a King and a Queen coming to visit him to hear his wisdom and renown. She presented him with a Peace, (fn. 4) showing that as the Queen of Sheba heard of Solomon's wisdom and visited him, giving him rich jewels, so Mary of England, hearing the renown of Louis XII. was come to visit him, bringing as her gift peace. On the scaffold was written the following rondeau:
"Noble Sabba dame de renommée
Est venue veoir Salomon le tressaige,
Qui la receue d'ung amoureux couraige.
Par sur toutes la prisée et aymée
C'est la royne de vertus enflameée,
Belle et bonne, vertueuse en langaige,
Noble Sabba.
Le très crestien sachant qu'elle est famée,
A prins plaisir veoir en son heritaige
Le beau present de paix: vray mariage
C'est ensuyvy dont elle est estimée
Noble Sabba."
There was also an orator who spoke as follows:
"Sabba royne princesse de renom
Apporta dons precieulx et richesse
Au vertueux noble roy Salomon
Qui la receut en joye et en leesse;
Mais Marie, nostre royne et maistresse,
A apporté au roy doulx et courtoys
Present de paiz pour Françoys et Angloys."
She was thence conducted to the Painter's Gate, where was a scaffold on the top of which, as in heaven, on a cloud, was "ung Dieu le père," holding in his right hand a large heart surrounded with the King's order, and in the other a lily and rose intertwined. Underneath were a King and Queen, in their triumph and magnificence, and at the foot was written, "Cor regis in manu Domini est, quocunque voluerit inclinabit illud" (Prov. XXII), and under the King and Queen "Veni amica mea, veni, coronaberis" (Canticorum 4). Below stood five ladies, viz., France and England seated in chairs at the two ends of the scaffold, and between them standing Peace, Amity, and Confederation. Behind were minstrels, playing, and then an orator spoke as follows:
"Le cueur du roy, que Dieu tient en sa main,
A incliné, pour la salvation,
Nourriture, repos du peuple humain,
A vray amour, concorde et union,
Le quel est joingt sans quelque fiction
A Marie qui a mis pour la guerre
Paix, amitie, confederation,
Entre les roys de France et d'Angleterre."
She then was led to the church of the Holy Innocents, before which was another scaffold, and on it a smaller one, raised on high. On this was a tent in antique style painted gold color, called the throne of honor. Within was planted a lily in an orchard called the orchard of France, surrounded by four Virtues—Pity and Truth on the right, and Fortitude and Mercy on the left. On the throne was written "Misericordia et veritas custodiunt regem et roborabitur clemencia thronus ejus."
Verite et Misericorde
Preservent le liz de discorde,
Et Clemence, garde et matrosne
Par Force, reinforcist le throsne."
On the large scaffold below was an enclosure like the wall of a town, with towers and a gate. In the centre a rosebush, with "Plantatio rose in Jherico" written thereon. From the bush a stalk with a bud on it rose up towards the throne, and the lily descended and met it half way. They then rose together to the throne where the bud opened, disclosing within a maiden richly dressed, who said:
"Fleur odorant de faveur melliflue,
Rameau de paix ou toute grace afflue,
Rose vermeille en Jherico plantée,
Humble Marie, dont tout bien sourt et flue,
En ce pays tu soyes la bien venue
Auquel par toy bonne paix est entée.
Divine grace a ta foy augmentée
Si que a te veoir Françoys prennent delitz,
Comme se Dieu t'avoit alimentée
En son vergier faicte fleur pigmentée
Pour decorer la noble fleur de liz."
At the right of the bush was a person named "The Great Pastor," representing the Pope, holding the stalk, as if assisting it to rise to the throne. The following was the motto:
"Auxilio Pape conscendit culmina laudis
Occupat et sedes Franco cum flore priores."
Par le Grand Pasteur de l'Eglise
Est la rose si hault montée
Que au throsne d'honneur place a prise
Et du hault liz est accountée."
On the left side was a personage called "The sole wish of the Princes," on whose head was written:
"Lilia purpureis monstrantur mixta per urbes
Alba rosis istud regum dat solla voluntas.
La rose, figurant Marie,
En ce cloz sur toutes provinces
Soubz le liz la paix apparie
Par l'unique vouloir des Princes."
At the church gate was a lady named Peace, sitting in a chair; at her feet Discord, a woman fully armed, under whom was written:
"Ampla rubicundum generant rosaria florem
Sepe quatit sub quo Pax pede Litigium.
D'ung franc rosier venant de haulte tyge,
On voit produire la rose d'excellence
Soubz laquelle Paix succombe Litige,
Tenant Discorde soubz piedz en oubliance."
On the towers was written "Venter tuus sicut acervus tritici vallatus liliis. Fiat pax in virtute tua et habundancia in turribus tuis." After this the Queen was conducted to the Chastellet de Paris, which is the place where the Prévost and Viscomte of the town hold their court. Here was a large scaffold, and 10 toises above was hung an azure canopy (ciel), under which was a cloud from which Justice descended holding a sword. From the foot of the scaffold Truth rose up in such a manner that they met at about the height of five toises, in which place was written "Veritas de terra orta est et Justicia de celo prospexit." Over them was a large crown under which stood the twelve peers of France on brackets the size of their feet, so that they seemed statues. The Ecclesiastics had mitres, crosiers and copes, and the Temporal peers were armed and bore their ensigns. The Ecclesiastics are the Archbp. and Duke of Reins, the Bp. and Duke of Langres, the Bp. and Duke of Laon, the Bp. and Count of Beauvais, the Bp. and Count of Chalons, and the Bp. and Count of Noyon;—as if praying God for the maintenance of the crown. The Temporal peers are the Dukes of Burgundy, Normandy and Guyenne, the Counts of Flanders, Champagne and Toulouse, all whom are merged in the Crown, except Flanders, who enjoys his county as the King's vassal. Below the scaffold stood Phœbus, Diana, Minerva, Stella Maris and Bonaccord. Stella Maris signifies the Queen. As the moon derives light from the sun, Phœbus was intended for the King and Diana for France. There was also an orator, who spoke as follows:
"Par Marie, estoille illuminant
Et radiant par Phœbus, humble et doulx,
Dyana est en terre reluysant
Tant que guerre ne luy est plus nuysant,
Accord triumphe et a le bruit sur tous.
Phebus est roy qui domine sur nous,
Et Diana est France la fertille,
Et Mynerve prudence tresutile
Qui a conjoinct, comme on peut estimer,
Le cler Phebus à l'estoille de mer."
Below the scaffold were four tables with the following ballad in large letters:
"Par le vouloir de Phebus qui reluyt
De sa clarte Dyana enlumine,
Mynerve prent son plaisir et deduit
Donner lueur à l'estoille marine.
Et Bon Accord chasse guerre en ruyne.
Maintenant est la royalle couronne
Eslargie; l'Eglise bruyt luy donne;
Et noblesse se conduyt soubz icelle
En luy donnant vertu force et puissance.
Ainsy voyons apres guerre rebelle
Princes en paix et peuple en asseurance.
Considerons que justice a le bruyt,
Du ciel descend et selon droit chemine:
Verité vient de terre qui l'ensuyt.
Ilz resident soubz la couronne digne.
Phebus a eu tousjours diceulx saisine,
Sans icelles jamais son cas n'ordonne,
Dont haultement justice le guerdonne
Et verityé le nourrist soubz son aelle;
Qui est de bien advenir esperance.
Regner voyons maulgre hayne mortelle
Princes en paix et peuple en asseurance.
Qui est Phebus qui Dyana conduyt
Fors que le roy qui en France domyne?
Dyana est France qui jour et nuyt
Prent d'icelluy le bien qui luy assigne,
Ayant voulour par sa grace benigne
De mettre en bruyt France que hault guerdonne.
Et ce voyant Mynerve saige et bonne
Luy presente ceste marine estoille,
Ceste Marie noble royne de France.
Bon Accord mect par le roy et par elle
Princes en paix et peuple en asseurance.
Prins ce Phebus, qui mer terre environne,
Se monstre humain car sa clarté foisonne
Et atant fait, maulgré trahyson cautelle
Des ennemys qui luy ont fait nuysance,
Que Mynerve mett d'amour naturelle
Princes en paix et peuple en asseurance."
The Queen was then conducted to the Palais Royal, where was a scaffold before one of the gates. On the top was the angel Gabriel saluting the Virgin, saying "Ave gratia plena," and between them a lily. Below were the arms of the King and Queen, supported by a porcupine and a lion rampant. At the foot was a garden called the garden of France, with lilies growing therein, and above the garden a King and Queen, at whose right was Justice with a sword and Truth with a peace. In the garden were shepherds and shepherdesses who sang, and the following rondeau was written on the scaffold:
"Comme la paix entre Dieu et les hommes
Par le moyen de la Vierge marie
Fut jadis faicte, ainsy a present sommes
Bourgoys Françoys deschargez de noz sommes;
Car Marie avecq nous se marie.
Justice et paix aupres d'elle apparie
Au parc de France et pays d'Angleterre,
Puis que le laz d'amours tient l'armarie,
Acquis avons pour nous, nul n'en varie,
Marie au ciel et Marie en la terre."
She was thence conducted to the Church of St. Genevieve des Ardans, where were the rector of the university and a great number of Doctors of Theology, Law, Medicine and Arts, with scribes, proctors and beadles. After they had paid their respects to her, she entered the church of Notre Dame, where she was received by Cardinals, Archbps., Bps., Abbots, and the clergy of the college. She there performed her devotions and was taken to the Palais Royal where a banquet was prepared for all comers.
French, pp. 30. With paintings of the pageants.
6 Nov.
Galba B. v., 389. B.M.
3418. [5554.] SAMPSON to WOLSEY.
"Be the letters of my Lord Ponynges the 3rd day of Novem[ber I depar]tyd fro Bruges towards Tournay"; as Ponynges had written it was necessary he should be there. Has received letters from Wolsey, and one from the Fr[ench] King to my Lady Margaret, and also letters to her from Wolsey. Will leave Tournay to-day to deliver them. Has written already to Wolsey of the receipts of the diocese. When he delivered the brief to the Bishop's officers at Bruges, found them very obstinate, and provided with appeals both to the Parliament of Pa[ris] and to Rome. The country is much exasperated against England. Gives an account of his proceedings. Will nor hesitate to execute Wolsey's administration in Tournay. The old officers do not favour Wolsey. Has provided a doctor of great experience. Will execute the brief in Flanders. The revenues have been paid away, and, by the accounts he has received, Wolsey is 100 marks in debt. Hopes, however, to make them pay 20l. Cannot assemble the officers at Tournesis till the plague be past. Advises that the prebend be given to the before-mentioned doctor, on condition of receiving no salary as vicar-general, which is 40 marks per annum. The Lord Lieutenant and Sir Anthony Owthryd, the marshal, are active in Wolsey's behalf. Tournay, 6 Nov. 1514.
Mutilated, pp. 3. Add.: My Lord of York.
7 Nov.
S.P. Hen. VIII., 230, f. 297. R.O.
3419. ELIZABETH BRIAN.
Receipt, 7 Nov. 6 Hen. VIII., from Sir John Daunce, by Dame Margaret Bryan, wife of Sir Thomas Bryan, on behalf of Mistress Elizabeth Bryan, their daughter, of 500l. given "to her marriage, which by God's grace shall be espoused and wedded to Nicholas Carewe, son and heir apparent to Sir Richard Carewe, knight, before the feast of the Purification of Our Blessed Lady the Virgin." (Signed by Margaret, Elizabeth and Sir Richard.)
P. 1.
7 Nov.
Stowe MS. 146, f. 131. B.M.
3420. CABLES.
Bill of Roger Dell for cost of cranage and hire of cellars at Botoll Wharf, for the King's cables and hawsers, between 25 March and 31 May 6 Hen. VIII. Total, 5l. 7s. 4d.
ii. Subscribed by Dele, as received from Sir John Daunce, 7 Nov. 6 Hen. VIII.
P. 1.
7 Nov.
S.P. Hen. VIII., 230, f. 298. R.O.
3421. ORDNANCE.
Bill of charges for the King's stuff brought from Calais to the Tower, including the keeping of it at Calais for a year and a quarter and 42s. for Wm. Cheyney's expenses, for 21 days, in bringing it "home." Total, 5l. 13s. Signed: T. Ebor.
Subscribed with Cheyney's receipt for the amount, from Sir John Daunce, 7 Nov. 6 Hen. VIII.
P. 1.
7 Nov.
Hart's Hist. Cartul. Glouc., III., 288.
3422. SIR WILLIAM KINGSTON.
Writ to the abbot of St. Peter's, Gloucester, for receiving the oath of Sir William Kyngestone as sheriff of Gloucestershire. Westm. 7 Nov. 6 Hen. VIII.
ii. The sheriff's oath, promising in various ways to protect the King's interests, deal justly, &c., one item being to endeavour to stop "all maner heresyes and erroures comynly called Lolardys" and assist the ordinaries and commissaries of Holy Church.
7 Nov.
Treaty Roll 196, m. 15. R.O. Rymer, XIII., 468.
3423. [5559.] TREATY OF LONDON.
Louis XII.'s notification that he has received the letters patent of Henry VIII., dated Eltham, 20 Oct., signifying the assent of Charles Prince of Castile and the Archduchess Margaret to their comprehension in the treaty of London. Paris, 7 Nov. 1514.
French Roll 6 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 15.
7 Nov. 3424. [5560.] CHARLES DUKE OF SUFFOLK, T. MARQUIS OF DORSET, C. EARL OF WORCESTER, T. DOCWRA and NICHOLAS WEST to [HENRY VIII.].
Calig. D. VI.,
203. B.M. Ellis, 2 S. I., 247.
The King and Queen came to St. Denys the last day of Oct., and sent to them at Paris the treasurer Robertet, praying them to remain there the 1st and 2nd Nov. for the feasts of All Hallows and All Souls, and to come to St. Denys on Friday, 3 Nov., when my Lord of Suffolk and my Lord Marquis might deliver the King's letters, and hear the French King's determination concerning the coronation of his Queen and her entry into Paris. They arrived on Friday about 10 o'clock, were sent for to the Abbey, and after dinner brought into the presence of the King, and thanked him for the honorable reception of the Queen at her first arrival at Bolayn "and for the loving and honourable entertaining of her ever since, and for the good recueil done to your ambassadors late being with the Queen at Abbeville aforesaid." They also showed him that, by letters of Henry's former ambassadors the latter understood how greatly he was desirous of the interview between himself and Henry, on which account they were commissioned to treat concerning it. With regard to the necessary arrangements for this, he said, his Council should speak with them forthwith. The Queen's coronation was to be on Sunday following, and the entry into P[aris] on Monday. They were then brought into the Duke of [Bretaigne's] chamber, where was the Cardinal of Pree, the Duke of Longuevile, Mons. Bussaige, the treasurer [Robertet], and the general of Normandy. With regard to the place of meeting, the French could not agree to Calais, for various reasons, especially the weakness of their master. As to the time, the English, considering that Easter would fall on the 8th of April, thought it could not be before the 20th of that month; to which time the French "were somewhat agreeable"; and the conversation again reverting to the place, the English ambassadors proposed St. Peter's, as the farthest place they had in commission to treat upon. With this the French were not content, but said they would commune with the King both of the place and time.
On Sunday, 5th Nov., the Queen was crowned. The English ambassadors were sent for to come to the church by Mons. de Mombrancy [Montmorency]; and within an hour after she came in with a great company of noblemen and ladies. The Duke of Bretaigne led her, and before her came the Dukes of Alanson [Alençon], Bourbon, Longuevile, and Albany, the Duke of Bourbon's brother, the Countie of Vaund[osme], and the Countie of Sainct Poll, with many others. The Queen kneeled before the altar, and was anointed by the Cardinal of Pree, who delivered her the sceptre and the vierge of t ... of justice, put [a ring] upon her finger, and lastly set [the crown upon her] head; "which done the Duke of Bretaigne [led her to] a stage made on the left side of the altar d ... us, where she was set in a chair under a cl[oth of state] and the said Duke stood behind her holding th[e crown up] from her head to ease her of the weight there[of. And] then began the high mass sungen by the said [Cardinal] whereat the Queen offered; and after Agnus she [was] houseld. Mass done she departed to the p[alace], and we to our lodgings to our dinners; howbeit, [in] departing, the treasurer Robertet desired us to [come] again after dinner, and then we should know the [King's] pleasure upon our said matters." After dinner they went to the Duke of Lon[gueville's] chamber and met the Cardinal, the Duke of Longuevile, Mons. de la Tremouille, the B[ishop of] Parys, Mons. de Piennez, the treasurer Robertet, [and] the General, with whom they again spoke on the subject of the meeting. The King had appointed Mons. de Pie[nnez, who] knew the country, to be present and to name a place indifferent. He named Arde, but they stuck [out for St.] Peter's; on which the others withdrew and conferred together. Ultimately they agreed that Henry should come to Dover, and the French [King to] Bolayn, and each send commissioners to agree upon a place upon the limits of the English marches between Arde and Guysnes, or else between Bolayn and C[alais], and also to settle the number to come with both parties, which those who saw the ground could best arrange "according to the danger of the same"; and this the French commissioners desired might be communicated to Henry as the King their master's mind, with a request that the interview might be as near as possible to the beginning of April, as Louis intended to send his army over the Mountains in March for the recovery of Ast and Milan, and to follow them himself as soon as he might to Grannoble that he might be near them; "which they said he would in no wise do till he had seen your grace." After a consultation among themselves the English ambassadors agreed to communicate this overture to Henry as they were requested.
On Monday, 6 Nov., the King [departed] about 7 o'clock in the morning to Paris. The Queen departed about 9 o'clock [and rested] at a village two miles out of Paris. She made her entry into Paris with great solemnity. She was met by the provost of the merchants with the guard of the town before him, the provost of the justice [and] the council of the town, the cham[berlain] of accounts, president of the parliament, the university, and others. Reached the palace at 6 o'clock, "where she did lie all night, and there was a right great banquet"; dined there on Tuesday; and the afternoon to Turnelles, where she is lodged. The jousts are to begin on Sunday next. Paris, Tuesday, 7 Nov. Signed.
Mutilated, pp. 6.
8 Nov.
Exch. Accts. 418 (5), f. 50. R.O.
3425. JOHN HARYSON.
Warrant to the Great Wardrobe to deliver John Haryson, yeoman of the Chamber with the Queen, a tawny chamlet gown, &c. Greenwich, 8 Nov. 6 Hen. VIII.
8 Nov.
S.P. Hen. VIII., 230, f. 299. R.O.
3426. SUFFOLK'S EMBASSY.
Memoranda, in the handwriting of Sir John Daunce's clerk, of payments for stuff provided by Richard Gibson and Laurence Egylsfeld for the apparel of certain yeomen of the Guard appointed to attend the Duke of Suffolk as ambassador to the French King, viz., on 20 Oct. 6 Hen. VIII., to Thos. Speight, merchant tailor, and John Jenkyn, tailor, on 21 Oct. to Wm. Botrey, mercer, and on 8 Nov. to Bart. Wale, the King's capper. Each entry signed by the recipient.
Pp. 3.
8 Nov.
S.P. Hen. VIII., 9, f. 156. R.O.
3427. [5566.] EARL OF WORCESTER to WOLSEY.
Has just been informed by the General of Normandy that the payment due by France on 1 Nov., will not be at Calais till 8 Dec., which has ever been the day of payment, and the payment due in May has always been paid 8 June. He showed Worcester a list of all that should have pensions, but refused him a copy. Worcester's name is in the list. Had written from Abbeville, wishing to know if he should accept it. Was promised this morning the resignation of the elect. (fn. 5) Trusts to bring it. Thinks Wolsey in the mean time should make suit at Rome. Will do what he can here, with the advice of Mr. Dean. (fn. 6) Paris, 8 Nov. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add.: [To] mine especiall good lord my lord Abp. of York.
8 Nov.
Calig. D. VI., 144. B.M.
3428. [5565.] SIR EDWARD [PONYNGES] to HENRY VIII.
In favour of Pierre de Bryonnes, a Castilian, bearer of the letter, who had served in the garrison of Tournay so long as the King was pleased to keep him, and now purposed to return to Spain through England. Tournay, 8 Nov. 1514. Signature half burnt.
French. P. 1. Add.: Au Roy mon Souverain Seigneur.
9 Nov.
Paris MS.
3429. DUKE OF SUFFOLK.
Note of receipt by the Duke of Suffolk of his pension of 1,000 cr from France, dated 9 Nov. 1514.
See Spanish Calendar, Vol. II, No. 191.
9 Nov.
Calig. D. VI., 188. B.M.
3430. [5569.] THOMAS MARQUIS OF DORSET to [WOLSEY].
Since his last letters, dated Bevoyse, 26 Oct., where they first met the French King and Dauphin, they have accompanied the latter to Paris. On the 27th they came to Bewmond to their lodging. Next day the Dauphin having entoyled within a wood by the way two wild boars, my Lord of Suffolk met the first and gave him "the first stroke with his tokke, that he bowed it three ways to his hand, and slew him," and Dorset himself struck the second with a boar's spear "that he long continued not after." Came the same night to Paris, where they communed with the Dauphin and his other assistants, "as we be," of the jousts, and the preparations for them. "Wherein we found him and his company not like as they have been named; for though they do re[nne] trymmely, and handle theym self well [enough] with their small and light staves, th[ey could not] well trim themself in their harn[ess ...] be content to have our poor advices th ... wol somewhat follow the same. My lo[rd, at my] coming to Paris, I had not one piece of [harness] neither for horseback nor foot, nor horse to r[ide], but was to seek everything that I should [want]. Howbeit, by the help of the King's grace, my master, who so bounteously departed with me, that I ... trust shall be again the day of the justs, [which] shall be" Monday the 13th inst., as well trimmed as any man in France, having spared no cost, but laid out his money as largely as his master gave it him.
[The above is in a clerk's hand. What follows is in Dorset's own.]
"Fryday, the fowrth (fn. 7) day ofe No[vember], wy ver apoyntyth (we were appointed) to come tho (to) the K[yngys] grace to Saynte Denys, wher my Lorde [of] Swfefoke, acompanyde wythe hws [the other] inbasadwrs, delyfyrth (delivered) the Kyngys [letter, who] demandeth hws houre credense vych [we told] hys grase; and that done, hye [with] the Cardenale ofe Pry, th[e Duke of] Longfylde, Mosywre la Trymole, [Robert Thyete ?] the Generale [of Normandy and another, (fn. 8) communed touc]hynge the parsonale mytyng [betwixt the King] hour mayster and the Frense Kyng ... ofe Apryle nexte enswhynge ofe the monyt ... ych ofe the nombyre to be egale, and wythethout ... hone both sydes, so that they wyle agry that ... [m]ay by in swche aplase has wy whole apoynte, [tha]t hys Saynte Pyters; and farder, wy ntennot (intend not ?) to go ... hyte, and hyte wy stake apone Galys (Calais) a grete wyle [and tol]de theym that why kwde go no fardyr, exchepe [we] swde send to Inglande to kno the Kyngys [far]dyr plesyre, and that wy thowte hyte whas no [the]nge for theyme to styke hate, syhyng who ewere thynge [te]ndythe; and the conclusyone vhas, the Kyngys [gra]se swde come to Dovyre and the Frenche Kynge [to] Boleyne, and thane sarteyne parsonages to by apoyntyth [on] bothe sydes fore to aponte the plase vythe [oth]er dywerse thyngys vyche I forbere to vryte to your [lord]-cype by chawse why hafe vryten to youre lordcype ... enye in a nodyre leter. And to asaterne you ofe the [Que]nys demenynge in thys partys hys aswrythele (assuredly) [so] far has I kane kno has goude and wyse, as may ... owth, and I aswre you her grase has a grete ... ofe her amynere, and hyte hade note byhwfe het ... uyse hyme for notyng. My lord, I pray [you be not] myscontent tat I wrote note to you [when my Lord] a Sufoke sende you hy laste leters fo[rasmuch as] I trwste sortele to se you after the jw[sts] ... by I scale tele yow awle th[e news and how] my Lord a Sufoke has byh[aved himself well] and wysele in hawle hys maters h ... and that he hys note ofe a lytele ext[ymation] in thys partys bwte has done has gr[eat service] to hore mayster and hys reme has ewer dy ly[vyng man] that kam hwte ofe Inglande, has knohys G[od], who kype you, and sende my sortele in to Ingland. Awle my money by spende." Paris, 9 Nov. Signed.
Mutilated.
10 Nov.
S.P. Hen. VIII., 230, f. 301. R.O.
3431. RICHARD WOODWARD.
Memorandum that there remain in the hands of Richard Wudward, 24 Aug. 6 Hen. VIII., 267 "beefs" and 240 "multons," value 329l. 16s. 7d. and he makes demand for allowances (specified, such as beasts dead of murrain, or depreciated) 72l. 13s. 4d.
And so remains in his hands, 10 Nov. 6 Hen. VIII., 257l. 3s. 3d.
P. 1.

Footnotes

  • 1. Of Bayeux.
  • 2. M. de Bouchaige? See p. 1441.
  • 3. Two contemporary printed accounts of Mary's reception at Abbeville and one of her entry into Paris are reprinted by H. Cocheris, Entrées de Marye d'Angleterre, etc., 1856. All three are very brief.
  • 4. A gold shield with red and white cross.
  • 5. Of Tournay.
  • 6. Dr. West, dean of Windsor.
  • 7. Friday was the 3rd.
  • 8. No. 3424 mentions "Mons. Bussaige" but omits "Mosywre la Trymole."