Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 10, January-June 1536. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1887.
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February 1536, 11-20
Corpus Reform., iii. 49.
|290. Melancthon to Joachim Camerarius.|
|On Feb. 10 "your Englishman" returned to us at Tyrigetæ (Jena), bringing with him his friend Nic. Heath, who excels the others, as I wrote before, in courtesy and learning. They are going to Nurenberg, and I am returning today to Wittenberg.|
|The Englishman spoke highly of you, and Heath seemed to be pleased with your praises. I have written a letter to you answering those brought by the Englishman.|
|Expects that the Council will be hindered by the war which the French king is about to undertake for the duchy of Milan. The Church is torn by the ignorance and ambition of teachers and the cruelty of prelates (pontificum).|
3 id. Feb. 1536.
|291. Sir John Dudley to Cromwell.|
This day, at Lichfield, George Robinson was indicted for felony, as
will appear by the bills to be shown you by your servant, Thos. Parry. The
justices of the peace were Sir Will. Bassett, Sir Philip Draycot, and Walter
Wrotisley, who have done well in the King's service. Most of the jury were
gentlemen of good substance. Lichfield, Friday, 11 Feb.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|292. John Butler to Cranmer. (fn. 1)|
Has often declared to the Deputy, mayor and Council the oath of
renouncing the Bishop of Rome's pretended power, which was established in
the last Parliament, but no such oath is taken or used, and much papistry
still reigns, especially among the rulers. Suggests a commission to the
Deputy and some others not of the papistical sort, which were hard to find
among the Council here, to see the oath put in execution at the admission
of officers. Supposes then some would alter to another fashion. Suffers
much trouble. They seek ways to undo him, and speak fair to his face.
Reminds him of the preachers, of whom Dr. Barnes should be one. Calais,
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
|293. Wm. Brabason to Cromwell.|
Asks him to thank, on the King's behalf, the mayor, bailiff, and
citizens of Waterford for their treatment of the King's soldiers and the goodwill showed to himself. Commends Wm. Wise, the King's servant. Dublin,
12 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd. Sealed.
Add. MS. 8,715, f. 205. B. M.
|294. Bishop of Faenza to the Prothonotary Ambrogio.|
Hears that the king of England has had a fall from his horse, and
was thought to be dead for two hours. His lady miscarried in consequence. * * *
Ital., modern copy, pp. 3. Headed: Al Signor Protonotario Ambrogio, Da Leone, li 12 Febraro 1536.
|295. John Whalley to Cromwell.|
The Master of the Masondewe and himself have received Cromwell's
letter. Cromwell lays most to his charge that he brought the King into
debt before, and wishes to do so again. If the first objection is for the
arrear left unpaid in the Tower, he did it through ignorance, not being
always able to have money enough, because Cromwell was away in Calais
with the King, and had given him orders to finish the work against the
King's coming home. Mr. Smythe, now the Queen's surveyor, certified
that Whalley had only money enough to pay the workmen from time to time
and Cromwell got the arrears discharged. As for the debt now incurred,
the master of the Masondew took in 400 men at Christmas, when Whalley
was in London, being authorised by Cromwell's letter, 14 Nov. Since
Christmas has tried to reduce the number, but could not. The master will
come up and explain his intentions as to keeping the men. The 250l. he
has received will not pay more than two-thirds of what is due this pay day.
Dover, 13 Feb.
Hol., pp. 3. Add.: "Chief Secretary" "at the Rowlles." Endd.
|296. Sir Thos. Denys and others to the Marquis of Exeter.|
Have received his letters stating that divers men disguised as women
were unlawfully assembled at the Priory of St. Nicholas, Exeter. The
matter has been examined by the writers, and before by Sir Thomas
Arundell, who promised to draw up a report to be sent to the Council.
On the 12th they had before them a great number of women and their husbands. Cannot find that they were guilty of any traitorous intent, or privy to the setting up seditious bills against the mayor of Exeter for imprisoning the offenders. They say that their only intent was "to let" (stop) "two Bretons, kervers," who boasted that they would pull down the crucifix of the said church with all the saints there, calling them idols. Exeter, 13 Feb. Signed: John Blakaller, (fn. 2) mayor of Exeter:—Thomas Denys:—Phelypp Champernown.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
Vit. B. xiv. 237. B.M.
|297. [Sir Gregory Casale] to Henry VIII.|
"Serme princeps felicitatem. Quod prout Majestas vestra per ejus
literas a Domino Ricar[do] . . . . . . . . . . accepisse scribit, cupiam de ea
bene mereri fa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . eadem Majestate vestra beneficia, et raræ
virtutes ae am . . . . . . . . . eam ornatam cognovi. Hæc etiam me adduxerunt ut . . . . . . . . . cum dicto domino Ricardo tanquam ejus servo et
benevo . . . . . . . . . . . . retulerat, loquerer, ostenderemque magnum
pecto[ris mei] desiderium ut Majestatis vestræ animus omni quiete et
sa . . . . . . . . . . . deret. In hunc sermonem secum ego devenerim quod
si inte . . . . . . . . pristinam amicitiam et benevolentiam reintegrare posse
p . . . . . . . . . obstante aetate jam ingravescente et nonnullis infirmit[atibus quibus] laboro libenter istuc me conferrem. Quod etiam nunc
aff . . . . . . . . . addens quod in omnibus his in quibus Majestati vestræ
possim . . . . . . . . ero paratissimus et promptissimus, prout ne Majestati
vestræ lo[ngiori epistola sim] molestus, latius scribo ad Magcum D. Thomam
C[romwell, ejus] secretarium, cujus fidem Majestas vestra per dictas ejus
literas . . . . . . ." [Rome], (fn. 3) 13 Feb. MDX[xxvi]. (fn. 3)
Lamb. MS. 602, f. 98.
|298. Antony Colly to Cromwell.|
At lord Leonard Gray's last coming here he mustered the horsemen
and footmen in the retinue of Sir Wm. Skeffyngton, then Deputy, "with
strait and cruel fashion," as Kildare did when they left Ireland. He also
used unfitting words to the Deputy, threatened the captains, and offered to
strike Leonard Skeffyngton with his dagger. Thinks this behaviour
shortened the Deputy's life. He checked men at the musters for not having
good horses, when their horses were quite good enough, and when the men
had not been paid for seven months, which he refused to take into consideration. This was done at the suggestion of the Master of the Rolls. We
should have suffered much loss in our wages if it had not been for
Mr. Brabazon. Hopes Sir Wm. Brereton and Mr. John Salisbury will report
on the efficiency of the men and horses at the muster. Lord Leonard will
not allow the captains to dismiss or take in any new men into their companies without his express leave. The Deputy should be a man whom the
King loves and trusts, and to whom he can depute the whole authority in
Ireland. The bearer, John Amore, can show him of many things which
should be reformed, especially the ill-treatment of Dame Ann Skeffington,
widow of the late Deputy, who is not allowed to send to England to solicit
Cromwell's favour in her causes. Skeffington's retinue would not know
what to do without "that good Mr. Brabazon." Wishes Cromwell would
thank him. Would ask the same for the Master of the Rolls and Chief
Justice if he could find "any goodness of good-will in them." Lady
Skeffington has written about her causes, "by a more stranger than
this bearer is," lest her letters should be stopped. "Dewllyng" (Dublin)
13 Feb. 27 Hen. VIII.
Hol., pp. 3. Add.
|299. Ordnance in the Tower.|
|Report, dated at the top 14 Feb. 27 Hen. VIII., made by Sir Chr. Mores, master of the ordnance in the Tower; Wm. Huxley, Antony Antonyes, clerks of that office; Harry Jonson, master gunner; and Leonard Skevyngton, yeoman of the same, on the state of the King's ordnance and certain housing wherein it stands; viewed by Sir John Russell and Sir Edmund Walsyngham, commissioners, and by James Nedam, surveyor of the King's works.|
The Irongate bridge and two bridges at the Lyon gate require repair.
The long house of ordnance, upon the green, is ready to fall, and a new one
is required to the north of the Mint. The bows and arrows, 3,300 of the
latter, need doing up. Bowstrings, "Collyn Clyftes" and Morespykes.
Gunpowder: there are 39 lasts and 11 barrels, but more should be made,
and as the saltpetre is done, that in the castle of Porchester might be brought
and used. Shot: 10 tons more wanted. Collars and traces for horses and
elmyn (elm wood) boards are required. Calais: gunpowder, &c. wanted.
Desire 400l. by way of prest, towards furnishing "the foresaid business."
Pp. 3. Endd.: "A book presented by Sir Ch. Mores."
|300. Richard Riche.|
"Articles of agreement between Richard Riche and A. B., "of and
for the exercising of the clerkship of the recognizance[s] for payment of
debts according to a statute thereof late made" (23 Hen. VIII. c. 6.)
Large paper, pp. 2.
See Grants in February. No. 32.
|301. Council of Ireland to Henry VIII.|
Send by the Master of the Rolls and Lord Chief Justice the five
brothers of the earl of Kildare, who have been apprehended by "lord
Leonard, high justice and governor of this your land." It is the best deed
ever done for the weal of the King's poor subjects. The Lord Justice,
treasurer of the wars, and others, have deserved thanks for the politic and
secret conveying of this matter. Dublin, 14 Feb. Signed: J. Rawson,
P. of Killmaynam—Willm. Brabason—Thoms. Lutterell, justice—Patrik
Fynglas, baron—Thomas Houth, justice—Walter Kerdyff, justice.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
R. O. St. P. ii. 304.
|302. The Same to Cromwell.|
To the same effect. Dublin, 14 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary, Endd.
Nero, B. iii. 100. B. M.
|303. Denmark and Lubeck.|
|Extracts of letters received from Bonner and Caundish, 14 Feb.|
|The copy of letters from them to the King and Mr. Secretary to be delivered by Petrus Swavenius, of 27 Jan., declaring first the receipt of their letters hence, with a repetition of those which came from them at Christmas, "specially touching that point of their host in Westfalia."|
|Rich. Caundish has treated with the duke of Holst about Mr. Secretary's letter. He is evil content that the King does not give him the title of King, but answered that 10 ships were delivered, and he would pay for the other three. He excused the taking of them by a certain custom. Concerning the conclusion of the peace between him and the Lubecks, he is content that the King should be arbiter. He would have sent to the King in the beginning, but was prevented by the Lubecks, who boast to have received 100,000 angels. He asks for a loan from the King of 100,000l., at the old rate, promising to give the King aid by water and land as well as repayment, and for a token to give him Islande and Faray.|
|They remember also their letters to Mr. Secretary of Jan. 3, declaring the rumour of the king of Sweden's death, how they intended to use Bernard de Mela and Dr. Adams, that they had no comfort of the delivery of George Wolueuer, whom they have racked, and reported on his confession that he is an Anabaptist. The Diet was not kept on St. Stephen's Day, but began in the Octaves of Epiphany. No good is like to be done. Copnam Haven and Elbowe stick to have Christiern again. There were present the duke of Luneburge, the orators of the dukes of Holst, Saxe, the Elector, the Lansgrave, Lubeck, Luneburg, Bremen, &c. Candish was well entertained, and had given him a chain worth 30l. They have printed the bishop of Winchester's book, De Vera Obedientia.|
|The letters sent by the said Petrus to Mr. Secretary contain a rehearsal of those to the King, with a special clause that the matter secretly committed to them is like to take effect; but it must be kept secret, and a letter of thanks would do good. Swavenius desired to see the copy of their commission, and would have had them promise aid to his master by virtue of it.|
|Concerning the journey of Caundish to the duke of Holst.|
|He went alone, for the following reasons:—1, it was thought they should not speak with the Duke but with his Council; 2, it was promised that some of the Council should conduct them, in place of whom came 45 horsemen; 3, though they were promised a safe-conduct, they could not have it before the time of their going; 4, it was said there was none about the Duke who could speak Latin; 5, it was thought meet one should remain at the Diet; 6, the remembrance of their evil entertainment before in Denmark; 7, the evil handling of Wolueuer, for want of a safe-conduct; 8, understanding the delivery of the 10 ships to be their principal cause, they thought one sufficient for the rest; 9, if one were evil handled, the other might labor for his deliverance; and, 10, that the Duke might not think he was overmuch sought on.|
|He was accompanied by Thos. Copyn, a Councillor of the Duke's, four gentlemen, and 45 horsemen, and marvellously well entertained. The Duke received his letters of credence, and excused the slender form of a safeconduct sent to the ambassadors, asserting that it was truly meant. He complained of the King's aiding his enemies, especially as there was a league lately made between Frederick, his father, and the King, and he thought he should rather have had assistance than that the King should enter against him. Answer was made that the King had ever showed himself friendly, and had given no aid against him. The commission and articles of credence were then delivered to him, and, after consultation, it was declared to Candish by his orator "that he had received neither letter of credence nor commission directed to him," declaring that if the King had borne good will or favor to him, he would not have taken from him his title given of God, much "engreving" that matter, and that Candish and his colleagues were chiefly sent to the king of Sweden. As to the ships, he said he had delivered 10, and would pay for the other three, excusing the taking of them by a custom; and as to the peace, he thought it was rather moved for the commodity of enemies than of himself or his friends. They answered him, as to the title, that the King did not know at their departure that he had taken it, and if he had, as the King was acting as a common friend, it would not have been meet for him to use it, for fear of suspicion of partiality; as to the custom, at all events, the people who were spoiled should have been well treated, " and they of this country only interrupted." For the peace, Candish replied that the King moved it for a universal benefit, not for any commodity to his enemies, and as his kind overture was not thankfully accepted, it would not be expedient for them to meddle further therein. Candish was then desired to withdraw, and at his return was told that the Duke thankfully accepted the King's intromission in the matter of peace, declaring that the Lubecks would bring in the Emperor, "who as gladly would bite an English sheep as a Danish ox." He wished the King to know the falsehood of the said Lubecks, desiring him and his colleague to be present at the "dayford," festo Stephani, as mediators for the peace, and asked what if the Lubecks would not agree. It was answered that then it were meet the King should judge between them; to which the Duke agreed.|
|The next day the Duke's chancellor came to Candish's lodging, and declared what expenses their master had had in these continual wars these two years; how the Lubecks, the duke of Mekinborough, and the grave of Oldenburgh had confedered with the house of Burgundy to deliver Copman Haven and Elbowe to the Emperor; that 80,000 "yochamdales" were ready at Breame to be conveyed to Copman Haven, saying they would all die before the Emperor should have his desire, and requiring aid of the King for their defence, hinting that the French king has made them offers. They wish the ambassadors to send a post to the King to know his pleasure. Cavendish said any money given must be repaid, and demanded Copman Haven and Elbowe, as a pawn; which they said was not possible, as Copman Haven was the seat of the king of Denmark, but their master had other islands, as Islande and Feraye, which might serve instead. When he spoke to the Duke about this interview, he reminded him that he had no commission to speak of anything but the ships and peace. The Duke again spoke of his great charges and the Emperor's practices for Denmark, in which he was using the Lubecks, who have lately admitted three or four papists into authority. He proposed Islande, which has great plenty of brimstone, and Feraye, as pawns. Cavendish replied that they durst not move the King without some better foundation, considering what incommodities might result from aiding him, the King being now in league with the Emperor. The Duke then went to his Council, and Candish asked for his demands in writing. On his return, he said he could not part with any part of his realm but the said islands, which the King might have for a token, and his money repaid too. He would also be bound to serve the King with ships and men. The aid he required was 300,000 angels. Candish answered he durst not move the King herein, and desired answer to the two articles. To the peace he answered as before, with a little qualification that he could not tell how his friends would be content for the King to be arbiter, and desired them to know the state of this contention between him and the Lubecks of the Hamburgenses, and then advertise the King. As to the three ships, he would write to the King to his satisfaction; and to this he adhered, in spite of everything said for their present delivery. The Duke then asked how it stood between the King and the French king, declaring that he has in wages 12,000 lanceknights, 2,000 horse, and 75 ships at sea, inferring that though they agreed not yet, they might come to a nearer point, meaning that, rather than fail, he would be content with less money. The Duke asked him to tarry dinner, and the Chancellor gave him a chain worth 30l. for his reward. Laboured privately with the latter to get the delivery of the three ships, but he could get nothing more. At dinner he sat on the Duke's right hand, who used him very familiarly, speaking of the Lubecks, and that the captivity of G. Wolueuer, whom he loved not, came only through them. He asked of the state of the castle of Werberge and M. Mayer, "saying that he done a foul deed." Candish declared the castle was well furnished and very strong, and if he would have that house "he must first take him to mercy." At this one of the Council came in with letters, one from a servant of the grave of Odinburgh, whom he had sent into Burgert, and two others from the Palsegrave and the Emperor. The first said that he had obtained a letter to Lubeck to prepare 20 ships for victualling Copman Haven and Elbowe, and that he had obtained 60,000 "yochamdales" sent to the said Grave, and that the Emperor had written to the Palsegrave to prepare all his force to deliver Christiern, wherein he should neither want men nor money, and he doubted not to see Christiern at large.|
|The Palesgrave's letter contained his suit to the Emperor, and his determination to aid him. The Emperor's letter was thanking the Grave, and desiring him to hold his own, with promise of succours. The letters were copies sent by the Grave to his friends, and intercepted.|
The Duke then dismissed his Council, and demanded of Candish the
cause of the King's divorce, which he declared. He then asked where the
Emperor's aunt was, and was answered that she was in England honorably
treated. He asked also, of what nobility the Queen was; and when Candish
had declared her noble lineage and progeny "he took up his hands and
crossed him, saying, whom shall a man believe? and adding that it was told
him she was a husbandman's daughter, and of no nobility." On his saying
that the Emperor bore no good will to the King for that matter, "engreving"
again his unfaithfulness towards him, Candish assured him the Emperor was
in amity with the King, notwithstanding that matter, and it was not
expedient for the King to do anything to interrupt it. The Duke replied
that he was an enemy to the Evangely, and he would spend his life before
he should prevail. He desired Bonner and Candish to write to the King
touching these matters. They replied that, touching the peace, they would
write upon the information to be had at Hamburgh, but touching his
demands they durst not. Whereupon the Duke ordered his Chancellor to go
in hand with the letters in answer to the ships. Candish's charges were all
defrayed by the Duke. His councillors affirmed that he might have had
Sweden at his will any time these two years, but he would not till he could
bring the rest to some better conformity.
Pp. 10. In Wriothesley's hand, probably a decipher.
|Danish Archives. See Report xlv. of Dep. Keeper of Public Records, App. ii. 16.||304. Bonner to Suavenius.|
|Is glad he is going to England. Will write the letters he promised him. But the more agreeable his arrival will be to the King, Bonner is all the more anxious to know what he will answer about the ship and goods so unjustly intercepted; otherwise the King will think either that he has been negligent about his charge, or that Christian has refused his petition.|
Sends articles about it presented by his colleague (Cavendish) to the
councillors of Christian, which he begs he will return, as he has no copy.
Desires a categorical answer to each article. Sends also the heads of matters
reported to him by his colleague on his return.
|Ib., p. 17.||ii. Heads of matter reported by Cavendish, apostiled by Bonner.|
|1. My colleague told me of old that your Prince was offended because he believed our King had assisted his enemies. Margin: He ought not to be offended, for it was not so. 2. He said your Prince had declared that ours had violated the treaty made with king Frederic. Margin: He never did so. 3. When my colleague showed your Prince both the commission and articles with the letters of credence, at first he refused to read them, alleging by his councillor, Wolf Powis, that they were not for him, as he was not named king of Denmark, and was very angry (graviter excanduit), as if our King wished to take away his right, and at first he could not think of treating of anything but the restitution of the ships. Margin: From what a slender matter a great affair is stirred up! And I told you long ago how unjustly our Prince and we are accused. 4. As to the restitution of the ships he would reply to us in such wise that we ought to be entirely satisfied. Margin: How can this be, when the ships and goods are not restored, especially cum cessent servitia? 5. In justification of the capture and retention of the ships, a Danish custom was alleged that the Prince might seize and detain the ships of any persons in time of war. Margin: No money was paid; they were not used for war, and the ships of all others were free. 6. While peace was being treated between your Prince and the Lubeckers, for which cause we came and offered (as I wish we had not done) all our services to promote it, your Prince said that this was rather sought in the interests of his enemies than for his advantage. Margin: We are ill-used if everything is taken in the worst sense. 7. Your Prince, speaking of the Lubeckers, said that our King had lent them 100,000 angelors. Margin. How does this appear, and for what purpose was the loan, if made? 8. He also said the Lubeckers wanted to bring a wolf into Germany (meaning the Emperor), who, when this affair was settled, would eat up the English sheep as well as the Danish ox. Margin: We are on good terms with the Emperor, &c. 9. Also that the Chancellor and Wolf Powys, speaking of the Lubeckers, said that Albert duke of Mecklenburg and the count of Oldenburg made a league with the house of Burgundy about the surrender of Copmanhaven and Elbowe, and that 60,000 Joachins were at Bremen to be sent to Copmanhaven by Ambrose Bokebynder. Margin: We know not what they have done. 10. Also that the Chancellor and Wolf Powys, speaking of the aids to be given by our King to your Prince, desired that our King should have in pledge the islands of Iceland and Faraye, &c. Margin: The King wants nothing of the kind. 11. That your Prince, speaking of the same aids, seeing that he was involved in these wars, demanded 300,000 angels, and promised friendship and good-will along with the said islands. Margin: "De plus petitionibus, penitere ego tanti non emam." 12. That your Prince appeared to think our King in some danger not only from the Emperor but from others, especially on account of his marriage. Margin: There is no fear, for the Emperor seeks our King's friendship, and everyone in England is quite at one with the King in this and all other matters.|
These things he (i.e. Cavendish) wished to note, that if you see anything
to answer you may let me know.
Corpus Reform., iii. 42.
|305. Melancthon to N. N.|
|Returned yesterday to Wittenberg on account of the meeting with the Englishmen. Has not yet seen the English bishop. Heard at Leipzig that the former queen of England, the Emperor's aunt, was dead.|
Letters from Nuremberg state that it is certain that the French will make
an attempt on Milan. The [bishops] of Salzburg and Trent and duke Lewis
of Bavaria have joined the Emperor. Gives an account of some men going
mad from eating a pig which had been bitten by a rabid dog, which, he
thinks, typifies the evil of immoderate liberty. 14 Feb. 1536.
|306. John Drews to Cromwell.|
I beg you to remember my suit for a lease of the manor of Henbury,
in Saltmarch, in the hands of the bishop of Worcester, to whom I delivered
your letter, but found small comfort. The bearer, Mr. Thorn, was present,
and can give you an account of our interview. Bristow, 15 Feb. 1536.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Secretary.
|307. Chapuys to Charles V.|
|Informed His Majesty of the arrival of lord Rœulx's man by his last letters of the 10th. Has communicated his charge to the Princess by the man in whom she trusts. Late yesterday the said man informed him that it was not necessary to acquaint her with the plan, as she trusted entirely to Chapuys' discretion. She thought it would be easy to escape from the house if she had something sent her to drug some of her women with. She would have to pass her governess's window; but once out of the house could easily find means to break or open the garden gate. She is so eager to escape from all her troubles and dangers that if he were to advise her to cross the Channel in a sieve she would do it; but this desire makes it seem easier both to her and to her confidant. Thinks it would really be much more difficult, as she has no person of sense or experience about her, and if she has been lodged in a place so convenient for escaping, it may be a trap to tempt her. She does not think that she is guarded; but still she may very probably be so without knowing it, as last year at Greenwich. The ports also may be warned. The house where she is at present is much more inconvenient for the enterprise than the former one. In the first place, it is 15 miles further from Gravesend, where lord Rœulx intends her to embark. His shipmaster says that he dare not come any higher, and therefore it would be necessary to ride 40 miles on horseback. It would be impossible to do this without relays, and even with them it could not be managed with such rapidity as to prevent discovery. There are a great many people and horses in the village where she now is, and she would now have to pass several large villages, where she could be easily detained. The former house was free from these dangers; there were no horses or men near it, and it would have been unnecessary to pass through any place where six or eight harquebus men on horseback could not have kept things quiet. (fn. 4) If the Princess could be brought below Gravelinghe (Gravesend), as the shipmaster wishes, all would be right. If she embarked nearer, it would have to be about two miles from here, which would be very dangerous, as one could not be sure of the tide or of not being stopped on the river. The master says he dare not conceal men in the ship, everything is so carefully searched. They might, however, be put in different boats (?) (charrues) as sailors or passengers, and disembarked beyond Gravesend. The Princess thinks it certain, and others say the same, that she will be removed about Easter, probably to the house in which she last was or nearer, which would be very convenient. Although the Princess very much desires to escape from all her troubles, still she would prefer, as surer and more profitable, the general and total remedy so necessary for God's service to rescue innumerable souls from perdition; for even if she were to escape, the matter would not end there, but the King might fortify himself where he is at present weak, and the case would be still more difficult. Thinks, for his own part, that if she were once out of England, and in the Emperor's power, Henry would not kick against the pricks. She is continually asking him to beg the Emperor to hasten the remedy, which she fears will be too late for her, for which reason she is daily preparing herself for death. She wished Chapuys to send a messenger to the Emperor, unless the late Queen's physician had any mind to go thither; but Chapuys dissuaded her from doing so by showing her that it implied distrust in the Emperor, and by assuring her of the diligence and vigilance which would be used. Will take care that the physician does not go to Spain or elsewhere, as the Princess dare not trust any one else. Although he has not yet been retained as her physician, orders have been given to her gouvernante, by Chapuys' request, since the Queen's death, to allow him to visit her whenever necessary, which will be a great comfort to her if it continue, and will make matters easier. If the King is going to add to her suite, as is reported, some of her mother's old servants, and one who served the late Queen as master valet of the apothecary, could be got as her valet de chambre, the enterprise would be much easier, as he would be a fit man to assist in it, especially if she were removed nearer London, or to the place where she last was, which, as I said, is expected about Easter, when the season will be more suitable, as the King generally leaves the neighbourhood about that time, and the sea would be more navigable for vessels with oars, which De Rœulx ought to have provided. Moreover, it appears by a letter which the concubine wrote to her aunt, Madame Shelton, the said Princess's gouvernante, shortly before the said concubine's miscarriage, of which I enclose a copy, that the Princess's case is by no means so urgent as it was before. I know not if the said letter was a ruse, of which there is some fear, seeing that it was left by the gouvernante as a thing forgotten in the Princess's oratory, who, having transcribed it, replaced it where she found it.|
|If the affair is carried out, it will not be to His Majesty's honor for Chapuys to remain here, as nothing will make Henry believe that he had no share in it, and consequently nothing could deliver him from death, for in this as in other things the King would show that he has no respect or fear of anyone in the world. Nor would the concubine restrain him from doing so, for she bears Chapuys no good will, any more than the King does himself, for having always shown him the truth against his inclination. Proposes, when everything is ready, to find some honorable excuse for going into Flanders with two or three of his men; for, having discussed the matter with lord Rœulx's man, it would be very difficult for him to take any part in the enterprise without being discovered; and possibly when he is gone, they would pay less regard to it, especially if he were to pretend that when in Flanders he might solicit something in their behalf. Desires instructions what to do. Does not wish the Emperor to suppose he hesitates for want of good will or for fear of death, which in His Majesty's service he would think a glory.|
Two days ago some Gueldrois arrived, and came to the King. Will
endeavour to discover the cause, and inform His Majesty both of that and of
what takes place at this Parliament, in which nothing has yet been done
that is worth writing. London, 17 Feb. 1535.
Fr. From a modern copy; (fn. 5) pp. 5.
|ii. Copy of the letter of the Concubine to Madame Chelton, her aunt.|
Mrs. Shelton, my pleasure is that you do not further move the lady Mary
to be towards the King's Grace otherwise than it pleases herself. What I
have done has been more for charity than for anything the King or I care what
road she takes, or whether she will change her purpose, for if I have a son, as
I hope shortly, I know what will happen to her; and therefore, considering
the Word of God, to do good to one's enemy, I wished to warn her before
hand, because I have daily experience that the King's wisdom is such as not
to esteem her repentance of her rudeness and unnatural obstinacy when she
has no choice. By the law of God and of the King, she ought clearly to
acknowledge her error and evil conscience if her blind affection had not so
blinded her eyes that she will see nothing but what pleases herself. Mrs.
Shelton, I beg you not to think to do me any pleasure by turning her from
any of her wilful courses, because she could not do me [good] or evil; and
do your duty about her according to the King's command, as I am assured
you do, "et le devez estre aussi (qu. assuré?) que me trouverez vre. bonne
dame quil ne (qu. quelque?) chose quelle face."
Fr. From a modern copy, p. 1.
|308. Chapuys to Granvelle.|
Has forgotten to write that during the Christmas holidays when he said
to the King that he was surprised that all the time he and Cromwell had
been discussing the new understanding no tangible proposal had been made,
Henry replied several times, Yes, more than reasonable, and that Cromwell
had gone further in this matter than he ought. On pressing the King to
state what the offer was, either from shame or some other cause, he could not
help saying that it was for the marriage of his little daughter. Replied that
it was true Cromwell had spoken of this, but timidly, like one offering a coin
to an elephant, so that Chapuys considered it unsaid, but that he himself had
declared that Chapuys should write of it at all hazards, as well as of the
other conversations he had had with him. Thinks it would be well not to
reject the proposal, lest, despairing of reconciliation, he should be obliged to
treat with the French, by whom he said he had been importuned. The
King's fickleness and inclination to new and strange things is such as he
cannot describe. He had given orders, as Chapuys wrote some days ago,
not to preach certain articles of this new sect, and four days after he ordered
just the contrary, and worse than before, especially as regards the Pope,
against whom the most execrable sermons, caricatures, and pictures are
continually made. It was thought the cruelty of those here had abated, but
since closing the letter to His Majesty, Chapuys has been informed that it
has been determined to put to death three doctors who have been for two
years confined in the Tower, and since condemned to perpetual prison by Act
of Parliament for maintaining this marriage. The one has been the King's
confessor, (fn. 6) a man of great virtue and learning, the second is the Princess's
preceptor, (fn. 7) and the third Master Abbe (Abell), whom you saw at Saragossa.
It is said also that several monks will be immediately put to death. If so,
I fear this diabolic rage may penetrate somehow to the Princess. It was
yesterday proposed in Parliament that the prelates should no longer have
any tribunal or jurisdiction, and that all ecclesiastics should be subject to the
temporal court. No doubt this will pass, and all that the King pleases, and
it is expected that the most diabolical projects will be discussed without any
one attempting to oppose them. Yet I think if the provision from Rome
had been long ago executed it would have caused some commotion, for the
people are daily in more and more despair, only hoping for help from abroad.
Nothing more is said of Brian returning to France, and there is no great
probability of stricter alliance with the French, seeing that the French
ambassador does not go to Court. If you think that what I wrote to His
Majesty as to my "assentement" was not well taken, which I do not believe,
I beg that the article in question may be sent "avec le Aiax de Auguste
ascavoir que incombat in spongiam." London, 17 Feb. 1535.
French, from a modern copy, pp. 2.
|309. St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield.|
Lease by A. B. Prior of St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield, to Stephen
Vaughan, of London, gentleman, of a tenement and shops in the alley called
"The Three Legges," in the parish of St. Mary Atte Bowe in West Chepe,
one of which was late held by Wm. Botry, mercer, deceased; for 80 years, at
a rent of 6l. 13s. 4d. 17 Feb. 27 Hen. VIII.
Draft. Large paper, pp. 2.
|310. Sir Thos. Audeley to the President of the Council of the Marches of Wales.|
Ordering that one Ric. Cholmeley should appear in the Star Chamber
in the Quinzaine of Easter, for a riot committed in Staffordshire, and for
refusal to discover his adherents. Remits the order for his coming up in
custody or by sufficient sureties. Christchurch, London, 17 Feb.
In Wriothesley's hand, p. 1. Headed: "The copy of my Lord Chancellor's letter."
|311. Roger Neckham, Monk of Worcester, to Cromwell.|
|Our father prior came from Gloucester to Worcester, 11 Feb. On the 13th he called me before him and the seniors. There his servant Ric. Chylde delivered a letter to me from you to send to him by his servant "(y suppose ye menyd to Glowceter) horse and money convenient for his honest conveyance to you." These I promised him. I must needs tell how I was bated by him and his servant, the worse because I was your minister. Chyld said aloud that I had written against my master, and should be pulled lower. My master said I should have little thanks for meddling. I said, when you spoke I would believe; till then I would live in hope. My master says if 10 or 12 were out of the monastery he could live quietly. If those he despiseth had a discreet father they would live quietly, and better than those whom he favors. He checked me further, supposing all was misspent that came not to his profit, little regarding hospitality. From the 13th to the 17th he visited his manors and chambers, taking out of his privy chamber four marks and four great books of accounts, and sealed the door, keeping the key. He dispenses with the King's injunctions, taking one of our presidents to be his chaplain, and says nothing to me. On the 16th Chyld took his leave of me. Our cellarer was not behind and grieved me more. I think he is not profitable to our house.|
I have endured great displeasure. I have ridden to courts to quiet our
tenants. I have declared to them the pre-eminence of our Prince, and how
he studies the quietness of his subjects, so that they all exclaim "God save
our Prince! We will be faithful to him in word and deed, body and
goods." I intend henceforward to leave Martha's part, and to follow Mary's,
relying on you alone. My prosperity rests upon you, for I know the
severity of our master. I have delivered him horses and 20l. in money.
Worcester, 17 Feb.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|312. Sir Brian Tuke to Lord Lisle.|
I have received yours of the 8th inst. by John Broke, and perceive
Sir Francis Brian has promised to get you a warrant for the money demanded
by the fishermen there for carriage of ambassadors' servants and letters.
Some of their demands are not just; for many of Wallop's servants and
others have paid them at times for their passage. I continually thank you
and my lady for your great goodness to poor Mr. Baker and his [wife]. (fn. 8)
London, 17 Feb. 1535.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
Vit. B. xxi. 136. B. M.
|313. Edmund Boner to Thomas Sherle.|
|"Right gl[ad I am that] all my friends are in good health, which I d . . . . . . . . your packet of letters sent by Robert the Fawkoner, bu[t] . . . . . . . . packet sent by one Francis Ryvers of the Stilliarde. I had a letter from good Mr. Archedeacre Bell, Mr. Dr. Bartle . . . . Chancellor of Worcester, my old, gentle, and assured hearty friend Sir . . . . . Mowle." If I do not write shortly I hope to come myself, as soon as this wa[ter] of the Elfe is "unfroren." Make my humble recommendation to Mr. Secretary and my friends about him, viz., Mr. Richard Cromwell, Mr. Sadler, and Mr. Pexley, to my kinsfolk in Worcestershire, and my neighbours in London.|
If you be not a good sparer against my coming, I shall have a threadbare
purse, by reason of my great charges at the Great Assembly, which caused
me to borrow money. Let not my mother lack, nor my sister's children, so
that they apply their book. Commend Candishe and me to Mr. Honnyng
and his wife, "with Mr. Godsalve and my wife." Hamburgh, 17 Feb. 1536.
Not in Bonner's hand. P. 1. Mutilated. Add.: To my very trusty and singularly beloved servant Thomas Sherle, by Powles. Endd.: Edmond Boner.
|314. Laurence Stauber to Foxe Bishop of Hereford.|
Has no acquaintance with him, but, having been many years in the
king of England's service, could not omit to salute him at his now being in
Germany. Has explained some important difficulties to Dr. Nic. Heisthus
(Heath) archdeacon of Stafford and ambassador, and also has conferred
personally with Chr. Montaborinus when lately in Nurmberg, as they can
show. Sends a small remembrance (a silver coin bearing an effigy of the
writer, and a small piece of mineral worked by nature herself in the silver
mines of Germany), so that when the writer's case against the Senate
of Cologne, who in contempt of the King suffered him to be seized and
robbed, is mentioned at the King's court, he may have him in good
remembrance. Has sent an account of the affair in Latin to Cromwell
(Thomas Cranuuelus), and encloses an abstract herewith. Has asked
Foxe's servant, James N., the bearer, when he is buying English horses to
buy him two, and send them to his house at Nurmberg. On account of the
sudden departure of Heath, has not been able to obtain anything worth
sending. Nurmberg, 17 Feb. mdxxxv[i].
Signed: "Laurentius Stauberius Eques Auratus ac Georgii Marchionis Consiliarius."
Hol., Lat., pp. 3. Add.: Edward bishop of Hereford, ambassador in Saxony of the kings of England and France.
Add. MS. 8,715, f. 208. B. M.
|315. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio.|
|The Grand Master and cardinal Tournon told him today that the King, though he had always given the English ambassadors clearly enough to understand what was his mind towards the Pope and the Holy See, has lately assured them that their King must not think that they will alter their mode of life in this kingdom; so that the English now despair of getting what they want here; and further, Francis had told them that now the Queen was dead, the agreement between them was at an end.|
They said to him also that if the Pope gave the sentence against the king
of England and acted with strictness, he would probably give in, seeing
that the Pope and the Emperor were his enemies, and that he could hope
for nothing from here; the French king having shown him clearly that he
will not follow his customs, but condemn them as much as he can, for they
will be his ruin. They told me that since the King had this fall, there is
some hope that he may return. I think the French desire it, and still more
if it can be done by their means, especially now that the Queen is dead,
during whose life the French were bound to the King more than they are
now. There is not so much friendship between them now, and the English
are making extreme instance for the payment of the pensions.
Ital. Modern copy, pp. 5. Headed: Al Signor Protonotario Ambrogio. Da Lione, li 17 Febraro 1536.
|316. Richard Sparcheford to Cromwell.|
|I have seen the books belonging to the earldom of the March left by my lord Bothe's (fn. 9) executor in a coffer at a house of the bishop of Hereford, called Whytbourne. Gives a list of ten, the last of which contains an indenture between Chas. bishop of Hereford and Humfrey Maudley for deliverance of certain books concerning the earldom of March, also a roll of certain offices found after the death of Roger Mortimer, earl of March, 3 Edw. III. We shall be glad to do our diligence in the matter, but shall have great want of the bearer, Mr. Warmecombe.|
The gathering of the tenth will be entirely on the writer's shoulders, as
the Bishop is away. Hereford, 18 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd. Sealed.
|317. Dame Anne Skeffyngton to Cromwell.|
Is greatly troubled, but is sure it is not by the King's pleasure or
hers. Can find no favour, love, or right of indifferency in any one except
her cousin Brabezon, the King's treasurer. Lord Leonard refused her her
own goods out of Maynooth Castle unless she would let him have such
parcels as he had a mind to. He also took away a ship which she hired to
convey letters to the King and Cromwell and her other friends, and horses
for the King, Queen, and Cromwell. Prepared another ship, and sued out a
licence to depart, but lord Leonard had that arrested also. Asks him to
send the King's permission for her to send whom she wishes, and that
anything sent may be sent to the Lord Chancellor, the King's treasurer,
and the chief baron of the Exchequer; for lord Leonard, the Chief Justice
and the Master of the Rolls will advance all matters cruelly to her vexation.
Dublin, 18 Feb. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add.: Chief Secretary. Endd.
|318. New Books.|
|Adrian Steward, examined before John Porte, 18 Feb., says that on Sunday, 13 Feb., Friar John Brynstan, preaching in Glastonbury Abbey church, said that "he would be one of them that should convert the new fanggylles and new men, other else he would die in the quarrel." Wm. Langkesshe and John Dunstrappe say the same, and also that he said that "all those that doth occupy the new books be lecherous and ready to devour men's wives and servants, and that he would be one of them that would bring down the new books, other else he would die in the cause." They say he named no books, and they know not what he means. Richard Rewes says the friar said, "All my masters with your new books, I can see no man so ready to commit advowtry and to devour men's wives, daughters, and servants, than you be that use these new books. And once again to you my masters that occupy the new books, I can see no man set in more pride, vainglory, and oppressing your neighbours than ye be, and I trust to be one of them to convert a great many of them or else to die in the quarrel." Thos. Alyn, Thos. Grene, John Dagon, Thos. Fuller, Peter Mede, Wm. Androwes, John Mighell, Peter Horssey, chaplain, John Koward, Thos. Scote, John Lewys, chaplain, Ric. Davy, Sylvester Rewes, John Alyn, John Master, chaplain, Jas. Renygar, and John Burde bear witness to this. Thos. Fuller says the friar said that temporal men had no communication at the alehouse but swearing and talking bawdry, and religious men do not so.—Added by a different hand: "This article I, the said friar, utterly deny." They all say that the friar expounded the King's title as Supreme Head of the Church to the King's great honor, and the utter fordoing of the bishop of Rome's authority,—quoting Scripture in support of it.|
The friar answers that he said, "You with your new books, other ye be
adulterers, filthy lechers, devourers of men's wives, daughters, or servants,
other full of envy, malice, and strife, and ready to oppress and wrong your
neighbours, and that I trusted to convert a great many of such erroneous
persons, other to die in the quarrel."
|319. Chr. Mont to Cromwell.|
|Money had better be sent to him through the Cologne merchants in the Stilliart, London, to be paid at the next fair at Frankfort. This will be a better way than through the Gressams at Antwerp. There is no money in that town, as the Emperor has borrowed a great sum to be sent to Genoa, and also the merchants have been buying wares for the next fair at Frankfort. The transaction will be more secret than if at either Antwerp or Leipzig. The Lantgrave has a castle and cities only a mile from Frankfort. If the Cologne merchants are allowed to use the money till the next fair, they will be satisfied with small interest. Antwerp, 18 Feb. 1536.|
The chief merchant at Cologne is Dirck Steynbach.
Hol. Lat., pp. 2. Add: Secretario. Endd.
|Nero, B. vi. 154. B. M.||320. Morison to Starkey.|
|Thanks him for his letters. Rejoices at the Secretary's kindness, and that Thomiou is to be Starkey's colleague. Donatus says he has not received the money which Morison's master says he sent. Asks him to get information about it of the banker. Has been living on borrowed money for a year, all but three months. Owes Cole 20 gold pieces, Phrier 10, Throgmerton 4, and Belson 3. Was ill with fever all last May, and does not know what would have become of him if Pole had not received him in his house. Has hardly any books. If he had books, and the opportunity of study, without the fear of poverty, promises that he would return to England a Greek scholar, a philosopher, and not unskilled in theology. "Novarum nihil est, nisi Imperator quotidie crescere vel [in]vita(?) ignavia." Barbarossa is triumphing in Constantinople and he at Naples, both conquerors, both conquered. Sends verses by Blosius, much better than true, beginning "Suas columnas non transcendit Hercules."|
Knows that there are many good men in England who gladly assist
scholars. Does not wish Starkey to procure him another Mæcenas than
Cromwell. Offers to stock a library with books in return for help. Venice.
Lat. Hol., pp. 3. Add.: Londini.
Nero, B. VI. 156. B. M.
|321. Morison to Starkey.|
|If Starkey had [not] sent him money, does not see how he could have endured. Fears that Cole may be dragged into a similar calamity through his cause. Does not see how he can pay Cole what he owes him, and Cole will not ask Knyght for the salary of his studies before the appointed time.|
The Emperor is being fêted at Naples. "[Alex]ander Florentiæ dux
Imperatoris filiam spuriam d[ucet in uxorem] * * *
iter magna nobilium pars comitata, ille occ[ulte] intrarat in ipsum Cæsaris
cubiculum, generi [nomine ?] salutatur, neminem Cæsar officiosius tractavit
unquam. Tandem jussit ut conjugem futuram, sp . . . . licet, adiret
suaviaretque. Asinus in paleas . . . oculo saliente dextro, terque quaterque palmas [circa] colla tendens, basiat. Cæsar Romam cogit . . . . in
hanc omnibus triumphand' ceremoniis adhibitis in . . . re statuit. Totus
armatus ipse, decem deinde 1 . . . ssimorum virorum millibus, armatis
omnibus, ingredi . . . . tur. Italiæ principes, partim metu part[im] ne
videantur cum reliquis dissentire, nomina [Imper]atori dederunt." The
Venetians and the Pope have not yet concluded a treaty with him. It is
reported that the Turk will soon return. Frier is going to his Mæcenas. (fn. 10)
Pole and his household are well. Lilius, with whom Morison is reading
Euripides and Aristophanes, "te . . . . ne deamat. De me nihil dico,
dicturu[s] cum pecuniis mea fata mutaris." Venice, 18 Feb.
Hol. Lat. Mutilated. Pp. 2. Add.: Londini.
Add. MS. 28,588, f. 190. B. M.
|322. Charles V. to Luis Sarmento, Ambassador in Portugal.|
While waiting in his chamber to go to the obsequies of the queen
of England, told the Portuguese ambassador that the English ambassador
had declined to attend, and he could therefore go. As the question of
precedence between them was doubtful, it had been determined that they
should not meet in public places. Was afterwards told that the English
ambassador had altered his mind, and was outside with the other ambassadors. Considering that the occasion was the obsequies of the queen of
England, thought it better that he should be present, and advised the
Portuguese not to attend. If there is any talk about it, this is what passed.
Is well satisfied with the Portuguese ambassador. Naples, 18 Feb. 1536.
Sp., pp. 3. Modern copy.
|323. George Ralegh to Cromwell.|
I have lately lost my wife, by whom I had 60l. land in cos. Warw. and
Glouc., besides 40l. yearly, payable to her out of Ireland of the gift of her
first husband, Sir Thos. Fitzgarethe. These have now descended to Sir
Jas. Fitzgarethe, brother and heir to Sir Thos. Geffrey. Please write to
Sir Jas. that I may have the farm, during his life and mine, of these his
lands in Gloucester and Warwick, of the yearly value of 60l. 4s. 3½d.
Farnborough, 19 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|324. William [Smith], prior of Stone, to Dr. Lee.|
Touching the timber in Blore park which I bought and paid for to
my lord (fn. 11); 40 trees are still standing, as the bearer can show. If I have not
the said timber, I know not where to be provided for my great work now in
hand. I shall intreat you for your pains. Stone, 19 Feb.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Right worshipful.
|325. Oudart du Bies to Lord Lisle.|
I send you a deer (beste) of three years old, taken by my men, as a
present. Boulogne, 19 Feb. Signed.
Fr., p. 1. Add.
|326. Henry VIII. to the Mayor and Citizens of Waterford.|
|Has received their letters. Sends by Wm. Wyse a bearing sword, to be borne within the city according to the grants of his progenitors. Greenwich, 20 Feb.|
|ii. Same to Same.|
|Thanks for their fidelity. Has sent an army to repress the rebels. Grafton, 1 Oct. . (See Vol. VII., No. 1218.)|
iii. "The emblasing or displaying of the ensign or arms of the ancient and
noble city of Waterford."
Modern copies, pp. 2.
327. St. Paul's Cathedral, London.
See Grants in February, No. 41.
|R. O.||328. Deanery of St. Paul's.|
Decree made by Cromwell, secretary and vicar-general, appointing
Ric. Sampson, dean of the chapel, to be coadjutor to Richard Pacey, dean of
St. Paul's, whose mental imbecillity for many years past (fn. 12) has interfered
with the due government of the cathedral, as found by Thomas Legh, LL.D.,
on his visitation. It is further decreed, in order to terminate a controversy
between the dean and chapter, that the manors of Sutton Cowrte, Midd.,
and Sandon cum Luffenall et Camner, Herts, belong to the private patrimony
of the dean.
Latin, pp. 12. Endd.
329. Sir Francis Brian.
See Grants in February, No. 42.
|330. Roland Lee, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, and Sir T. Englefield, to Cromwell.|
|Have devised articles for Wales, to be established by Parliament. The old custom has been that if any goods or cattle were stolen in Wales or any lordship marcher, and the "tracte" brought to any other lordship marcher or place in Wales, and there delivered to the tenants or officers there, and they could not drive out the tracte in to any other lordship or place, that then the tenants of the lordship where the tracte was left should recompense the party so robbed. This is a good law for the wealth of Wales, but sometimes the tenants try to drive out the "tracte" and cannot do so. However, because the tenants only bear the charges, the officers of the lordships, who generally know the said thieves and succour and maintain them, take no trouble to catch the felons. Advise, therefore, that it should be enacted that if the officers of the said lordship or place where the tracte is left do not attach the felon in one month after the commission of the felony, and put him to execution in one month after, that then, upon complaint made, the Commissioners of the Marches shall compel the officers, the tenants, or both, at their discretion, to recompense the party.|
|"This is according to the King's injunctions."—No lord marcher or officer in Wales or the marches is to discharge any person, by fine or otherwise, for any felony, except in open court, and the fine to be openly published. That every lord marcher or officer committing any person to their fine for felony shall certify the Commissioners of the Marches within half a year, of the names of such persons and the amount of the fines. In default, the marcher or officer to be liable to pay double the fine to the party fined, if he complain within two years, and if he do not, any other person may proceed against the lord or officer by bill or information, and recover double the fine, half to the King, and half to the informer. No person is to be admitted to fine for felony above once.|
Suppose that every lord marcher will be glad to agree to this Act, for
before they were deceived of their fines by their officers. Think that my
lord of Worcester and lord Ferrares will greatly stick at it, for it will touch
them most, as they use their offices, for the manifold selling of thieves is the
greatest occasion of the innumerable thieves. By this means the King will
know from time to time what fines are made for felony within his own
lordships. Asks Cromwell to remember this at this Parliament, with the
reformation of the franchise of Bewdley and Wigmore, and the "avowrye men
of Cheshire," according to their former letters and instructions sent by Lewes.
Ludlow, 20 Feb.
Pp. 2. Add.: Chief Secretary.
|Harl. 283, f. 162. B. M.||2. Modern copy of the preceding. Pp. 2.|
|331. Sir Edward Gray to Cromwell.|
I have received your letter desiring a commission for Rob. Dudley
and Ric. Snede to sit on the trial of Davyth ap Mathe Goch, John Williams,
and others, for the murder of Roger Lloyd, that they should have the trial
made by 16 burgesses of the town. It will be hard to find 16 impartial
burgesses in that poor town who are not either kin or ally to one party or
other. If, therefore, Dudley and Snede cannot find indifferent quest in that
town, I beg they may order the matter according to the custom of the
country. Affection leads my countrymen many times to say more than
truth is, and I beg, therefore, my officer may be in the commission.
Beddnalle Grene, 20 Feb.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Secretary.
|332. Henry Norrys to Lord Lisle.|
I commend me to you and my lady. Pray help me to a couple of
spaniels, white and red, and if there be none in Calais, send to France for
them. The King has licensed John Gough to sell his room of 6d. a day in
Calais that he may redeem 6d. a day here in England, and he is at a full
point already with a kinsman of his own. Greenwich, 20 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd.
Add. 28,588, f. 199. B. M.
|333. Charles V. to the Empress.|
Is disquieted about news received last night, which doubtless the
Empress knows. Has made an offer which he hopes will do good although
the king of France is now so well prepared for war. Desires her to take
heart and strengthen the frontiers of Navarre and Roussillon, &c.—In
connection with Milan the interests of the Infant with regard to England
must not be forgotten.—Knows well she will feel terribly the matter of the
Duke (fn. 13) and her sister (fn. 14); but what remedy against men without the fear of
God? It has been quite expected. Has consoled them for the death of
their son, (fn. 15) and urged them to labor for some agreement. Will do all in
his power in their behalf as the Infanta (fn. 16) is your sister (su hermana).
Expects the French will gain some advantage at the first, but we shall
defeat them in the end. I am glad the King your brother is satisfied with
my answer. I have showed the same to the ambassador here, who has been
urging me to delay and not to speak about the marriage of the lady Mary
with the Dauphin. Agrees that this is not advisable, for if we come to treat
of peace, and put forward the matter of England for the Infant (en que se
habia de poner adelante lo de Ynglaterra por el Infante), this course would
bring the king of France more easily to agree to it (en tel caso mucho
convernia esto para quel Rey de Francia viniesse mejor en ello).
Spanish. Modern copy from a copy, pp. 6. The original was a holograph enclosed in another letter from Charles V., dated 20 Feb. 1536.