Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 10, January-June 1536. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1887.
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February 1536, 6-10
Corpus Reform. iii. 37.
|266. Melancthon to Vitus Theodorus.|
|Was lately summoned to Wittenberg to meet the Englishmen. Speaks of the discussion about the divorce, as in the preceding letter. Many things may be assumed from our theses, that it is lawful to use as examples in political matters what was approved in the Mosaic law. The unlearned do not accept these theses quietly. Evangelic doctrine has not yet been discussed.|
|Nicholas [Heath], the archdeacon, is a learned man, and fit for purer doctrine. The Bishop has the manner of prelates, and does not seem very well disposed. Luther is glad that Theodorus remains in the ministry and in his church. Wishes him to ask Osiander to write the opinion of Jewish teachers whether a man may marry his brother's widow. Has seen what Luther has written. 6 Feb.|
Has been asked to inquire whether Theodorus will succeed Franciscus at
|267. John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, to Lord Lisle.|
Thanks him for his goodness to his servants in Calais, who were
going to the archdeacon of Lincoln, (fn. 1) and for his letters dated 16 Jan. and
received 6 Feb., containing a request for a prebend to be given to Master
Skryven, the bishop's chaplain, instead of to lord Lisle's chaplain as
promised. Will do as he asks. "This penetrable cold that ye write of hath
not yet penetrate any one that belongeth to my church." Will do his
commands and recommendations to those mentioned in his letters, and to my
lord of Bath, both for the wine and the hawks. Asks lord Lisle to help him
to some pieces of Orliance. Sends commendations to lady Lisle. Holborn,
6 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Lieutenant in Calais. Endd.: 13 Feb.
Add. MS. 11,041, f. 3. B. M.
|268. Lord Ferrers of Chartley.|
|Receipt by Water Deveroux, K.G., lord Ferrers, and of Charteley, chief justice and chamberlain of South Wales, and steward of the bishop of Hereford, of 5l. as fee for the said office for the year ending at Michaelmas last, from John Scudamour, receiver of the Bishop's lands. 6 Feb. 27 Hen. VIII. Signed.|
269. Sir William Paulet.
See Grants in February, No. 13.
|7 Feb. R. O.||270. Lord Lisle.|
Message, brought by Walter Skynner, from the Lord Chancellor to
lord Lisle, 7 Feb. 27 Hen. VIII. Lord Lisle, in answer to a demand for
rent now due for two years, said that his house and rent were under arrest
for payment of the debts of lord Berners. On this my Lord Chancellor sent
Spylman to Hastings, who said the houses were clear of all such tanglements, and my Lord Chancellor says he has nothing to do with the debts of
lord Berners, having bought the same from Sir Gilbert Talbot. Signed:
P. 1. Endd.
|271. Richard Layton to Cromwell.|
This 7th Feb. I have been with the Archbishop, to whom I have
delivered your letters, and have received another from him for you to nominate
your clerk for the monks' prebend. This day I had been at Fountains to
make the election, but that I tarry in York to induce a lewd canon and his
flock, if possible, to surrender his house of 140l. good lands and only
40 marks of it in spiritual tithes. I had contrived this matter long before
now, if a little false knave in York had not been a "doggarell" of the law
and a "pursevant" of Westminster Hall. Dr. Leig keeps the visitation whilst
I go forward with these matters. The prior of Gisborowe, a house of
1,000 marks, has resigned into our hands privily. If you make no promise
of that house to no man till we come up to London, we shall by the way spy
one for it meet and apt, both for the King's honor and discharge of your
conscience and also profitable. If the treasurer of York knew of it, he would
make hot suit for a young man of that house, a very boy for such an office.
On the 8th we pass to Carlisle. We have done all in Northumberland, and
at Shrovetide trust to see you. York, 7 Feb.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|272. Horse Stealing.|
Copy of indictments against Henry Bakster, alias Starky, of Daresbury, Chester, for stealing a horse from Hugh a Strete; also against George
Robynson, late of London, mercer, farmer of the manor of Drayton Basset,
for receiving the horse and allowing the thief to go at large, and for using
words against the King's majesty. Signed: William Bassett, k.: Philip
Draycot, k.: Walter Wrotyssley.
Large paper, p. 1.
2. Evidence given to the jury, 7 Feb. 27 Hen. VIII., before Sir John
Dudley, Sir Philip Draycote, and Sir Wm. Basset, at the session at Lichfield,
touching the above robbery. Witnesses: Thomas Browne, of Faresley,
Staff., Thomas Harrison, and Hugh a Strete. Signed: John Duddley:
Philip Draycote: Wylliam Bassett: Walter Wrotyssley.
P. 1. Endd., "Robinson."
Vit. B. xiv. 245. B. M.
|273. [Ant. Bonvisi] to Cromwell.|
|"Signor molto observando. Per la posta spaccorno li vostri imbasciatori alli 4 scriss . . . . . . . . . . . li significhai che le pratiche tra questa Maesta e la Cæsarea [Maesta] . . . . . . erano rotte e che Mons. l'Amiraglio non anderebbe piu, hora . . . . . . . . rere di qualche importansia ma che le pratiche restino . . . . . . imbasciatore della Cesarea Maesta, e ugni giorno chon questi p . . . . . . espetialmente chon il gran Maestro e l'Amiraglio, il qual gran [Maestro] . . . questi dispareri a quaxi la posissione di tutti i neghotii . . . . . . e siando lui inclinato alla pace e juditio abbi affare v . . . . . . . vedere di tirare a qualche bona choncluxione le pratiche . . . . . . la Maesta del Re dovea partire alli 5 ede sopra stato e non . . . . . . si partira, e frequenta il consiglio piu del solito limbascia[tore] . . . spedire fino alli 4 uno venuto da Napoli in poste per Fiand[ra] . . . e ritiene che de spettare qualche concluxione delle pratic[he] . . . . . . Iddio lassi seguire quello abbi a essere per lo meglio, si disse la . . . . . . . Cæsarea Maesta e Venetiani concluxa di poi di questa Corte . . . . . . nulla per lettere di Venetia che dichano aveano fresche, ho i[nteso che qualchi] gran personaggi di questa Corte anno buttato parole per le qu[ale] . . . dubitarne, l'imbasciatore di Venetia apresso questa Maesta mos . . . . . nulla che malvolentieri si dice nuove che non piaceno, de le . . . . . . di Napoli a sua Maesta sene parlla in diversi modi per littere di la . . . . . . aleuni scriveno che era domandato piu di un milione e me[zzo ducati, ma] non lo haveano acordato, altri che lhaveano acordato a . . . . . . a pagare in 5 anni, ugni anno ducati 300,000, che mi pare cho[sa] . . . . per quel regnio. Chon le prime doveremo intendere la certess[a] . . . . . ne avertiro V.S. Sua Maesta fa diligentia di mettere denari j . . . . . . il donativo del primo anno a ragione di 18 et 20 per cento . . . . . . simile di bona parte del resto. Quando abbi a essere la par[tita di S. M.] (fn. 2) non sintende al certo, chui scrive a 10 diquesto, chui a 15, e chu[i] . . . . . a Napoli. A Roma (fn. 3) aveano misso una in posta di 50,000 duchati . . . . . . . . . honoratamente benche a quelli populi non sia molto. . . . . . . . . anchora del sacho.|
|Per lettere di Spagnia e di Genoua . . . . . . . . . . . grandissima armata marittima (fn. 4). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . e mandavano 20,000 * * * * di marxo sariano presti per marciare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fiorentini che di gia erano stessi in Yta[lia] * * * . . . ria altre nuove dessi non si sa aquello abbino aservire non . . . . . . amettere piu insul mare puol essere si sia voluto . . . . . ati debbi intendere si fanno qua esili terra in Ytalia . . . . lmare sara insu una bella spesa, li apparati di guerra . . . . a ma non chon gran caldessa spedirno i capitani delle chalere . . . . restare tutto, le artegliarie ancora non sono comparse . . . [in ca]mpo, li lansi dichano essere in Borchogna e non essere piu di 4,000 . . . . io, che avendoli avuti chon difficulta e bixognato abbino fatto . . . . no potuto e pachano li dila dabene, e dicesi che dui del meglior . . . . erano fra loro sono restati in Alamagnia dicendo che non vogliano [andare in Y]talia chon si pochi delli loro natione e che alloro era stato dato . . . . e sarenno 15,000 e siando manchato le promisse loro giustamente . . . . manchare. In Alamagna come ho ditto a V. S. hanno fatto . . [pro]vigione che non ne possino uscire piu e non potendo avere . . . . Allamanni e hoppinione de piu non abbino affare la guerra . . . . venuti a Ginevra sono la maggiore parte del chantoni di Bernna . . . . chano non hanno pensione di qua e che non vogliano servire per denari . . . . o predichatori dichano non e licito affare guerra per denari ma . . . . o fare chonscientia loro di prendere il paeze d'altri, per che anno [tutt]o il paeze intorno di Genevra salvo un chastello forte dove si . . . . ti tutte le gente duchesche perche non vedeno il modo di prenderlo . . . . anno mandato a dire al ducha se non li da il chastello che [andranno] piu avanti in el suo paese. Quello sa del Turcho V. S. lo vedra . . . . olo le mando in questa di Roma, alla quale sempre miraco . . . . . . ilmente preghando Iddio la conservi felice. Da Lione addi 7 di Febraro 1536.|
Havendo fatto questa presta per mandare con il primo alli 7 . . . . . . .
. . . . compreseno dui poste, una di Roma a questa Maesta con lettere del
. . . . [l'altra] di Napoli allo imbasciatore dello Imperatore chon lettere
. . . . . . . to de nuovo scrive il Rmo Triulsi a suo fratello che e . . .
. . . . . . . terra che il generale delli Observarti (Observanti?) che era . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . imperatore laven . . * * * si sia
lassata scorrere tanto avanti a dire che voglia lacordio a ugni modo sensa
metter . . . . . . . quando ve coxe di tale importansia quale e q . . . . . . .
poste ultime l'imbasciatore di sua Maesta e stato molte . . . . . . consiglieri
e non sintende nulla buttano ben voce di . . . . . . tre cento lance verxo la
Fiandra e dichano che dove . . . . . . avere lansi in l'Alta Alamagnia che ne
aranno in l . . . . . e che veranno per via di Ghelder e dichano e minaceno
d . . . . . . homo crede quello li piace e i piu che non abbino a fare . . . .
. . tosto a stare in questi termini sono non seguendo accor . . . . . . non si
fa juditio per i piu, avendosi a trattare gran coxe . . . . . . satisfactione per
tutte le parte. Io scrivo a V. S. quello i[ntendo]. Sua prudentia potra
raccorre quello li parra sacosti p . . . . . e di quello intendero alla giornata
non manchero aver[e] . . . sempre buon servitore di quella faro fine."
Hol. Mutilated. Add.
|274. Anthony Abbot of Eynsham to Cromwell.|
According to your letters of the 4 Feb. I have sent you the principal
doer in the King's matter, dan John Abyngton, accused by Harry Wynforthe.
Harry is in safe custody. Eynsham, 8 Feb.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|275. George Lowys, Mayor of Winchelsea, to Cromwell.|
I have delivered the goods of John Couely, deceased, seized by my
predecessor, to John Chandelar and Simon Palmer, as you desired, with the
exception of a horse and two mares distrained by Eliz. Heman, widow, for
farm of land, out of the liberties of the town. They were so badly kept that
one of the mares died; and for the horse and mare taken by the factors, she
has brought an action against them in the King's court here at Winchelsea,
I shall not allow her to proceed further till I hear your pleasure. Winchelsea,
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
Poli Epist. i. 431.
|276. Reginald Pole to Gaspar Card. Contarini.|
Thanks him for his letters of Jan. 31. Hears that Peter the
Bohemian has delayed his journey, and still has Pole's letters to the Cardinal. Agrees with the opinion expressed in his letter that Gardiner's book
is written with the highest art, but that the arguments are weak. As to the
book and the author, quotes the proverb about dice,—the better the player
the worse the man. Thinks such books refute themselves, but to support his
own and the Church's opinion by plain and plausible arguments is no easy
task, and needs assistance, time, and leisure. Intends to send the part in
which he defends the Pope's authority by the next courier. Campensis and
Priolus have just arrived. Venice, 8 Feb.
|277. John Worthiall, Clerk, to Cromwell.|
I occupy by your favor the spiritual jurisdiction in the diocese of
Chichester as Chancellor by the King's commission. Will. Roll, parson of
Graffan in my jurisdiction, has of late withdrawn the making of holy bread
and holy water on the Sunday to his parishioners as was formerly the custom.
He has let his hair grow, so there is no sign of any crown, and this produces
much murmuring among the people. I desire your counsel in this matter,
as I dare not meddle till your pleasure is known. Chichester, 9 Feb.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|9 Feb.||278. Priory of Marton, Yorkshire.|
|Surrender. See Vol. IX., No. 816 ii. (3).|
Add. MS. 8715, f. 201. B. M.
|279. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio.|
As to England, the king of France said I ought to remember that he
had said several times (only I was not to allege it) that he does not love the
king of England for his conduct towards God and the Holy See; that he is
the most unstable man in the world, and Francis has no trust of ever seeing
any good in him. Lately he wished to join the Lutherans, binding himself
to live in his kingdom according to their usages, and to defend them against
every one if they would have bound themselves equally to defend him, but
they (quelli) answered that they would not. God knows if the French
king has done all he could to prevent them uniting with him to the dishonor
and prejudice of the Apostolic See. He has heard for certain that the King
means to marry the Princess to some gentleman of the country, to prevent
her being ever married to any prince. * * *
Ital., modern copy, pp. 7. Headed: Al Mons. Ambrogio. Da Lione li 9 Febr. 1535 (sic).
Corpus Reform., iii. 39.
|280. Melancthon to Vitus Theodorus.|
Wrote to Theodore three days ago about the discussions with the
English, and Luther's honorable opinion of him. Has asked Osiander for the
opinions of the Rabbis about the Jewish law concerning a man marrying his
brother's widow. 9 Feb.
Vatican Secret Archives.
|281. Paul III. to James V.|
Corrected draft of a brief commending James's fidelity to the Holy
See, and his refusal to participate in the designs of impious men. Rome,
"vj. die viiij. Februarii, anno 2°."
Lat., from a modern copy, pp. 2. The original is endorsed: "Feb. 1536, anno 2. Regi Scotiæ, amantissima. D. Ambros. Attestatio contra Regem Angliæ."
|282. Chapuys to Charles V.|
|Wrote on the 29th ult. The same day the Queen was buried, and besides the ladies whom I mentioned, there were present four bishops and as many abbots, but no other man of mark except the comptroller of the King's Household. The place where she is buried in the church is far removed from the high altar, and much less honorable than that of certain bishops buried there; and even if they had not taken her for princess dowager as they have done in death and life, but only as simple baroness, they could not have given her a less honorable place, as I am told by men acquainted with those matters. Such are the great miracles and incredible magnificence which they gave me to understand they would put forth in honor of her memory as due alike to her great virtues and to her kindred. Possibly they will repair the fault by making a becoming monument in some suitable place.|
|On the day of the interment the Concubine had an abortion which seemed to be a male child which she had not borne 3½ months, at which the King has shown great distress. The said concubine wished to lay the blame on the duke of Norfolk, whom she hates, saying he frightened her by bringing the news of the fall the King had six days before. But it is well known that is not the cause, for it was told her in a way that she should not be alarmed or attach much importance to it. Some think it was owing to her own incapacity to bear children, others to a fear that the King would treat her like the late Queen, especially considering the treatment shown to a lady of the Court, named Mistress Semel, to whom, as many say, he has lately made great presents. The Princess's gouvernante, her daughters, and a niece, have been in great sorrow for the said abortion, and have been continually questioning a lady who is very intimate with the Princess whether the said Princess did not know the said news of the abortion, and that she might know that, but they would not for the world that she knew the rest, meaning that there was some fear the King might take another wife. The Princess is well. She changed her lodging on Saturday last, and was better accompanied on her removal and provided with what was necessary to her than she had been before. She had an opportunity of distributing alms on the way, because her father had placed about 100,000 crowns at her disposal. It is rumoured that the King, as Cromwell sent to inform me immediately after the Queen's death, means to increase her train and exalt her position. I hope it may be so, and that no scorpion lurks under the honey. I think the King only waited to summon the said Princess to swear to the statutes in expectation that the concubine would have had a male child, of which they both felt assured. I know not what he will do now. I have suggested to the Princess to consider if it be not expedient, when she is pressed to take the oath, if she be reduced to extremity, to offer that if the King her father have a son she will condescend to his will, and that she might at once begin throwing out some such hint to her gouvernante. I will inform you of her reply.|
|I do not think the English ships detained at Bordeaux will be so soon delivered, seeing that the English, in spite of the remonstrance made by the French ambassador on Candlemas Day when he returned to Court, refused to alter their ordinances; and if those at Bordeaux show as much obstinacy some disorder may arise from it,—at least so thinks the ambassador, who having received four days ago letters from the King his master, although it was late in the evening, sent for a merchant, a great friend of his, to warn him to see to his affairs and be ready to remove when necessary, for he thought that some trouble must arise without delay between the two Kings, both for matters concerning the Faith and for the refusal to deliver the Princess to the Dauphin. Nevertheless, this does not strike me as probable, especially considering that the French king has quite lately given licence to this King to procure a great quantity of grain from France. I hear nothing more of the return of Brian to France, nor of any negociations between the French and those here.|
|On the 4th instant began the Parliament, for the instruction of which there were at the same time printed and published several books concerning ecclesiastical ceremonies, especially against images and the adoration of saints, and against those who uphold purgatory; and in accordance with this and the statutes hitherto made against the Pope the preachers are commanded to instruct the people. This command also extends to prelates and others, and already on Sunday last the archbishop of Canterbury played his part in the grande place in front of the cathedral of this city, and of the two hours that he preached one and a half were occupied with blasphemies against his Holiness and his predecessors. On Sunday next the archbishop of York is to preach, and so, according to their degrees, all the others. The great object of the King is to persuade the people that there is no purgatory, in order afterwards to seize all the ecclesiastical endowments; and as to the other Lutheran articles, they have no difficulty in passing them. This of purgatory is the newest and most strange to the people, and still more to the lords whose predecessors have left foundations for the memory of posterity. Yet if the matter were ten times more unjust, there is no one who dare contradict the King without other support.|
Yesterday arrived the person sent by M. du Rœulx to investigate the
means for the enterprise, and to inform me of what he proposed to do for his
part. But, as I have twice written, I fear that the opportunity is gone.
I await, however, the answer of the personage whom the matter concerns,
by which we must be guided, and consult how the affair may be accomplished.
London, 10 Feb. 1535.
French, from a modern copy, pp. 4. An extract of the last paragraph is in the Rymer Transcripts, Vol. 145, No. 6, at the Record Office.
|283. Chapuys to Granvelle.|
|This notable and good Catholic archbishop of Canterbury, in his preaching on Sunday last, among other blasphemies against the Pope, proposed to prove that all the passages in Scripture about Antichrist referred to his Holiness, and, to injure at a blow the Holy See and the Imperial authority, cited one author who said that Antichrist should come when the empire was ruined. This, he said, it was now, because of all the monarchy only a small portion of Germany obeyed the empire; and he decried the Imperial authority as much as he could, ending by saying that the Pope was the true Antichrist, and no other need be looked for. Thus you may see the virtue and honesty of this apostate, and what has come of the good treatment shown him when he was with his Majesty, and what good cause I had to send my man to Bologna when his Majesty was there to prevent the Pope from allowing his promotion. I must not forget to say there are innumerable persons who consider that the concubine is unable to conceive, and say that the daughter said to be hers and the abortion the other day are supposititious. Eight days ago the goods of the Dantzic merchants, which the King had sequestrated, were released. London, 10 Feb. 1535.|
The King has lately given a bishopric to one who some time ago abandoned the Augustinian habit, (fn. 5) and like a Lutheran fled to Germany, where it
is said he has a wife.
Fr., from a modern copy, p. 1.
|Vienna Archives.||284. Death and Burial of Katharine of Arragon.|
|The good Queen died in a few days, of God knows what illness, on Friday, 7 Jan. 1536. Next day her body was taken into the Privy Chamber and placed under the canopy of State (sous le dhoussier et drapt destat), where it rested seven days, without any other solemnity than four flambeaux continually burning. During this time a leaden coffin was prepared, in which the body was enclosed on Saturday, the 15th, and borne to the chapel. The vigils of the dead were said the same day, and next day one mass and no more, without any other light than six torches of rosin. On Sunday, the 16th, the body was removed again into the Privy Chamber, where it remained till Saturday following. Meanwhile an "estalage," which we call a chapelle ardente, was arranged, with 56 wax candles in all, and the house hung with two breadths of the lesser frieze of the country. On Saturday, the 22nd, it was again brought to the chapel, and remained until the masses of Thursday following, during which time solemn masses were said in the manner of the country, at which there assisted by turns as principals the duchess of Suffolk, the countess of Worcester, the young countess of Oxford, the countess of Surrey, and baronesses Howard, Willoughby, Bray, and Gascon (sic). On Tuesday following, (fn. 6) as they were beginning mass, four banners of crimson taffeta were brought, two of which bore the arms of the Queen, one those of England, with three "lambeaulx blancs," which they say are of prince Arthur; the fourth had the two, viz., of Spain and England, together. There were also four great golden [standards]. On one was painted the Trinity, on the second Our Lady, on the third St. Katharine, and on the fourth St. George; and by the side of these representations the said arms were depicted in the above order; and in like manner the said arms were simply, and without gilding (? dourance), painted and set over all the house, and above them a simple crown, distinguished from that of the kingdom which is closed. On Wednesday after the robes of the Queen's 10 ladies were completed, who had not till then made any mourning, except with kerchiefs on their heads and old robes. This day, at dinner, the countess of Surrey held state, who at the vigils after dinner was chief mourner. On Thursday, after mass, which was no less solemn than the vigils of the day before, the body was carried from the chapel and put on a waggon, to be conveyed not to one of the convents of the Observant Friars, as the Queen had desired before her death, but at the pleasure of the King, her husband, to the Benedictine Abbey of Peterborough, and they departed in the following order:—First, 16 priests or clergymen in surplices went on horseback, without saying a word, having a gilded laten cross borne before them; after them several gentlemen, of whom there were only two of the house, "et le demeurant estoient tous emprouvez," and after them followed the maître d'hotel and chamberlain, with their rods of office in their hands; and, to keep them in order, went by their sides 9 or 10 heralds, with mourning hoods and wearing their coats of arms; after them followed 50 servants of the aforesaid gentlemen, bearing torches and "bâtons allumés," which lasted but a short time, and in the middle of them was drawn a waggon, upon which the body was drawn by six horses all covered with black cloth to the ground. The said waggon was covered with black velvet, in the midst of which was a great silver cross; and within, as one looked upon the corpse, was stretched a cloth of gold frieze with a cross of crimson velvet, and before and behind the said waggon stood two gentlemen ushers with mourning hoods looking into the waggon, round which the said four banners were carried by four heralds and the standards with the representations by four gentlemen. Then followed seven ladies, as chief mourners, upon hackneys, that of the first being harnessed with black velvet and the others with black cloth. After which ladies followed the waggon of the Queen's gentlemen; and after them, on hackneys, came nine ladies, wives of knights. Then followed the waggon of the Queen's chambermaids; then her maids to the number of 36, and in their wake followed certain servants on horseback.|
In this order the royal corpse was conducted for nine miles of the country,
i.e., three French leagues, as far as the abbey of Sautry, where the abbot and
his monks received it and placed it under a canopy in the choir of the church,
under an "estalage" prepared for it, which contained 408 candles, which
burned during the vigils that day and next day at mass. Next day a solemn
mass was chanted in the said abbey of Sautry, by the bishop of Ely, during
which in the middle of the church 48 torches of rosin were carried by as
many poor men, with mourning hoods and garments. After mass the body
was borne in the same order to the abbey of Peterborough, where at the
door of the church it was honorably received by the bishops of Lincoln, Ely,
and Rochester, the abbot of the place, and the abbots of Ramsey, Crolain
(Crowland), Tournan (Thorney), Walden and Thaem (Tame), who, wearing
their mitres and hoods, accompanied it in procession till it was placed under
the chapelle ardente which was prepared for it there, upon eight pillars of
beautiful fashion and roundness, upon which were placed about 1,000 candles,
both little and middle-sized, and round about the said chapel 18 banners
waved, of which one bore the arms of the Emperor, a second those of
England, with those of the King's mother, prince Arthur, the queen of
Portugal, sister of the deceased, Spain, Arragon, and Sicily, and those of
Spain and England with three "lambeaulx," those of John of Gaunt, duke
of Lancaster, who married the daughter of Peter the Cruel, viz., "le joux des
beufz," the bundle of arrows, the pomegranate (granade), the lion and the
greyhound. Likewise there were a great number of little pennons, in
which were portrayed the devices of king Ferdinand, father of the deceased,
and of herself; and round about the said chapel, in great gold letters was
written, as the device of the said good lady, "Humble et loyale." Solemn
vigils were said that day, and on the morrow the three masses by three
bishops: the first by the bishop of Rochester, with the abbot of Thame as
deacon, and the abbot of Walden as sub-deacon; the second by the bishop
of Ely, with the abbot of Tournay (Thorney) as deacon, and the abbot of
Peterborough as sub-deacon; the third by the bishop of Lincoln, with the
bishop of Llandaff as deacon, and that of Ely as sub-deacon; the other
bishops and abbots aforesaid assisting at the said masses in their pontificals,
so the ceremony was very sumptuous. The chief mourner was lady Eleanor,
daughter of the duke of Suffolk and the French queen, and niece of king
Henry, widower now of the said good Queen. She was conducted to the
offering by the Comptroller and Mr. Gust (Gostwick), new receiver of the
moneys the King takes from the Church. Immediately after the offering
was completed the bishop of Rochester preached the same as all the
preachers of England for two years have not ceased to preach, viz., against
the power of the Pope, whom they call bishop of Rome, and against the
marriage of the said good Queen and the King, alleging against all truth
that in the hour of death she acknowledged she had not been queen of
England. I say against all truth, because at that hour she ordered a writing
to be made in her name addressed to the King as her husband, and to the
ambassador of the Emperor, her nephew, which she signed with these
words—Katharine, queen of England—commending her ladies and servants
to the favor of the said ambassador. At the end of the mass all the mourning ladies offered in the hands of the heralds each three ells in three pieces
of cloth of gold which were upon the body, and of this "accoutrements" will
be made for the chapel where the annual service will be performed for her.
After the mass the body was buried in a grave at the lowest step of the high
altar, over which they put a simple black cloth. In this manner was celebrated the funeral of her who for 27 years has been true queen of England,
whose holy soul, as every one must believe, is in eternal rest, after worldly
misery borne by her with such patience that there is little need to pray
God for her; to whom, nevertheless, we ought incessantly to address prayers
for the weal (salut) of her living image whom she has left to us, the most
virtuous Princess her daughter, that He may comfort her in her great and
infinite adversities, and give her a husband to his pleasure, &c.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 6.
Vit. B. xxi. 97. B. M.
|285. Henry VIII. to Chr. Archbishop of Bremen.|
|Complains that the Archbishop has not released his [the King's] servant George Wollwever, who is imprisoned on account of false accusation, and in whose behalf the King has before written. The Archbishop has no right to detain him, and should have remembered the firm friendship between the Emperor and the King. Threatens retaliation.|
Our palace near London, 10 Feb. 1535.
Lat. Corrected draft, p. 1. Add.
***An extract from the letter actually sent is given in Bucholz, ix. 352.
R.O. St. P. v. 17.
|286. William Barlo to Cromwell.|
The condition of the Borders is even more grievous and miserable
than he intimated to Cromwell and the King's Council. Lord William
will show at his return the complaints made to him. Authority must be
given to execute justice without fear or partiality, otherwise admonitions
only make things worse. There is no right preaching of God's Word, nor
scant any knowledge of the Gospel in these parts, though there are plenty
of priests, monks, and friars. Berwick, 10 Feb. Signed.
|Vesp. C. xiii. 249. B. M.||287. [The English Ambassadors to the Council of Scotland.]|
Complain that in "your safe-conduct," sent to us as ambassadors of
the king of England to his nephew, there are certain exceptions not usual
between friends, and seldom conditioned among enemies. Though the cause
of their embassy is yet undeclared, it concerns the wealth, prosperity, and
honor of both realms. Nothing has ever been attempted by English
ambassadors contrary to God's honor or prejudicial to their realm, so as to
give occasion for the insertion in a safe-conduct of clauses forbidding the
ambassadors to promote any strange opinions, or derogate in word or deed
against the authority of "the sacred holy church (as ye name it) of Rome."
To this they answer, that as in England no strange opinions are maintained,
so here they intend to promote none. Cannot precisely conjecture what is
meant by the strange opinions so strangely objected against them, being allied
neighbours and not strangers, unless the reformation of vice and correction
of evil manners is counted strangeness. This can only seem strange to those
who hate the Christian verity and love no godly virtue. Concerning the
authority of the Roman church, do not derogate any part granted by
Scripture, nor enlarge it any wider than the Word of God will stretch.
Though they have no special commission causeless to intermeddle, yet they
cannot so restrain their private communications as not to mutter or talk of
it, when they are purposely provoked thereto by divers of "your inquisitive
people." It is no equal condition unless the people are inhibited from
moving such matters to them. There can be no such exception without
breach of the league between the two realms, which provides that neither
shall take part against the other with any person or potentate, temporal or
spiritual, notwithstanding any severe sentence of man or by man's law
promulged. In these general words the bishop of Rome is no more
excepted than any other foreign potentate. It is evident, therefore, that with
reasonable cause they may lawfully speak against and resist his wrong
usurpation, and [the Scotch] are bound to join with them. Remind them
of the power of the prince who has sent them, and who is able not only to
nourish love amongst his friends, but to purchase amity even of his enemies.
He has sent them not for any temporal commodity, but from his love and
amity to his good brother and nephew, whose ambassadors were entertained
without any such restrained exception. Return the safe-conduct, being
unable to accept such thrall conditions from allies, and will content themselves with the security of their own sovereign's letters till they may attain
the presence of the King's highness, from whom they doubt not to receive a
gracious answer and a free safe-conduct, not after the rate limited to enemies,
but after the benevolent form granted to his uncle's ambassadors.
Copy, pp. 3.
|288. Dr. Thomas Legh to Cromwell.|
|I have taken possession of the house of Sherborne, for which I heartily thank the King and you. Whatever men may say you shall be assured of my services. You have said at divers times that I should be your chancellor; and though you may have others of greater learning and judgment, I trust so to order myself as shall be to your profit, keeping three things in view,—fear of God, fidelity to the King, and gratitude to you.|
The prior of Gysborowghe has resigned his house to us, which we have
kept close. The cellarer and the bursar stand for it, and are assisted by
Master Treasurer (of York ?). They are of no literature, unfit to govern, as
the house may spend 1,000 marks a year. If you have no friend of yours you
wish to put in, stay till our coming, and I will provide one with all qualities
fit for such a room, and "as profitable unto your mastership as any other."
Mr. Layton has been with the archbishop of York, and has done as you
wrote, and taken the surrender of Martyn Abbey to the King's use. I have
been at Mountgrace and Hull, and find them there and in all other places
ready to fulfil the King's pleasure. Layton is now at the monastery of
Fountaines to perform your mind. I expect him tonight, to go through to
Carnyll tomorrow, and so home to you. Richmond, 10 Feb. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add.: Secretary. Endd. by Wriothesley.
Corpus Reform., iii. 40.
|289. Melancthon to Vitus Theodorus.|
One of the Englishmen with the bishop, who is ambassador here, has
gone to Nuremberg (isthuc). Asks him to introduce him to Osiander, as he
is a great friend of the bishop of Canterbury, as Osiander is, and far excels
the others in courtesy and learning. Would have written to Osiander if the
English had not been in a hurry. Wishes to have an answer by Dr. Sebald.
Lat. Add.: Noribergæ.