Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 12 Part 1, January-May 1537. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1890.
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March 1537, 21–25
|691. GEORGE LORD COBHAM to CROMWELL.
|One Gullyam Tremoyle has brought, from London to Rochester, three coffers surely locked, of which I know not the contents, and certain broadcloths, carsyes, and furs, with three geldings. He has no passport or cocket for the discharge of the said stuff. He reported that he waited four days for one Campagious, (fn. 1) who is yet at London. I think there is good stuff in the said coffers. Tremoyle has returned to London, taking the key of his chamber with him. I wish to know your pleasure what to do. Cobham Hall, 21 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.
|692. RICH. CROMWELL. to CROMWELL.
|I have declared the King's pleasure and yours both at the assizes of Huntingdon and at Cambridge here before the judges, with which they were very well content. The bearer, being escheator, is a very honest person, and has been diligent with Mr. Hall of Huntingdon in finding the offices of Brampton. (fn. 2) Cambridge, 21 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Cromwell. Endd.
|693. THE CONVENT OF AXHOLME to CROMWELL.
|We, your poor orators the monks of Axiholme, hear we are to have our brother Dan Thos. Barningham for prior. "He is a sad and a very religious man, would God we had him." Our father prior, expecting to be deprived, has by advice of Hen. Stookwith, collected all the money he could, gathered rents, and sold all the valuable horses, and has gone leaving us with only 3l. 21 March. Signed by six monks Chamerleyn, Pople, Craknell (sic), Bee, Alred, and Broke (as in No. 489.) and two brothers, converts, Robt. Pynsbyke and Thos. Smythe
|P. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.
|694. JOHN, ABBOT OF VALE RIALL, to CROMWELL.
|Has received Cromwell's letters, dated at the Rolls, 8 March, desiring the farm of Darnehall, as in his Lordship's previous letters, the abbot's former answer notwithstanding. Perceives Cromwell is informed that he has in his hands the manors of Knyghts, Bradford, and Heffreston, the farm of Condersley, the demesnes of the monastery, the parsonages of Frodesham, Weverham, and Kyrkham, and the tithe of Overe. Shows that the most part of these are let to farm, that he has the tithe of Overe in farm from the prioress of the nuns of Chester, and that, as the demesne land is sand soil, and will bear no wheat, he cannot, without Darnehall, furnish the house with wheat. Desires that he may keep Darnehall, and Cromwell may have any other of his granges rent free. However, he is content to accomplish Cromwell's pleasure in Darnehall, reserving the woods and waters and the barn to receive the tithe corn of Overe. Begs favour. Vale Royall, 21 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|695. ROBERT EARL OF SUSSEX to CROMWELL.
|Thanks him for his letters declaring the King's satisfaction with the Earl's service here. Desires the King's letters for the bestowing of the monks of Whalley. When that is finished, and also the matters pertaining to justice, which has been a great business, but will be brought to a good pass in five or six days, there will be nothing to detain the writer here any longer. Thinks there is not a "skacer" country, both for horse meat and man's meat in England. Horse meat can scarcely be got for money. Expects to leave the people as obedient, faithful, and dreadful subjects as any in the realm. The monks of Furness have been as bad as any other. Cromwell writes for the saying of Ric. Estgate, monk of Salley. Could never, either before or after his condemnation, get anything from him save that he reported that at the first Nicholas Tempast was one of their great favourers. Preston, 21 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
28,589, f. 248. B. M.
|696. CHARLES V.
|Instructions to Don Diego de Mendoça and the Señor de Arbes (fn. 3) sent to England.
|To proceed to England with all speed, and first of all confer with Dr. Eustace Chapuys, the ambassador there, and learn his latest news of the king of England's will as to the marriage of the Infant Don Luis of Portugal with the Princess of England, as to the establishment of amity, and also the state of affairs in England with the insurrections and confederacies of the people, and the state of matters between England and France.
|The Emperor's letters last year from Gaeta and Savillan to the said ambassador, with his answers, as far as regards the said marriage and amity, are shown them, together with the ambassador's last two letters, which import that the King's Council have affirmed the King to be inclined to the match, provided the Emperor would write and ask it. Also, they have the copy of the instruction upon this, made to the king of Portugal's ambassador with the Emperor, with a summary of the Emperor's letters, and the replies of his ambassador in England. This instruction and summary the ambassador carried to the said King and the Infant, who are pleased with what the Emperor has done to procure the marriage, and the King has sent a letter for the King of England which, together with a copy, they shall carry. In accordance with this, the Emperor has himself written to the King of England, and they shall carry the letter and a copy. When they have shown the copies to the ambassador, and heard the state of affairs, they shall jointly with him present the said letters, and urge the marriage, explaining that they think the Infant has not written to the King of England about it out of modesty and respect for his brother and the Emperor, but that he is inclined to it, and will be to the King of England a good son. If the King is (as the ambassador is told) sincere in the matter, they shall do their best to forward it, having great respect to the instruction which was sent to Portugal as regards the prejudice of the Holy See and of the Princess' right of succession.
|They are not to break off the practice for any difficulties the king of England may raise, unless they perceive him disinclined to the match, and that further negotiation would be against the honor of the king of Portugal, Infant, and Princess, and that the king of England only wishes to prolong it in order to strengthen himself in another quarter. But first, they must write all that occurs, since the delay cannot be long. And since, without knowing the King's resolution as regards the match, and the marriage portion that he will give the Princess, and to what he would agree, the king of Portugal and the Infant can come to no conclusion; they must do their best to discover the ultimate desire of the king of England. If the king of England wishes to know the fortune of the Infant, and how the Princess will be treated, they must say that no doubt the king of Portugal, according to his desire for the match, will do all to the king of England's satisfaction, using good words to dissuade him from demanding great conditions from the Infant, such as that to a king of his power and wealth it is sufficient to have a good and obedient son. This must be done discreetly.
|If the King or his councillors say that the king of France offers great conditions with his son, the duke of Orleans, they can reply that that may be, but that all would rest on the king of France and his successor, and that the inequality of ages should be considered; whereas the Infant would be entirely in the King's power, and is a person of mature age, sensible, virtuous, and well-conditioned, and the more liberally the King conducts this negotiation, the more the Infant will be bound to him. Besides, there is the natural enmity between England and France on the one hand, and the ancient amity with Portugal on the other. The Emperor has so trusted in the King's honour that he made no reply to his ambassador's suggestion that they should seek a match for the Infant elsewhere. The King may trust the Emperor's sincerity, and the match would be not only for the good of the Infant and Princess, but also the best possible for the King. And although the king of Portugal and the Infant are, like their predecessors, princes of good faith; the Emperor will willingly be bound with them in any conditions to be observed by the Infant.
|At the same time the Emperor, king of Portugal, and Infant are willing to make a league with the king of England for defence of their States (in which the king of the Romans will also join) to the benefit of Christendom and the tranquillity of their several realms. If they are asked whether they have the authority of the king of Portugal and the Infant to conclude both marriage and league they must answer that their mission is undertaken for the said King and Infant with full powers, and that the Emperor will send other special personages shortly, when he knows on what conditions the king of England will treat. Meanwhile the king of England may be assured of the goodwill of Portugal and the Emperor to the alliance, and may have confidence in the envoys, both for the Emperor's letter and his long experience of the ambassador.
|If the English desire to maintain the former treaties, which contain conditions burdensome to the Emperor (notably as regards France and Flanders, the circumstances being altered), the envoys and ambassador must ask to treat entirely anew, owing to the intervention of the king of Portugal and the Infant. They must get the best terms for the Emperor and Portugal, and then consult the Emperor; without breaking off the practise, however grave the conditions demanded may be, unless the King shows no good will or the one negociation impedes the other; for, the marriage made, the other will follow.
|They will learn from the ambassador how the news is taken in England of the coming of the Turk to invade Christendom at the request of the king of France by express treaty, upon the strength of which he has asked the Signory of Venice to join them, and a new ambassador has gone from the Turk to France. They must make the best of this in their negociations to alienate the English from the king of France; and if the King show any inclination to assist against this damnable enterprise of the king of France and the Turk they must persuade him to it as much as possible. If they see no hope of assistance they must at least urge it and point out the abominable conduct of the king of France and his obstinacy for war, breaking off all negociations as soon as he was assured of the Turk's assistance. They must also point out that the king of England can put no trust in the king of France, who, after all that has passed, has married his daughter to the king of Scotland, evidently to gain a hold upon England, and according to the proverb he who offends does not pardon. They shall make use of the letters of credence they carry to the Queen and other persons according to the ambassador's opinion of their influence, assuring the Queen that the Infant would make a good son, and that the king of Portugal and the Emperor count him as their good brother, and assuring the others that the Emperor will recognise their services. They must consult with the ambassador how best to deliver the Emperor's letters to the Princess, in favour of the Infant and assuring her of the Emperor's regard. Gives them two letters, one written by a secretary which may be delivered publicly, the other in the Emperor's own hand.
|As the negociations will require time, and the Señor de Arbes has another charge to execute in Flanders, he must, after delivery of the Emperor's letters, leave the rest to Don Diego and the ambassador, and proceed to Flanders.
|As the king of England has shown himself little constant in this and other negociations with the ambassador, he may have gone further and allied himself with the king of France, especially as regards the said marriage, or he may intend to treat with someone else, either in England or elsewhere. If so, they shall work to undo such other matches and consult with the Princess either to break them off or to gain time, which often remedies things of this kind. If the King is determined to constrain her to some other match they must see if it is possible to carry her off from England in the way formerly talked of between her and the ambassador, or some other manner; although the methods which have been imagined have always appeared very difficult and dangerous, and would, whether successful or not, be followed by an open declaration of war with us, of which the king of France would not fail to avail himself. In any case, a convenient time must be waited for.
|To leave nothing undone, gives them letters of credence for them and the ambassador, both to the states general of the kingdom and private persons of the country, to be used in favour of the King if he appear ready to negociate, or against him if he is determined not to treat, and if his subjects have him at such advantage that the said letters might inspire them to constrain him to the said marriage. This must be maturely considered, that no declaration be made against the king of England without great appearance of its being possible to conclude the business by force, because popular movements seldom last long, especially those of England, and the Emperor is so occupied with the important affairs of Christendom against the king of France and the Turk and other infidels that he could not give the assistance which would perhaps be necessary. As to expecting aid from the Pope by the going of cardinal Pole, it is to be feared that the Pope may excuse himself, or defer on account of the Turk's coming. Moreover, the Cardinal may arrive too late, and there is little appearance that he is provided with money and men. Nothing can be founded on this till it is known that the Cardinal has arrived and is suitably provided, and that, through him or otherwise, the insurgents have either overcome the King or are determined to resist him to the last. Accordingly the Emperor wrote to the Queen Regent of Flanders that the Pope has asked him to give the Cardinal a safe conduct through Flanders and assist his enterprise, but that she must look well what opportunity there is (la disposition queue ay), and how the king of England and his subjects stand, and accordingly either excuse herself as regards the Cardinal's charge or assist him. They and the ambassador, in accordance with the good service he has always done, shall keep the Queen Regent informed of what passes in England.
|In the execution of their charge they must not bind the Emperor to anything against the Holy See which might make the Pope suspicious, nor do anything against the ancient alliance between the Emperors and Scotland, for though the present king has married in France, still he and his kingdom may observe that this confederacy is not less important to them than the Emperor, although the said alliance is a private thing. In treating with the king of England this can be declared, but the declaration should be left to the end.
|P.S.—Since the above instructions were written the Infant Don Luis himself has arrived in post, and, after communication with him, the Emperor adds to their commission as follows:—
|As a further proof of the Infant's good faith in the matter of the marriage he has come to the Emperor, who has good hope of the matter succeeding, especially considering the last two letters of the ambassador in England. And as one of the principal points is the reservation of the right of succession of England to the Princess in case the King have no legitimate male issue, and in any case to provide the dowry of the Princess in accordance with the great wealth of the king of England and the quality of the marriage, the ambassador must insist on the dowry being appointed upon particular lands, and assured to the Infant and Princess. They should also be provided with a good sum down, and the King should be the more liberal because, as the ambassador writes, he intends the Infant to reside in England. The amount must be specified as, if the King have an heir male, the Princess would be deprived of the succession, and it would then be optional with the Infant and Princess either to continue holding the lands or to take the value of them. Valladolid, 21 March 1537.
|Spanish, pp. 25. Endd.: the letters which were made in Latin and French. From the archives of Simancas.
|Ib. f. 261.
|2. French translation of the above without the P.S.
|697. ANDREW PILOTTES.
|Confession of Andrew Pilottes, prisoner in the Marshalsea, 22 March, 28 Henry VIII.
|Examined upon the contents of a certain letter made to the bp. of Lincoln, says that the Bp., as he wrote to him, is like to be accused of maintenance and cloaking of high treason against the King. Examined how he knows it and by whose means it should be done; says there is one Sir John Turneley in this prison, to whom a man in the country in a grey coat resorted divers times, "and the said Sir John told the said man, this man examined being present, that he was accursed by the said bishop because he did hold with the King, intending so to stop his mouth that he should not declare this matter to the King and his Council, and also was arrested of surety of peace because he should not complain as he said, but by whose means this man examined cannot tell." Heard Sir John also say that the Bp. was of counsel with the rebels in the North, whereupon he, being in the country, made a supplication to the King, which was delivered by his procurement, and more should be delivered shortly, for the King had handed it unread to my lord Privy Seal. Sir John also said to the man of the country that he knew much more matter concerning treason which he would not tell him but write to the King. He divers times entreated a woman of Westminster to get his supplications delivered to the King for him. Further, the said Sir John has the copy of a certain letter, which this examinate took from a messenger, containing treason, but to whom it was directed he cannot tell.
|2. ANDREW PYLOTTES to the BP. OF LINCOLN.
|Lived in Southwark and made the Bp. three clocks about three years past. Has been seven weeks in the Marshalsea enduring great cold, hunger, and thirst. Warns the Bp. that he is likely to be accused of maintenance and cloaking of high treason. Is himself wrongfully accused of treason. Begs his help.
|Hol. P. 1. Add. Endd.
|698. NORFOLK to CROMWELL.
|Having now no business in riding, but remaining here two or three days about execution, has endeavoured to discover who were the principal devisers of the acts concerning the spiritualty delivered to my lord Steward, my lord Admiral and himself at Doncaster. Has commanded Dr. Dakyns and Boyer, of this town, to come up to you. The doctor wrote all with his own hand. And howsoever he ordered himself in that cause, at the first insurrection no priest stood more firmly to the King. He was divers times in danger of his life, and was once fain to give money to save it. This I have learnt by Robert Bowes and others. From him you shall know "what sort the Archbishop was of." As to Boyer he was as naughty a knave as any, and much in favour with lord Darcy, and can tell much. As to the friar, Dr. Pickering, if you handle him with fair words you will get much of him. You should examine him well of the prior of Bridlington, with whom he is very great, and the said prior very familiar with Sir Robert Constable. I believe you will thus find if my lord Darcy or Sir Robert Constable have done amiss since the pardon. I have also caused Aske to ride with me, and have had him Northwards all this journey, thinking him better with me than at home. "The man is marvellous glorious", often time boasting to me that he hath such sure espial that nothing can be done nor imagined against the King's Highness, but he woll shortly yeve me warning thereof." Does not believe he has so much influence. The gentlemen who talk with Norfolk abhor him, and impute to him the whole beginning of the mischief. "I have by policy brought him to desire me to yeve him licence to ride to London, and have promised to write a letter to your Lordship for him; which letter I pray you take of like sort as ye did the other I wrote for Sir Thomas Percy. If neither of them both come never in this country again I think neither true nor honest men woll be sorry thereof, nor in likewise for my lord Darcy nor Sir Robert Constable. Hemlock is no worse in a good salad than I think the remaining of any of them in these parts should be ill to the common wealth." Advises that the King should secretly common with Aske "and wade with him with fair words, as though he had great trust in him. This would make him cough out as much as he knows concerning lord Darcy and Sir Robert Constable," for both of whom he has a great love. Believes the articles were devised first by Aske, and both the said lord and Sir Robert most fervent in them of all men: and Dr. Marshall's part was not behind; nevertheless cannot find that the said lord or Sir Robert had stirred any new business, but that they did their best to stay the last commotion of Bigod. York, 22 March.
|P.S.—Aske likewise desired me to write in his favour to the King, which I have done, not doubting but you will see the same weighed accordingly. Signed
|Pp. 2. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Sealed. Endd.
|2. "A declaration for Robert Aske, concerning any profit of any spoils by him had during the time of this last commotion, to the duke of Norfolke grace."
|Never himself took any spoils. Certain of the King's lead of Merton Abbey, suppressed, was assigned to Mr. Copyndall to sell, to pay for carriages, gunpowder, &c. Aske received 9l. 13s. 4d.; the rest remains with Mr. Copyndall. Aske declared this to the King, who was gracious to him therein. Received at Hull 10l. of Dr. Hawsworth's goods; which doctor, as he heard, belonged to, and had fled with, Sir Henry Savell. If Mr. Lambert declare of any of his goods taken by Sir Robt. Constable, Aske never saw a penny thereof, and Sir Robert "promised payment of the same before your Grace." Constable paid 200 soldiers in Hull for three weeks with part of it, because the duke of Suffolk kept his garrison opposite, "contrary our trust in the first appointment." Divers persons got letters or bills from Aske, affirming that the spoils they had taken were assigned to them, lest others would take it from them. Begs he may be informed if any other spoils are objected against him, and he will declare the truth.
|In Aske's hand (?) Pp. 2. Endd.
|3. Concerning Christopher Aske, the articles of the clergy, &c.
|"The said Aske" says that his brother Christopher wrote him an unkind letter to Pomfret, that it was said that Aske intended "to assault the said Earl, (fn. 4) which should be a double death, once to see the said earl his master slain, the ladies then being within the castle, (fn. 5) which should be death also to them." Aske sent back like letter of unkindness, that although he assaulted him not, the earl's enemies (meaning Mr. Norton, Merliore, and others), would do so unless he gave up the castle to Aske; though it appeared by his brother's letter that the earl would die before he gave up the castle. Norton was sent for by post to come to Pomfret to "host upon" the duke of Norfolk, so that the earl was not assaulted. After the first appointment at Doncaster, Christopher sent a letter to one Mr. Gren to come to Aske, saying that as the commons were assembled contrary to the appointment at Doncaster and intended to besiege the earl his master, spoil his goods and pull down his parks, he desired a commandment to the rulers and commons not to do so. This letter came to Aske at Watton Abbey, and he sent letters to stay the commons. As far as he remembers, the commons would have spoiled his sister Lady Bellyngham. Christopher came to Aske at Wresell Castle on safe conduct, for protections for goods of the yeomen who were in the castle, (fn. 6) but Aske had few words with him, as a post came from Darcy to answer Bowes' letter from London. Most of their talk was that Aske said he could have taken the castle, for he knew its strength, but that they wanted artillery and powder, which Christopher denied, saying it was impregnable, for they had fortified it, and he and his lord "should be found whyke (quick) and dead in it." Thought they wanted powder because he had taken a letter from the duke of Suffolk to the Earl, but afterwards he knew that that letter was for Carlisle and not Skipton Castle. His brother brought no message or credence from the Earl except that he was glad that a good stay was had at Doncaster without battle.
|"At the great meet[ing at York it was] ag[ree]d that a letter [should] be sent to the said earl to take his answer if he would deliver the castle or no." Lord Scrope, Sir Ric. Tempest, and others were appointed to have gone. Does not remember whether he delivered the said letter to Lord Scrope or it or the copy to his said brother, with the order then taken for the meeting at Doncaster; but Scrope and the others went not to the Earl before the last meeting at Doncaster. Remembers no more meetings between himself and his brother.
|To the articles of the clergy:—
|It was agreed at York that the clergy should declare their learning touching the maintenance of the Faith, and that letters should be sent to divers doctors and to the archbp. of York. Mr. Babthorp wrote a letter to Aske telling him that he, Chaloner and other had declared to the Abp. the order taken at York. The Archbp. required to know wherein their opinion should be known touching our faith. "Aske then direct his letter to the said Babthorpe and touching some points not now remembered (?) ... * * for our faith, because he was our metropolitan." At Pomfret the doctors were sitting and their books before them, and had studied much of their purpose before he came. He told them not to be "adrad" to show their learning frankly. He knew nothing of the articles till they were delivered to him, and he does not remember by whom, but it was in the Archbishop's chamber. In answer to a question by Aske, the Archbishop declared that the supreme headship touching the cure of souls "did not belong to the King as King, but punishment of offences, of sin, and such other, as the head of his people that therein he was supreme head." This was the first time Aske ever heard that division made touching the supremacy. He was no long time with the clergy "but had to them divers words to explain their learning upon ... without any words or threats of compulsion or * * *
|And as touching the goods of the earl of Northumberland, Aske says that two coffers of his goods came from London and divers would have spoiled them, and he saved them. Took the goods by bill (a gown and doublet of crimson satin, and the rest of small value), and sent word to the earl by the bailiff of Snaith that he could have them on sending for them. The Earl sent back answer that Aske could have them, and affirmed the gift at Wresill Castle, saying that if there were more he could have had it, because he saved the Earl's life from the commons. "Concerning the taking of the plat spice, the said Aske said that the said Earl under his own hand gave it to him, which letter the said Aske, signed with the said Earl, gave unto [the] prior of Ellerton for his discharge, and the said Earl said that for 40l. which he owed the same house of Watton they not only had an obligation of him, but also a covered silver gilt bason and the same spice plate." The Earl sent a servant to Aske saying that he should take the plate and he would send him the rest. This was at the earl's desire, for Aske knew nothing of it.
|Touching "Levyngnyng," Aske says that riding to meet Sir Ralf Ellerker he met the said "Levynyng" and one Fulthorp between Latham and Setton. Levynyng said that Mr. Bigod had forced them to rise, and desired Aske to take their names and they would be ready to submit to Norfolk's order at his coming. Aske told this to Mr. Babthorpe to show to the duke. "And so the said Aske declared the same to the said duke after the said Levynyng was taken, and before he came to the said Aske there said they had been with the lord Darcy and Sir Robert Constable and had declared to them how they were inforced to ride with the said Bigod."
|In Aske's hand, pp. 7. Faded. Endd.: Aske.
|699. DARCY to HENRY VIII.
|Has victualled and lain in this castle since the coming of Norfolk into the North, and provided if need had been a sufficient number of men for its safe keeping with his sons. All within Darcy's rooms were in such stay before Norfolk's coming that none of them has been found to deserve punishment. All the rest of the North parts, so far as he can hear, are brought to good order, and no further extraordinary charges needful. Will discharge the costs of his company here himself. Is anxious to repair to the King at Easter though he come but six miles a day. Will common with my lord Admiral touching this castle as desired. Pomfret Castle, 22 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add. Endd.
|700. SIR WM. PARRE to CROMWELL.
|Sends by Thos. Brokis, the bearer, money, plate, and ornaments, according to the enclosed schedule. Before coming thence warned those who had anything belonging to the houses or abbots of Barlinges and Christede (Kirkstead), to bring it in, for he would hang any who concealed anything. Takes 20l. with him to pay the monks, canons, and servants' wages and liveries. In his last letter of 17 March asked Cromwell's pleasure about a monk of Bardney. Brigstok, 22 March, in my setting forth into Lincolnshire. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal.
|701. JOHN HUGGYNS and Others to the BISHOP OF WORCESTER.
|Understand that information has been sent to my Lord Privy Seal, that Sir Hugh Rawlynges, their late curate in Trinity parish, Gloucester, was banished the diocese of Worcester by the visitor, not only for once censing at the high altar in his close cap, he being then diseased in the head, and for refusing a penny of a woman, promising to fulfil her request notwithstanding, but also for lying out of the college and causing sedition and division in the parish. It was only on the first two charges that he was banished, and some of us reported it at the time to one Arthur Portar, who said the visitor had done ungodly and uncharitably, and promised to write to your Lordship for redress. He was never seditious, but a very honest and discreet clerk, and has only been accused because he bore witness against Robert Pole and others who would have sedition themselves. Gloucester, 22 March, 28 Henry VIII. Signed by (or for) John Huggyns, Thomas Browne, Hew Gethyn, John Restell, Robert Bankys, Rychard Kelle, Abell Haryet, Harry Aprys, Thomas Sawndurs, Edward Davys, Phelyp ap Howell.
Cleop. E. IV. 211. B. M.
|702. THE ABBOT OF BARLINGS.
|23 March 1536, in the Tower before Doctors Tregonwell, Layton, and Leghe, in presence of me, John Rheseus, notary public.
|D. Matth. Mackrell abbot of Barlings examined, says that a fortnight before Christmas, being in Lincoln in prison, the cellarer of Barlings, who had been let to bail by Sir Wm. Parre to take care of the house, and had liberty at all times to come to the abbot to report the state of the house, came and paid him the rents; whereof Sir Wm. Parre had 20l., Sir John Alenson, vicar of Scothorne 48l. or 49l., and for the rest the gatherers can account. Has said that Thos. Osegarby had over 100l. of him. Remembers now he had over 200l. Was in such fear of deprivation at the King's late visitation, and the visitor, Mr. Bedyll, came so suddenly on him that he had no time to tell the money, which he then delivered in a purse to Osegarby. When Freman and Wiseman, the King's surveyors, had almost done surveying suppressed monasteries in Lincolnshire, a common rumour was reported, by Thos. Eskrigge, amongst others, that the surveyors and their servants were saying that after Michaelmas when they had been to London and certified the survey of the less monasteries they would return and dissolve the greater, and Barlings should be one of the first. He then called the brethren and pointed out how religious men were being treated, how they were dismissed with but 40s. a piece; but that the wiser of them made some provision for themselves beforehand. He advised them therefore to sell part of their plate and vestments. They agreed, and he sent plate worth about 100l., three weeks before Michaelmas, to James Hill, priest, at Lincoln, to keep, and the best vestments to Thos. Bruer as before deposed.
|On his way to prison he said to his servants, "Sirs, ye see how all things go to nought and like to be spoiled with these men of arms the King's soldiers; wherefore let every one of you make shift for yourself, and if ye can save aught for me, if I may save my life, I pray you do;" So they may have conveyed away something.
|Pp. 3. In Ap Rice's hand.
|703. HENRY EARL OF CUMBERLAND to NORFOLK.
|Four Scotchmen of the town of Hayr came to Carlisle on Wednesday last, and being examined by my servants say they are cumbered at home for the opinion that the bp. of Rome ought not to be called Pope, and for having the New Testament in English. They wish to remain here and spend their own money till their Prince come home, and then abide the law before him; otherwise they fear to have no justice. Will take care they do not depart till your pleasure is known. Appleby, 23 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add Endd.
|704. HUGH GILLS to LORD LISLE.
|Has sent him 4 "awlnes" of the best satin to be found at Rouen, costing 5l. 10s., Tournois, the awlne. Begs he will write to the high admiral to let him lade his ship with wheat for Calais. Rone, 23 March 1536.
|Hol., p. 1. Add.
Add. MS. 8,715 f. 355. B. M.
|705. FAENZA to AMBROGIO.
|Capture of Hédin: mines to be laid to the castle. The French make great spoils because Mons. de Rue the chief of the Imperialists had forbidden the peasants to smuggle away their goods. They are masters of St. Pol. The king of England has armed I know not how many ships, "onde il Re di Scotia, che pensava mettersi a vela al piu tardi fatto Pasqua, pare che vadi alquanto sopra di se." To-day I had letters of the 27th Feb. from Bologna from the English legate and at the same time letters of the 10th inst. from Turin from Mons. di Verona. The packet you sent me for Mr. Wallop I retained because he had already left, and I feared to trust it to other hands, as I knew him to be a great friend of the Legate; but now I have sent it to Mons. de Vincestra in order that he may receive it as soon as possible. The Legate has also sent me a copy of what he wrote to that Council in order that I may send it through the English ambassadors here, that they may the better know there why he is coming.
|Italian. Modern copy, pp. 3. Headed: D'Amiens li 23 Marzo 1537.
Harl. MS. 283, f. 76. B. M. St. P. I. 541.
|706. HENRY VIII. to SUSSEX and Others.
|Approves of their proceedings in the trial of the rebels and other business. In reply to their letters: 1. As it appears by their examinations that the abbot of Furness and divers of his monks have been disloyal, they are to search out the whole truth and commit them to ward till further orders. 2. The King sends letters as requested for bestowing the monks in other monasteries with three or four blanks to be directed to other houses, as those in the list cannot well receive the numbers set upon them, and Gervayse is in danger of suppression for the same offence as Whalley. They must, however, duly examine them before dismissing any, and retain John Estgate, who would go to Methe (Nethe) till the King knows why he prefers that place. The rest, who desire capacities may have bedding, chamber stuff, and some money; the capacities to be sent by next messenger. 3. They are to examine the vicar of Blackburne how the copy of Norfolk's letter to Darcy after his first departure from Doncaster, which they found in the vicar's chamber, came into his hands. 4. They are to send up in safety Ric. Estgate, late monk of Salleye. Sir Arthur Darcy writes that he can declare matter against him that will lead to important revelations.
|On these things being brought to perfection the King will signify his pleasure touching the return of Sussex.
|In Wriothesley's hand. Endd.: The minute of the letters to my lord of Sussex, &c. [xxiiijto] (fn. 7) Marcii.
|707. CROMWELL to the OFFICERS OF DOVER AND CALAIS.
|Passport for John de Lissasson, servant of the bp. of Tarbe, going to France, with his servant and one horse and 40 cr. soleil in money. Westminster, 24 March 28 Hen. VIII. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.
|708. RICHARD COREN to LEGHTON and STARKEY.
|The King desires them to attend tomorrow to commune with the bishops de sanctis invocandis, de purgatorio, de celibatu sacerdotum, et de satisfactione. Eve of Palm Sunday.
|Hol., p. 1. Add.
|709. T. DUKE OF NORFOLK to HENRY VIII.
|Requests credence for Sir Arthur Darcy and that he may sue to the King on Norfolk's behalf. Thanks for the good news of the likelihood of the Queen's being with child. It was spoken of five or six days before the coming of Sir Ralph Ellerker and "as much rejoiced as anything that ever I saw." York, 24 March.
|Hol., p. 1. Add. Sealed. Endd. Second and later endorsement: 1537.
|710. T. DUKE OF NORFOLK to HENRY VIII.
|The bearer, Robert Aske, has desired leave of me to go up to London. He has ridden with me all this progress and can inform your Highness of your affairs in these parts. I beg you to be his gracious lord. York, 24 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add. Sealed. Endd. Later endorsement: 1537.
|711. T. DUKE OF NORFOLK to CROMWELL.
|The priory of monks of Thetford (of my foundation) has a small cell called Wangford which has gone to ruin by the misuse of those to whom it has been committed; and the prior has thought good to call home his monks and let the cell to farm. He has offered, of himself, to lease it to the treasurer of my house, provided he can do so lawfully and with your favour. York, 24 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Sealed. Endd. Later endorsement, 1537.
|712. NORFOLK to CROMWELL.
|Desires him to be good lord to the bearer, Robert Aske, in such suits as he has desired Norfolk's leave to go to London for. York, 24 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|713. NORFOLK to CROMWELL.
|In favour of Mr. Parr, the bearer, who has handled himself wisely in this business. York, 24 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|714. NORFOLK to CROMWELL.
|In behalf of the bearer, William Thwaites, whose good service with Sir Ralph Evers in the late commotion Cromwell knows. York, 24 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Sealed. Add.; Lord Privy Seal.
|715. ROBERT EARL OF SUSSEX to CROMWELL.
|Has nothing to write except what is in his letters to the King. Whalley Abbey, 24 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|"The inventory of all the goods belonging unto the monastery of Whalley taken by the Earl of Sussex and other of the King's Council, the 24th day of March, in the 28th year of the r. of our S.L. King Henry viii.": viz., of plate remaining in the bowser's house; at Cokersand; the hostery; the abbot's chamber; the abbots' dining chamber; the buttery; the brewhouse and the bakehouse; the abbots' kitchen; the grange; the convent kitchen; a little chamber in dortor; the little revestry next unto the library; the same next unto the gallery; the standard in the church; the storehouse.
|Signed: Robt. Sussex—Antony Fitzherbert—Wm. Leyland—Hen. Farryngton—John Clayden, priest.
|Pp. 7. Endd.: "The inventory of Whalley."
|717. SIR PIERS DUTTON and SIR JOHN DONNE.
|Answer of Sir John Doone to articles proposed against him by Sir Piers Dutton, before the lord Privy Seal. (1.) Relative to an inquisition which he says was had by procurement of Ralph Byrkit, then ranger "of the said forest," and under-sheriff of the county, who bore great malice against John Doone his grandfather; maintaining that he is by inheritance foster of fee of the forest of Dalamere, and that Sir John Doone his grandfather built two lodges for the preservation of the deer, in which the keepers have ever since dwelt without receiving any wages from the King. (2.) That the mill is built on his manor of Utkyngton, Chesh., within the limits of Dalamere forest, that he is not guilty of taking fish within the forest, that the eight messuages are built upon his freehold, that certain trees were sold to him by Wm. Holcroft and Roger Harwar under a warrant of Roger Wigston, surveyor of the King's woods and other articles the most important of which is the last, i.e., that he being farmer to the abbot of Whalley of his manor of Wyllydon felled and cut down the said Wichewoode and sold it, as he was entitled to do.
|Large paper, pp. 2.
|718. DEPREDATIONS BY FLEMINGS.
|Certificate, by Thomas Lyster, mayor of Southampton, Harry Huttoft and John Mille of an inquiry ordered by the King's Council, of spoils done.upon the King's subjects and friends by Flemings within the port of Southampton.
|1. A Flemish ship of Campvere, belonging, as the captain said, to the Admiral of Campvere, on the 4th Dec. last with force "toke, a see bourd" the Isle of Wight, a ship of the West country laden with Gascon wine belonging to Sir William Guydolfyn, kept the ship three weeks and delivered her "the dronke wasted" and four tun of the wine reserved, &c. The same ship took a ship of Wm. Bourowe of Yarmouth, Norf., laden with herring a little before Christmas last. Thomas Bawdewyn of Hampton and John Bore, master of a balinger called the Julian, of Hampton, have deposed that in coming from Normandy they were attacked and boarded at the Needles by two Flemish ships which robbed them of money and mantles to the value of 10l. Peter Peers of Falley, Hants, says that the said two small Flemish ships took from him and his father-in-law, Ric. Dewe, their nets in Southampton water about Lady day in Harvest last. Thomas Wale of the Isle of Wight complains of a Flemish pink of Dolos Haven in Holland which took a passage boat from Ric. Sochys. Wm. Lony of Hampton was robbed of some hogsheads of flesh and beer about All Saints Tide last on his voyage to Spain by a Flemish galleon, Bastian of Flushing captain, while riding at anchor within the Isle of Wight. John Raule, master of a balinger of Hampton, and Harry Clerke, master's mate, were met on the 1 Sept. in the Downs by two Flemish pinks of Dunkirk who laid the said John Raule aboard and took ordnance and raisins from them. A Flemish pink of Flushing took a balinger of Edmund Cokerel laden with linen from Brittany within the Isle of Wight, intending to have carried it to Flanders, but they were met at the Downs by the King's ships which brought both the pink and balinger to London. About 8 November last a French ship laden with brasil entered the port of Southampton and remained at anchor nine days, intending to have discharged and recharged, by which the King would have gained 1,000 marks custom; when about the 18th three great Flemish ships and a barque, whereof one was Admiral of Sluys, suddenly entered and boarded it. Since the Admiral boarded the French ship, we, Harry Huttoft and John Mill went aboard the Admiral and showed him that his enterprise was unlawful, but he replied it was as lawful for them to take a prize out of Hampton water as for Englishmen to take one from the town of Sluys, and so carried away the same ship and goods. 24 March, 28 Henry VIII. Signed by the commissioners.
|Pp. 5. Endd.
|2. "Names of them of Sandwiche, Rammesgate, Deale, Hithe and Foulston which do complain for their losses susteyned by the Admiral of Sluys and his adherents."
|First, about 20 November last, 28 Henry VIII., a crayer of 20 tons called the Thomas of Sandwiche, owned by John Maister, merchant of Sandwiche, Thos. Buklande, master, was taken by a pyncke sent to sea by John Ingrowe of Newporte in Flanders. It was laden at Ostend with herring of certain merchants of Calais and was worth 40 marks, besides money taken in two previous voyages.
|John Maister also says 13 barrels of double beer, and two of herrings, worth 3l. 13s. 4d., were taken out of a crayer of his by a ship of three tops of Rotterdam, captain one Claysheme, a Spaniard of Sluys, master one Backer, and another ship of Sluys unknown. Signed per me Johem Master.
|John Horsseley of the Downes gives an account of goods, viz., herrings, hagbushes, arrows, beer, &c., taken from him by the Admiral of Sluys and his adherents about All Saints' day, 28 Henry VIII. Signed with mark.
|John Spayne of Foulston says that on Midlent Saturday last, in the year abovesaid, his fishing boat was run into by a pink of Dunkirk, damaged to the loss of 20s., and fresh fish taken from him, 6s. 8d. Signed with mark.
|Pp. 2. Add.: my lord Privy Seal and other of the Council.
|Also Henry Rychardson of Deal, fisherman, aged 50, says he and seven others, viz., Hen. Veryor, John Mullett, one Barth, two men of Thos. Browne's, John Stafforde and Robt. White, fishermen, were in a boat owned by Leonard Baker, John Maister, and the said Rychardson, on Tuesday after Allhallows' day last, 28 Hen. VIII., when the "pynnys" of war of Flanders boarded them in the Small Downes and took from them fresh fish, value 10s. After that, on St. Leonard's day, 6 November, the same "pynnes" sent his boat aland at Deal, and cut the cable of the said boat and bare it away, value 13s. 4d. The company of the pynnes said they were of the Admiral's company of Sluyse. (Here follows witness's mark.)
|John Baddill of Hythe says the Admiral of Sluse in four ships and two pinks of war boarded him 2 November last, 28 Hen. VIII., and took away three barrels of beer, price 7s. 6d., a last of fresh herring, 4l., an anchor and cable, 40s., five bows and four sheaf of arrows, 16s. 8d., nine frieze mantles, 30s., two cloaks, 10s., 20 jerkins, petticoats, and slops, and 20 shirts, 40s., two violet coats, 10s., of John Banyster a coat 2s. 4d., and money, 2s. 8d., four frocks, 10s., of Robert Elson, 8s., also victuals 26s. 8d. Signed with a mark.
|John Dogets says that 11 February 28 Hen. VIII., at the Nesse, coming from London he met with men of war of Flanders who beat him and took away 23s. sterling, and 3s. 4d. worth of victual. Signed with mark.
|The 31st October in the same year the Admiral of Sluce came to the crayer of Nic. Peake of Sandwich in the narrow sea against Hythe and Foulston, and broke both his topmasts, and stole one of his servant's coats, and ix French caps and victual to the value of 30s. They also took out of another crayer of Sandwich, Wm. Taylor, master, three pair of hosen of Nich. Peak's value 15s. Signed Nycolas Peke.
|On the eve of Epiphany last, 28 Hen. VIII., John Preston of Ramsgate, being in a boat called the Garge (?) at the Northforthlande, the same pink which spoiled John Maister's ship above rehearsed took from him and his company his boat with the apparel, 1,000 billets, half a chaldron of Newcastle coal, and a barrel of salt, value 20l. Supposes the pink belonged to the Admiral of Sluce. Signed with mark.
|Pp. 3. In the same hand as § 2, of which it seems to be the inner leaf although they are now separated.
|4. Roberies by th'Admiral of Sluce."
|"This Admyrall of Slews" took from the crayer of John Masters of Sandwich two barrels of white herring and 17 barrels of beer. He and Capt. Meker landed at Margate, broke up the house of Thos. Hewse, took out two Frenchmen and carried them to Flanders. The master of the Lyon says that a little before Christmas the Admiral chased and took Sir Thos. Spertt's pinnace; what they took he does not know, but he heard they robbed her and killed one of her men. The men of Rye say that these men burnt the hermitage of the Camber in despite, and hewed an image of St. Anthony with their swords, bidding it call upon St. George for help. They chased two fishing boats of _ which have not since come home. Marttyn Pers, one of the Admiral's servants, took a ship out of Gore End from Wm. Hare, and sold it at Slewys; this he confessed before the ambassador's secretary. John Saint, another of his servants, was at the robbing of English crayers laden with herring, which they sold at Ankquisyon in Holland. The masters have failed to get restitution. This is also confessed. It is probable that the Admiral was one of those who took the ship of Bresyle from Hampton Water because he with Meker and Landerton, shortly after came into Dover Rode and he confessed to me at the first time of his taking that Jopp, Meker, and Landerton were present. Belike Jopp was sent home with the prize.
|P. 1. Endd. as above.
|719. SISTER ANTHOINETTE DE SAVEUSES to LADY LISLE.
|I cannot express the consolation it gives me to hear from you. I thank you for the silver cramp ring brought to me by the bearer. He says Mons. de Bours had come to Calais par dever vous. But I should like to know if Mons. and Madame Langiec have left Pont de Remy, for most of the letters I send are addressed to him. I have good confidence Madame de Riou will do her devoir. When your secretary returns, I should be glad to have fuller news. I understand you wish to have bonnets (bonnes), but your man tells me those you had were too deep. They shall be made as you please, but I think they will satisfy you best if made in our monastery (?). I send you two dozen for women and half a dozen for men, and it will be very gratifying to me if the religieuses can give you satisfaction. Dunkirk, 24 March. Compliments to the Deputy.
|Hol. Fr., p. 1. Add.
|720. J. DE MORBECQUE to the DEPUTY OF CALAIS.
|Yesterday your men took one of the archers under my charge. I beg you to send him back by the bearer with all the charges against him, and I promise you he shall be punished. Tournehen Castle, 24 March. Signed.
|Fr., p. 1. Add: a Callais.
Poli Epp. II. 28.
|721. CARD. POLE to CARD. CONTARINI.
|Unless Contarini can get the Pope to send money soon it must appear to everybody that what Pole has done of himself modestly was done most imprudently, not to say most foolishly. This would be of the less consequence but that it would detract from the Pope's honour, and destroy all hope of success in the cause for which Pole is incurring so many labours and perils. Others who have gone before upon legations warned him that the 500 pieces of gold monthly decreed to him for the expenses of the journey would have to be supplemented with his own money, but nothing of his fortune is left to him and he can only look for help to the Pope. To explain how he comes to be so soon troubled about money, has commissioned Priolus to write fully of the matter. Lyons, 24 March 1537.
|722. BISHOP OF VERONA to _.
|"Io non ho mancato di ributtare, non tanto per la via della religione, dove intervenga speranza sopra li nemici publici ct impedimenti di tanti beni, quanto per del mondo, che veramente sento che faran poco piu, ch'essendo causa di gran rovina con poco profitto, ma non ci è ordine, che si voglia rimettere; et, essendo questo Sigre. come il polso della Corte, V. S. puo far conjettura, a che grado è questa malatia."
|With England they are not really on good terms, and if there were nothing else to do, or if we saw (vedessimo) opportunity, I am sure they would be "di quelli animi che si puo attender con tanti"; because now they will be afraid lest at the least motion that King might throw himself in entirely with the Emperor with whom he holds practises, of which they stand in dread. The French exaggerate this thing, which in my opinion, even if it existed, will receive no answer, and they go on entertaining [the king of England] in order to be freer to attend to what they think most pressing. * * * Lyons, 24 March 1537.
|Italian, p. 1. From a modern extract in R. O., headed: "Lettere del Vescovo di Verona, Cambrai, 24 Marzo 1537 (estratto)."
Add. MS. 28,589, f. 269. B.M.
|723. CHARLES V. to LOUIS SARMIENTO DE MENDOZA.
|Extract headed as taken from the minute of the letter to Sarmiento, the ambassador in Portugal, of 24 March 1537, to the effect that the Infant arrived at the time of the departure of the personage who went to England three or four days ago, and saw and approved the instructions. His coming was opportune, as the Emperor's ambassador has again written that the king of England approves of the marriage.
|Spanish, p. 1. Modern copy from the archives of Simancas.
|724. [DUKE OF MANTUA] to the CARDINAL OF MANTUA.
|Is glad the Pope intends sending some one to confer with him upon the Council. The two points necessary to be considered, in his opinion:—First, the security of those resorting hither, for which he would require an aid of horsemen to keep the country free from robbers and of guards to keep peace in the city; and secondly, his own security against an excessive concourse of persons.
|Latin, pp. 3. Copy headed: Ad Reverendissimum Cardinalem de Mantua, die 24 Marcii 1537.
|Cleop. E. VI.
255 (fn. 8).
Ellis. 3rd. S.
|725. ROBERT SOUTHWELL to [CROMWELL].
|Will. Dikenson, "clerk and prestyd" at Rome, with Will. Pettye, sometime a friar Minor in Jersey, were yesterday attainted of high treason for denying the King's supremacy. They were as arrogant as any traitors he ever saw. Dickyngson was apprehended by the seaside in Sussex in journey towards Rome. Pettye is very subtle. To-day we proceed to the arraignment of felons. It is a charitable deed to deliver a great part of them against this holy time. Desires to know the King's pleasure when these two traitors shall be executed, and Cromwell's whether to adjourn the court till Monday, at which time the men of the country who have already appeared will be loth to appear again.
|Hol., p. 1. Begins: Pleasith it your good Lordship.
|726. JOHN [HILSEY], Bishop of Rochester, to CROMWELL.
|According to Cromwell's command to certify to him the preachers he thought fit for Easter, has appointed himself for Monday, Mr. Crome for Tuesday, Mr. Provincial, of the White Friars*, for Wednesday, and to the rehearsal sermon his chancellor. Although the chancellor is very timorous to enterprise that office, at Cromwell's command he will right gladly do what God shall give him grace to do. For Good Friday, asks Cromwell to send for Dr. Symons and admonish him. Doubts not he will do well; if not, those who come after will do their best to amend him. If this please Cromwell, will appoint himself and them (saving Mr. Symonds) to apply their study for the same.
|Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|727. H. EARL OF WORCESTER to CROMWELL.
|Thanks him for his goodness. Sends him such dainties as are to be had in these parts. Chepstowe, 25 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Scal. Endd.
|728. HARRY LORD MORLEY to CROMWELL.
|I thank you for your letter to the prior of Norwich, whereby I am at a point with him. Your Lordship's goodness makes me bold to sue to you for the priory of Bestun, Norfolk, whereof sometime I was founder. I think it shall shortly be suppressed. Let me know whether I may sue to the King for it or no; if you remember, I shewed you I would either by you obtain it or never speak in it. Halyngbury Morley, 25 March. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
Cleop. E. IV.
of the Mon.
|729. JOHN ABBOT OF CROYLAND to [CROMWELL].
|I send your Lordship by bearer part of our fen fish, and beg your favour to me and my poor house "in such cause as I hereafter shall have cause to sue unto your good Lordship." Croyland, 25 March. Signed.
|730. DUKE OF NORFOLK to CROMWELL.
|Hearing that Levenyng, who was acquitted yesterday, had been from his house nine or ten days after Bygod was fled from Beverley; sent for him and examined him this morning. He said he had been with old Sir Marmaduke Constable's wife, her husband being at London (which was true, for he came into the country with Norfolk), thence to Sir Robt. Constable, Robt. Aske, and lord Darcy, desiring them to be good to him, and showing them he was forced by Bigod to take that way he did. Does not write this for any displeasure borne to any person, but only from his duty to his King. Cromwell can have Levenyng sent up when he wishes. Hears nothing of the sending for lord Dar[cy]. York, Palm Sunday. Signed.
|P. 1. Add: Lord Privy Seal. "Hast post hast, and overtake Sir Arthur Darcy and Mr. Parr and deliver to them this letter." Sealed. Endd.
|2. [Will]iam Levenyng of Acklom sworn and examined says that on Monday before Bigod's insurrection he went, upon summons, to Bigod at Setteryngton; when Bigod, saying he was commanded by the Bishopric and Richmondshire to make a muster, commanded him to charge the constables of Acklom to warn the inhabitants to meet on the morrow at Borough. Bigod then made him take an oath, and he returned home and charged the constables, who were, in turn, to warn the neighbouring constables. Went to Borough on the morrow and found Sir Francis Bigod and George Lumley and a great company assembled; "wher[e he he]arde the said Sir Francis ... many [t]hings against the King's ... before, and that no man had authority (?) to loose and bind sin but only priests, &c." Then Bigod and Lumley swore each other and some of the commons, and Bigod said he would go to Beverley with his company, and bade Lumley go take Scarborough. Bigod then commanded those who had been before at Doncaster to meet him on the morrow at Beynton (?). Went thither with others on the morrow, [Wedn]esday, and next day, Thursday, Bigod mustered the country, and letters came from Sir Robert Constable and Robert Aske, and the commons agreed that Aske should have safe conduct to come and speak with them. Meanwhile came one Woodmansey from Beverley and "rowned" with Bigod. They came to Beverley that night and [on the] morrow Bigod fled away. Went home and thence, in three or four days, to Sir Robt. Constable, lord Darcy, and Robert Aske, and showed them he had gone with Bigod unwillingly. They all said he "had done nought," but promised to make the best report they could for him to Norfolk. As for the first insurrection, if the great gentlemen had stuck together at first they might have stayed it.
|Pp. 3. Very faded and worn.
|731. TRIAL OF LEVENYNG.
|Confession by Thomas Delaryver of the consultations of the jury at the trial of one Levenyng, gentleman. Sir Henry Gassqwyn, Thos. Delaryver, Thwattes of Maston, and two others thought Levenyng guilty of death upon the evidence given at the bar by Sir Ralph Ellerker; but _ (fn. 9) Wentworth, John Donnyngton, Henry Rasshall, and four others held the contrary, and said they knew Levenyng well as their neighbour and thought Ellerker gave evidence out of malice because the King had given him part of Levenyng's lands. Deponent maintained that the King would give no man's lands until he was attainted. Describes how they debated from 9 a.m. on Friday till Saturday night. Delaryver urged that Levenyng should be found guilty. The others said that then all that were in Bigod's company were worthy to die, and asked why one Lutton should not die as well. Replied that Lutton was not so guilty because he had gone with Sir Fras. Bygute to Beverley against his will, and had afterwards fled to old Sir Ralph Ellerker, Mr. Crake, and other loyalists; but if they acquitted Levenyng it would be "the destruction of us all." On Saturday between 12 and 1 o'clock the duke of Norfolk sent Mr. Apleyard, his gentleman usher, to know if they were agreed; and the most part answered that they were. The duke of Norfolk being come to "the Castle" sent for them, and as they were going before him Rashell said to Thwattes that Sir Marmaduke Constable, senior, would not for 100l. that Levenyng should be found guilty. Hearing this Delaryver said he would die sooner than acquit Levenyng. The Duke then rose up and went to his lodging, appointing his men Scarlit and Brigham to keep the jury more straitly; who took away from them all that might keep them warm. At night the Duke sent Leonard Beckwith and Mansfeld to them and they fell all to prayer and rose up and agreed to acquit Levenyng; for some of them would not have agreed to the contrary "to have died in the cause."
|Large paper, pp. 3. Headed: These be the names of part of the inquest impanelled upon one Levenyng gentleman.
|732. TOWN OF DUNKIRK to LORD LISLE.
|In answer to your letter of the 24th. We have called before us the captains of the ships of war equipped in this town for the security of the fishing and demanded an explanation about the four pieces of Aucherrois. Having heard their excuses, we sent to inquire of the master and captain of the ship of war of Flushing in this harbour what wines they had in their ship, and they confessed they had two pieces of Aucherrois with the mark mentioned in your letter, of which one has been used. The other two pieces they say were shipwrecked near Ostend eight or nine days ago in another vessel belonging to Middelburg. If the offenders had been under our jurisdiction, we would willingly have punished them. Dunkirk, 25 March, '36 avant Pasques.
|The captain of the said ship of Flushing named Claeis Pierresshe (?), alias Slap, has declared before us that all the goods taken by him and his men as prizes of war had been put in safe custody that he might answer all claims in law, and will not be sold till after Easter, so that if any one has a claim, he may come here and receive justice.
|Hol. Fr., p. 1. Add.
|733. MELANCHTHON to JOHANNES GARCÆUS.
|Knows from the number of travellers who resort to that city that Garcæus will be loaded with requests of this kind; but cannot forbear to ask his assistance to Duncanus Hybernicus to enable him to remain longer at the University. He is modest, and well versed in Greek and Latin, and studious of Christian doctrine so that he may be of service to the Church. Die Palmarum, 1537.
|2. The same to John Æpinus.
|On the same business. Die Palmarum 1537, Witebergae.