Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 12 Part 1, January-May 1537. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1890.
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April 1537, 11–15
|895. ROBBERY OF THE KING'S CHAPEL.
|Deposition of Rob. Sharpe taken at Stepney, 11 April, 28 Hen. VIII., stating that, on Tuesday and Wednesday in Easter week last, he was solicited by John Paynter to consent to the stealing of certain plate in the King's chapel at Westminster, and to bring one good fellow and Paynter would bring another; "whereupon this deponent met with Thomas Bulkeley, who had before moved him to a like enterprise." They broke up the window of the chapel with a culter, and then the chest where the plate was, and when they had stolen it hid it in a wood beside Tyburn.
|In Wriothesley's hand, p. 1. Endd.
Tanner MS. 343, f. 25.
|896. HENRY VIII. to EARL OF SUSSEX.
|Has received his letters of the 6th inst., and perused the other letters to the Council and to the lord Privy Seal; which show his pains in searching out such things as might reveal the authors and abettors of the late sedition, and his prudent proceedings in the "conducing" of the house of Furnes to the King's hands. Desires him to take a perfect inventory of all the chattels, jewels, &c. of that house, and to put them into safe custody till commissioners come, to whom they are to be given, together with the like goods of Whalley, "the pryor whereof we be content shall serve in the church according to your desire." The commissioners are also to take order about the lands. Since they belong to the duchy of Lancaster, the lord Admiral, chancellor of the said duchy, is to appoint the commissioners to whom all the writings, &c. of the said houses are to be delivered. Upon receipt hereof he is to appoint as many of the monks of Furnes as will be content by good persuasion to go to other monasteries to repair to such places of their habit as they shall desire, for which purpose letters are sent herewith to be addressed as required. If "capacities" are desired by any of them, Sir Thomas Audeley, the lord Chancellor, will send them. And for money to be given them for their costs, or any other thing, as the apparel of their chambers "and such other things as be of no great value," all is referred to the Earl's discretion, knowing that he will both look to the King's profit, "and yet rid the said monks in such honest sort as all parties shall be therewith contented." He may then repair to the King as he desires. He is heartily thanked for the getting out of Dr. Dakyn's letter; "wherein we think you have done unto us good service." Will not grant what belonged to those monasteries till the Earl has come to the King, when he shall have answer also touching the King's servant Thomas Derby. Is content that Estgate the monk should go to Nethe as he required. They are all to be exhorted "to use and behave themselves as shall appertain."
|Endd.: Mynute of the King's letters to my lord of Sussex, xj Aprilis ao xxviij H. 8. concerning the rebellion in the North at the suppression of the abbey of Furnes and Whaleye.
|897. SIR E. NEVYLL to CROMWELL.
|Not being well able to come himself, sends by his servant a young man who says he is younger brother "of ... somes, wyche is in [the] Tower," but to Nevyll he denies it, saying he is one of the Carris in Northumberland. "What his mind is to sow seditious matter here among lythe persons I can not tell; but he seems to be lythe and prone to put men in comfort to ylle, for ye (they?) nor none other that I can hear use himselves otherwise than ly[ke] all true subjects may live under their prince." Has told all bailiffs and officers who hear anything of the kind that Cromwell has ordered him to charge them as they will make answer thereunto. Berllyng, 11 April.
|Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal.
|898. SIR EDW. WILLUGHBY to CROMWELL.
|Denies that he or his servants have threatened Vynsant Jumper; one of the keepers of the New Forest, or used any unlawful pursuits or vexations against him. But being deputy riding forester to the duke of Suffolk, presented in writing to my lord of Arundell his master, his faults in wasting and selling the King's woods and destroying the King's game. My lord of Arundel wrote to Sir Wm. Barkeley to make inquiry, who obtained a verdict of 13 persons in proof of the charges. Has also a letter from my lord of Arundel saying that he would discharge Jumper for his offences. Wudland in Dorsetshire, 11 April.
|Hol., pp. 3. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|899. JOHN LORD HUSSEY to [CROMWELL]
|I understand by master Lieutenant that your Lordship desires me to show all that I know about the late rising in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, and you be good lord unto me to have my pardon. I thank your Lordship and shall show you the whole truth.
|I never knew of the beginning in neither of the places otherwise than is contained in the bill that I did deliver to Sir Thomas Wentworth at Windsor. I was not privy to any of their acts, nor headed them, but, if I had had 500 men, would have fought them.
|Now at midsummer shall be three years, my lord Darcy and I and Sir Robert Constable, as we sat at the board, spoke of Sir Fras. Bygott, and his priest in his sermon likened Our Lady to "a pudding when the meat was out." We said we would not be heretics but die Christian men, but did not speak of the King's matters. Since then I have seen them but once and never heard word of that matter.
|I beseech you be good lord to me, my wife and children. Signed.
|Pp. 2. Endd.: the saying of the lord Hussey.
|900. ASKE, HUSSEY, DARCY.
|Interrogatories [administered to Aske, Hussey, and Darcy.]
|1. How long after the insurrection in Lincolnshire, and also that of Yorkshire bruits were stirred abroad in those countries that church goods should be taken away, and that there should [only] stand but one parish church within ... miles? 2. What persons, and how many showed you that such bruits were abroad, and how many asked you council what to do therein? 3. What letters, and from whom ye received them intimating such bruits; and 4. What answers ye made? 5. Who were the inventors of the said false bruits; and 6. Who spread them among the people? 7. Whether the said false bruits were not one of the chief causes of so general an insurrection in the North? 8. What person was attached for spreading them or compelled to seek out the author of the reports? 9. With whom ye have commoned of the said bruits either before or after the insurrection, and what you said to them, and they to you? 10. Whether you ever told any one who reported them not to meddle, and to how many you said so? 11. Why you did not make enquiry of the authors and punish them? 12. Were not you contented that such bruits should be spread? 13. Whether you thought them false or falsely imagined or no? 14. Why did you not certify the King of them? 15. Why did you not declare to the people that these bruits were [fal]se? 16. Whether ye think there would have been such a general insurrection if these bruits had been "extincted" at first? 17. How many have shown you their grudges against Acts of Parliament, and 18, said they were prejudicial to the Commonwealth: when and where? 19. At what particular Acts did they grudge? 20. What did ye answer? 21. Whether any spoke of a way of reformation of those Acts? 22. Whether you yourself grudged at any of the King's Acts; and 23. Why; and 24. Whether your conscience induced you to do so? 25. Whether any who communed with you of the said statutes showed you any way to reform them? 26. What was the way devised by you or them? 27. Was it not devised by you or them that the only way was by a common insurrection? 28. Whether you devised with others how to induce the people to a common insurrection for the reformation of [th]e said st[at]utes? 29. Whether you agreed that the sp[reading of t]he false bruits (as afore [reher]ced) was the readiest way to stir people? 30. What communications had ye, and with whom, about the bps. which you or they noted to be of the New Learning? 31. Whether you or they noted them to be heretics and schismatics? 32. Why heretics; and 33. Why schismatics? 34. Was it not because they spake against the bp. of Rome? 35. Did you not account them schismatics because they maintained the King was supreme head of the Church of England? 36. Whether ye favoured not the insurrections in order that those bps. might be punished? 37. Did you think they could be punished by any other means? 38. Whether you yourself grudged not against the King's title of Supreme Head? 39. Whether you and lord Darcy had any communication of the said matters; and 40. What was it? 41. Whether you, lord Darcy, and Sir Robt. Constable were not together at one place this last year. 42. And where? 43. What communication you three had there? 44. And what reasoning upon the King's A[cts of] Parliament? 45. Whether you, my lord Hussey, said then that you would be no heretic? 46. Whether you, my lord Darcy, heard my lord Hussey say so? 46. Or you Sir Robert Constable? 48. Upon what cause he said so? 49. Whether it was not concerning the King's title of Supreme Head? 50. Whether you think now that those who consent to the said title be schismatics? 51. Whether before the insurrection you demanded of any learned men in high dignity in the church whether it were lawful to a subject to make war against his prince in defence of the faith; and of whom and where, and what answer was made? 52. Whether you yourself thought it lawful or think so now? 53. Whether ye have slandered divers of the King's Council that by them the faith of Christ is decayed, and the common weal destroyed? 54. Or have caused any of your friends to make evil reports of any of the Council? 55. Where the King's Grace is a p[rince of great] wisdom and [kn]owledge whom it were hard for his Council to seduce, was not the grudge pretended by the rebels to be against the Council for the said Acts of Parliament really against the King? 56. Whether ye, my lord Darcy, might not have victualled Pomfret Castle and defended it till rescue had come as well as Ivers kept the Castle of Scarborough?
|"Added by my lord Privy Seal":—57. Who moved first that there should be more burgesses appointed in Yorkshire, and what reason was given, and by whom? 58. Where the bills of petitions and articles brought in to you by any of the commons now remain, or where have you left them? 59.—"Idem cum 23."—What moved your conscience to grudge at the said statutes? 60. Why did you, lord Darcy, yield Pomfret Castle when the rebels had no artillery to besiege it, and the King's army was not far off under my lord Steward and others? 61. Why did not you call your servants and friends together to keep back the rebels at some strait bridge or passage if you mistrusted the defence of the castle? 62. Whether the fault was in you not calling your friends together or in them not coming? 63. If they would not assist you in such necessity, what cause had you given them to desert you? 64. If ye, my Lord Darcy, had despaired of the defence of Pomfret or of resisting the rebels at some strait bridge or passage, why did you not find means to come to the King or his army rather than tarry and be sworn to his enemies? 65. Whether you swore voluntarily or compelled? 66. What violence was offered to force you? 67. What gentleman there lost either life or limb for refusal to be sworn so as to make you afraid? 68. How long did you refuse, and what did you allege to avoid swearing? 69. When you had given the oath, whether did you think yourself more bound to observe it or the oath you had given before to the King; and 70. Which of the two you took most pains to observe? 71. Whether you thought the second oath mere perjury, and that you were nowise bound to keep it? 72. If you thought it perjury, why you gave the rebels your best counsel for setting forth their army, for devising articles, and for determining that it were better to have garrison war than hosting war in time of winter? 73. Why you gave badges of the Five Wounds of Christ. 74. Was it not to make the soldiers believe that they should fight in defence of the Faith? 75. Was not that badge of Five Wounds your badge, my lord Darcy, when you were in Spain? 76. Whether those badges were new made or were the same you gave in Spain or what remained of them? 77. Could you not have disposed the said badges before the insurrection? 78. Did you keep them for that purpose? 79. If they were new, who made them, and where? 80. And how long before the insurrection? 81. For what intent you made those new badges? 82. Was it not for setting forth the insurrection of Yorkshire, encouraging the soldiers to believe their rebellion was for defence of the Faith? 83. If you were suddenly taken of the commons, is it likely you had leisure to make such badges? 84. Did you cause your soldiers and servants within or without Pomfret Castle to wear those badges on the King's side before you joined the rebels? 85. Why you brought forth those badges when you joined the rebels rather than before when you professed to stand for the King? 86. What number there were of the said badges? 87. Whether those who wore them were not told they were Christ's soldiers? 88. Did you not advise the abp. of York to call together his doctors both of law and divinity to determine on certain questions hereafter following? 89. Who gave the first counsel thereto? 90. How many, and what be their names? 91. Why were those questions moved? 92. Was it not to animate the rebels? 93. Was it not a double iniquity to fall into rebellion, and afterwards procure matter to justify it? 94. As the temporalty and spiritualty of Yorkshire had entered so far into rebellion, was it likely that the said abp. and doctors would determine those questions otherwise than they did, and did those who proposed them think otherwise, as you believe? 95. Whether the said abp. and doctors were put to any fear that you know? 96. How many doctors and learned men were at the Council, and what were their names? 97. Whether the abp. and doctors answered only the questions delivered to them by the temporal lords or added others of their own mind? 98. What were the questions and determinations added by the spiritualty? 99. Whether these articles following were delivered by the temporal rebels to the abp. and doctors. 100. To what intent was it moved to the abp. and doctors whether subjects might lawfully in any case move war against their prince? 101. Who first proposed that question? 102. What discussion took place upon it among the temporal lords and gentlemen before it was proposed to the spiritual men, and what each said? 103. Was it not proposed in order that it should be determined as it was that rebels might lawfully make war against their prince in the cause of the Faith? 104. Were not the spiritual men solicited by you or others to your knowledge to determine that the rebels' battle was lawful in that case? 105. Or did you think the spiritual men ready enough without procurement to make that determination? 106. With how many of those spiritual men you have commoned on the question, and what you said to them or they to you? Signed by Cromwell.
|2. Copy of eight of the preceding interrogatories, viz.:—Nos. 23, 32–5, and 57–9.
|3. Copy of interrogatories 39–44, 107, 51–54, 73, 102, in the above order. Of these the only one not in the preceding set is No. 107, which is as follows:—
|107. Whether ye had any communication with Robt. Bowes, Chaloner and Babthorpe, and what each of them said?
|In 73 the question is more full:—Why did you give badges of the Five Wounds of Christ, and who invented it, and for what cause?
|Pp. 2. Endd.: Interrogatories.
|901. ASKE'S EXAMINATION.
|Examination taken at the Tower of London, 11 April 28 Hen. VIII., before Dr. Legh and Dr. Petre, and Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower, in presence of me, John ap Rice, notary.
|Robert Aske, examined, says:—1. That within three or four days after Michaelmas last, as he was coming to London to the term, at Feryby he met with one Huddiswell and about 16 persons besides. Huddiswell showed him that the commons of that quarter as far as Louth were up and had taken the King's commissioners "that sat of the subsidy" and the bishop of Lincoln's chancellor who, he said, came to view their chalices and other church goods and ornaments, which it was bruited were to be taken away. Heard no other rumours at that time, nor yet in Yorkshire afterwards till the articles came thither from Lincolnshire by Guy Keme. At the same time and place he was sworn by the said Huddiswell.
|2. Next day, being taken again by the commons at Saltcliff out of his bed, heard the said bruit openly amongst them, but cannot specify any one person. 3, 4, 5. Received no letters of any such bruits nor knoweth no other inventors of them. 6. Knows no other setters forth of them but Guy Keme and one Doonne, who came with articles from Lincolnshire to Yorkshire. 7. Thinks those bruits were one of the great causes, but the suppression of abbeys the greatest cause of the insurrection which the hearts of the commons most grudged at. 8. Every man spake at his liberty what he would without repression. 9. Commoned with no man but Huddeswell of those bruits, to whom he made no answer about them, but afterwards published to the commonalty in Yorkshire at Kaxbye More the articles sent from Lincolnshire to York which concerned first the suppression of abbeys; 2nd, the statute of uses; 3rd, the remission of the quindene in which it was counted that they should pay a groat for every sheep, and a certain sum for every bullock; 4th, that every benefice under 20l. value should be discharged of first fruits and tenths; the 5th was against the bp. of Lincoln and other bps. 10. Thinks when he first heard them he bade men speak no more of these bruits, for he thought they were not true. And as for any articles, although he wrote them, yet he put none forth till he had the advice of the noblemen and gentlemen thereunto. 11. Made no inquisition of the authors of such bruits because the people were up before and he durst not; and he punished none because he was no justice of peace. 12 and 13. Was never pleased that such bruits should go abroad, because he thought they were not true. 14. Was "laid for" in Lincoln so that if he had gone southward he should have been slain, as the good man of the Angel (fn. 1) can tell, who, he thinks, showed him of the same; and, therefore, he could neither come himself nor send up to the King, but was fain to return to Yorkshire, where they were up before he came. 15. Did not declare the bruits to be untrue in Yorkshire because they were not in question among the people there, and in Lincolnshire he durst not bring a stranger. 16. Thinks the suppression of abbeys and "division" (?) of preachers would have caused an insurrection without the said bruits. 17. That since the insurrection was up, in manner all the gentlemen and commons counselled with him concerning the statutes of uses, suppression of abbeys, first fruits and tenths, and the supremacy; and before that none to his remembrance. As to the supremacy they would have annulled the whole statute, as he thinks, "but that he himself put in touching curam animarum which should belong to the bp. of Rome." 18. It was in every man's mouth since the insurrection that the said statutes were too grievous, and he supposes it was before in every man's heart. 19. They grudged chiefly at the Acts of suppression of abbeys and the supremacy which they thought would be a division from the Church, the assignment of the Crown by the King's last will, the illegitimacy of my lady Mary, the statutes of uses and of first fruits, which they said would be a decay to all religion; as for the tenth they said it might be borne well enough. Also they grudged at the Act that words should be treason. 20. He thought meet that the said Acts should be reformed by Parliament. 21. Before they came first before Doncaster this examinate with all the lords, gentlemen and commons thought it best to get the said statutes reformed first by petition, and if they could not so obtain, to get them reformed by sword and battle. And afterwards upon communication had between them and the lord of Norfolk at Doncaster, the said examinate, lords, gentlemen, and commons concluded at Pomfret for a reformation to be had by Act of Parliament. 22. That then he himself grudged at the statutes, but since he was sworn he has done according to his allegiance. 23 (blank). 24. His conscience was such at that time that he grudged at the said acts. 25. Sir Thomas Tempest was one of those who sent advice in writing to the lords, knights, and this examinate at Pomfret for reformation of the said statutes by Act of Parliament and for a good order to be taken at Doncaster. Also Bapthorpe and Chaloner gave similar advice in writing. Mr. Mynell was there also, but whether he delivered any writing cannot remember. Divers others gave in bills which, as he remembers, were delivered to them again after this examinate had taken out such articles as he thought convenient; which were afterwards showed to the lords and gentlemen, and some noted at the head with the word "fiat," and presented to my lord of Norfolk. As to the articles of the spiritualty, Dr. Marshall and other spiritual men gave in those touching the supreme head, the illegitimacy of the lady Mary and others to the number of nine, which persons my lord of York can specify. To 26 and 27 he replies as to 21. 28. The first time he met with Rudston and Stapleton at Wighton, viz., upon a Friday, the second day after the rising in Holdenshire, they counselled together for the taking of Hull and York, and concluded that Rudeston, Stapleton, and other gentlemen of those parts should go and take Hull and this examinate York. At York he sent for Sir Oswald Wolsethrop and one Plumpton brought in by Wolsethrop, Mr. Metam, Saltmarsh, and other gentlemen, among whom it was concluded that every gentleman should take his friends that were gentlemen and bring them in. As for the commons they were already up in all parts of Yorkshire and the Bpric. And at Pomfret this ext. sent by my lord of Derby's servant a letter to my lord his master, and a copy of the oath which he bade the said servant spread abroad in the country as he should think convenient; and that, as he says, to stir Lancashire to take their part. Then at York, after the first and before the last meeting at Doncaster, this examinate and the gentlemen of the Council there concluded that they of Dent and Sedbere should be at liberty to stir Lancashire because it was said my lord Privy Seal had warranted that country for any rising. 29. Used no means to stir up the people but by sending the oath abroad. 30. Had communication concerning the bps. with many whose names he cannot tell; but the cause that they articled against them was through the petitions that they had out of Lincolnshire, and they desired certain books to be condemned because they were articled by Bowier of York to be heresy and delivered to this ext. 31. Both he and all the commons noted the bps. of Canterbury, Worcester, Rochester, and St. David's to be heretics [because they were so named in the petitions of Lincolnshire]. (fn. 2) 32–35 (blank). 36. They favoured the Insurrection because they would have had the said bps. deprived, supposing them to be the occasion of the breach of the unity of the Church. 37. They thought the King might punish and reform them whensoever he would. 38. He grudged at that time of the Insurrection that the King should have the cure of souls, but none otherwise.
|Pp. 8. In Ap Rice's hand. Endd.
|2. Special answer of Aske to the 23rd and 58th interrogatories, written in his own hand:—
|23. The said Aske says: (1.) That he grudged against the statute of suppressions, and so did all the country, because the abbeys in the North gave great alms to poor men and laudably served God; in which parts of late days they had small comfort by ghostly teaching. And by the said suppression the service of God is much minished, great number of masses unsaid and consecration of the sacrament now not used in those parts, to the decrease of the Faith and spiritual comfort to man's soul, the temple of God ruffed and pulled down, the ornaments and relics of the church irreverently used, tombs of honourable and noble men pulled down and sold, no hospitality now kept in those kept in those parts but the farmers for the most part "lets and taverns out the farms of the same houses to other farmers for lucre," and the profits of the abbeys yearly go out of the country to the King; so that soon there will be little money left by reason of tenths and first fruits, the King's absence and the want of his laws and the [absence] of traffic. Also several of these abbeys were in the mountains and desert places, where the people be rude of conditions and not well taught the law of God, and when the abbeys stood the people not only had worldly refreshing in their bodies but spiritual refuge, both by ghostly living of them and by spiritual information and preaching, and many of their tenants were their fee'd servants, who now want refreshing both by meat, clothes and wages, and know not where to have any living, "but also strangers and baggers of corn as betwixt Yorkshire, Lancashire, Kendal, Westmoreland, and the Bpric. was in their carriage of corn and merchandise greatly succoured both horse and man by the said abbeys; for none was in those parts denied neither horsemeat nor man's meat, so that the people was greatly refreshed by the said abbeys where now they have no such succour." Thus the suppression was greatly to the decay of the commonwealth and all those parts greatly grudged against it and still do, their duty of allegiance always saved. "Also the abbeys was one of the beauties of this realm to all men and strangers passing through the same; also all gentlemen much succoured in their needs with money, their younger sons there succoured and in nunneries their daughters brought up in virtue, and also their evidences and money left to the uses of infants in abbeys' hands, always sure there, and such abbeys as were near the danger of sea banks great maintainers of sea walls and dykes, maintainers and builders of bridges and highways [and] such other things for the common wealth."
|(2.) To the statute of illegitimacy of the lady Mary the said Aske says that both he and all the wise men of those parts much grudged, seeing that on the mother's side she came of the greatest blood in Christendom "and the libel or plea hanging and appealed to the Church, and yet the said appeal not discussed to all men's knowledge in those parts, touching the marriage betwixt the King's highness and the Lady Katharine dowager, and thought that estatute not to be good." For if hereafter she was found legitimate by the law of the Church, yet by this statute she should be made illegitimate and not inheritable to the crown of this realm; which would make strangers think the statute was framed more for some displeasure towards her and her friends than for any just cause, while in reason she ought to be favoured in this realm rather than otherwise, considering that her mother's ancestors have long been friends of the common wealth of this realm. Moreover it was thought that the divorce made by the abp. of Canterbury was not lawful pending the appeal, and some even doubted the authority of his consecration, not having his pall as his predecessors had. Moreover the Lady Mary ought to be favoured for her great virtues and the statute annulled, lest the Emperor should think he had cause to move war against the realm and stop the recourse of merchandise into Flanders, "whereby the making and science of cloth, the commodity of wool, lead, tins, and coal should not be had nor used, to the great danger and impoverishment of this realm." It was therefore thought the statute should be annulled, and that she should not be made illegitimate except by the law of the whole Church, for she is marvellously beloved by the whole people.
|(3.) It was thought good that the statute of first fruits should be annulled because it would be the destruction of the whole state of religion; because, in some one year, by death deprivation or resignation the King might be entitled to payment two or three times or more, for which worshipful men would be bound and the house not able to pay; for now, what with the King's money granted by them and the tenths yearly paid, almost all their plate is gone, and coin also, and their houses in debt, so that they must either diminish their hospitality and keep fewer monks, or surrender their abbeys to the King. Whereas the treasures of religion were esteemed the King's treasure as ready at his commandment. "Also by reason they had plenty of riches they inornyat the Temple of God, rially succoured their neighbour in their need with part of the same their money for the most part current amongst the people; also it was then thought surely that by the law of God the King's highness ought not to have the first fruits of religion, for never King of England had it before nor none other. Whereof should the brether live when the first year rents is gone during that year? Also it was said it was not granted at York by Convocation, nor agreed unto." For these reasons and others it was thought this statute ought to be annulled or qualified.
|(4.) As for the statute of Uses, Aske thinks that if it had not been in the petitions of Lincolnshire it would not have been remembered. He says it would be profitable for worshipful men having lands that the said statute should be annulled or qualified so that they might declare their will of parcel of their lands for payment of their debts and marriage of their children; for he says that if a man study to defeat the King of the marriage of his son and heir or of the lands or both, there are more ways of doing it than before. Also it has made great difficulty in all pleading in the law and "turned the old accustomed law in many things." Also great men cannot have such credit with merchants or so much money to do the King service when needful, and upon the assurance of statutes (i.e., bonds) as before, because most men's lands are entailed and a son may by remitter always defeat statutes staple and other bonds, so that the statute of Uses is prejudicial to the common wealth.
|(5.) As to the statute of the Declaration of the Crown by will, he says he and all wise men of those parts grudged at it for divers reasons, first, that before that statute, since the Conqueror, never King declared his will of the crown of this realm, nor never was such a law known. Also why should it be a reasonable law that the King might declare his last will of the crown, to which all men owe allegiance "and thereby ar born to claim descent of inheritance by the law of this realm," while all his subjects are restrained from declaring their will of their lands, where more necessity is for payment of their debts and succouring of their children?
|It is remembered in the years of the law of Henry VII. that his Grace would have had the crown entailed to him and the issue of his body; but it was not agreed to, for Henry IV. made a like entail and Edward IV. annulled it, as it was thought by all the wise men that it was no reasonable law to make such an entail. And Henry VII. was considered the wisest king in the world. Also, if the crown should pass by testament it might lead to great war if it were declared from the rightful heir, and who would be judge between them and him to whom it was given? It was therefore thought necessary to annul or qualify this statute so that it might appear who were or should be heir apparent, or else to be, as it was before, the law of the realm that the crown should go to the very nexte of the blood. "Also it is to be noted that any born under the crown of this realm may claim in manner an inheritance thereunto, that it might come to them by descent, and by reason thereof they may claim the law of this realm as their inheritance, freely to buy and sell lands and goods," &c., which an alien cannot do. Then if the King were to give the crown to an alien, as we doubt not his Grace will not so do, how should this alien by reason have it? For he in his person is unable to take it "no more than if I would give lands to an alien." It is a void gift. Also it should be a great bruit in other realms and a great slander that our laws should not be indifferent to reason, when we know not by our law who should be rightful inheritor to the crown while our King is alive. "And to this statute there is many high reasons to be made, not nece[ssary] to be opened unless it were in Parliament," for as the voice of most people is, and I suppose the law is also, that no stranger can claim the crown by descent unless he were born under the allegiance of this crown, this statute should be qualified.
|Does not remember any other statutes mentioned in the 23rd interrogatory, but leaves a blank space for them.
|(Continued on next page.) 23. As to the statute of Supremacy he says all men murmured at it and said it could not stand with God's law, giving various reasons, whereof he delivered one to the abp. of York in Latin containing a whole sheet of paper or more, and another in English, which Aske will write for to be delivered if it can be found. But the great bruit in all men's mouths then was that never King of England "sith the Faith comyn within the realm" claimed any such authority, and that it should sound to be a mean of division from the unity of Catholic Church, if men might declare their learning without fear of his Grace's displeasure. For this reason the Convocation was desired at Doncaster, and Aske says that upon his conscience he knows not who sènt him those two papers for he received them as poor men's petitions and knew not of one of them till he was come from Doncaster last, viz., that argument which was written in English with the authors in Latin.
|23. To the statute that words should be treason he says that he has heard very few grudges expressed to any statute except that of the Supremacy and to that statute every man is fearful to show his learning for fear of incurring the danger of the temporal law; and if it touch the health of man's soul it would be a gracious deed that the King should annul that statute and that learned men in divinity should show their learning either in convocation or preaching "[for of t]hat estatute very many murmurs and spe ... "
|23. (fn. 3) To the Statute of Uses, Aske says that to show his reasons would require great study in the law, that he has not of long time seen the said statute nor perused his books for such intent, but the judges and other good students can declare the same cases. Thinks " to his now remembrance" that if a man hold land of the King as of his Duchy or of the Crown and have licence to alien and do alien to a stranger on condition that he shall execute an estate to him for term of his life, the remainder thereof to his son and heir apparent and to the heirs of his body, the remainder in fee simple to a younger of his sons or daughters or to an estr[anger], in this case his son cannot be in ward nor the lands, for he comes in after his father as a purchaser, and collusion it cannot be, because the remainder of the fee simple is in a stranger; " and many other was (ways) upon study as the said Aske supposes may be found which he referreth to those at be deeply learned."
|As to the second article he says if he have his reason touching the same again he will declare his mind therein as he can call to his remembrance.
|58. To the third he says that to his remembrance they be in his chamber in his brother's house and in the chamber in Wressill Castle where he lay, but he thinks there are few at Wressill and that they are all in his said chamber or elsewhere in his brother's house where his servants left them. He thinks some are in a little coffer which his niece keeps, "which is plates with silver about them unlocked in his brother's house at Aughton."
|On the back of the last leaf and written the opposite way is the following pararaph:—" The name of the said Christopher the said Aske shall set on the backside his letter and is now my brother's servant and dwelleth now with him, a very honest man and can read well. Also the said Aske thinks there be bills of complaint betwixt party and party in a little trussing coffer in his said niece's chamber, albeit to his remembrance they be but of small effect touching any article of the petitions or arguments, and if he can remember there be any writing in any other plece he shall always declare the same as it cometh to his remembrance."
|In Aske's hand, pp. 9. Rough draft with corrections.
|3. Examination continued.
|Item, of whom ye learned any such reasons and arguments as ye have made concerning the said acts, and with whom ye principally conferred, and who were the chief reasoners and setters forth of the same?
|Answer. (In margin: "Let this be brought in next after the 23rd article and the reason next following"):—To this article the said Aske saith that as touching common reason or the law of this realm, surely he had it of his own learning and knowledge. And as to the spiritual law, he had it partly of his own conscience, partly by arguments delivered to him, and partly by reasons opened by the clergy at Pomfret; but to his remembrance he conferred with few or none upon the reasons, his causes were so great at that season; but he will call this article to his remembrance and disclose all he can remember to my lord Privy Seal.
|P. 1. The interrogatory and marginal note in Ap Rice's hand, the answer in Aske's own.
|4. Continuation of the preceding answer.
|"And the said Aske saith that they had no leisure to reason the said causes," the time at Pomfret was so short, first, to despatch the herald what number should come for the King's safe conduct and their names, and who should go first with the articles to the duke of Norfolk, and to have these names agreed by the commons, then to "peen" (pen) the articles and afterwards to agree upon them with the lords, gentlemen, and commons, then to arrange with the commons who should go to Doncaster, viz., 300 men, and how many they would appoint. So that he had little leisure to reason with any man, albeit Mr. Chaloner read his bill of instructions, but they all agreed to the articles and none opposed them. And first, at Doncaster, Mr. Bowes delivered the articles to the duke of Norfolk and other gentlemen and reasoned with them. But the said Aske knew not what he said nor his opinion therein for he was not there. And when the said Aske came to Doncaster after the next day he opened his mind to the Duke. And the commons there appointed reasoned much for abbeys, especially for the possession thereof till the Parliament time of the King's farmers.
|32. To the 32nd interrogatory he says, because they were so noted in the petitions of Lincolnshire, and because they were reputed to be of the new learning and maintainers of Luther and Tyndale's opinions; and to the bp. of Worcester because it was said either he was before abjured or else had borne a faggot for his preaching; and that the abp. of Canterbury was the first abp. of that see that had not his pall from a spiritual man or from the see of Rome, and because he took upon him to make the divorce between the King and lady Katharine where it was appealed to the Church, and for other his opinions which the said Aske much noted, not because they were so openly bruited with all men. The other two bps. were marvellously illspoken of as preachers of the new learning, that owing to them religion was not favoured and the Statute of Suppression took rather thereby place, for they preached against diversity of habits in religion and the common orders before used in the Universal Church.
|33. To the 33rd he says he knows not the difference between an heretic and a schismatic, but he can see they varied from and preached against the old usages and ceremonies of the Church, and therefore they were bruited to be schismatics. He had little leisure to argue with any private person.
|34. Amongst other things, that was one of the causes then.
|35. By most men that was supposed to be one cause.
|57. To that interrogatory he says he cannot remember who first moved it or whether it was first moved at Pomfret or Doncaster, but at Doncaster it was discussed, or whether it was himself or what other person, for he cannot remember whether it was in the petitions or not.
|58. He will direct his letter "open that the King's highness and my lord Privy Seal may see the same," whereby all the articles and petitions he knows of shall be sent to the King.
|59. He says "his conscience grudged because of the reason above specified in the 23rd interrogatory, to have them reformed for the commonwealth both in soul and body by order of Parliament or otherwise."
|Pp. 3. In Aske's hand. On the following leaf are two articles to the same effect as the last two of these answers (58 and 59), numbered erroneously 37 and 38, and cancelled.
|5. Special answers to particular interrogatories.
|"39 and 40. To that the said Aske saith they had communication together touching the said Acts of Parliament." He cannot remember any notorious communication between lord Darcy and him in the denial of the authority of the Supreme Head, but remembers that lord Darcy told him he had in the Parliament Chamber declared before the Lords his whole mind touching any matter there to be argued touching their Faith, but that the custom of that house before that time had been that spiritual matters should always be referred to the Convocation house and not discussed in Parliament and that before this last Parliament the first thing they always commoned of after the mass of the Holy Ghost was to affirm the first chapter of Magna Charta touching the rights and liberties of the Church, and it was not so now. Also he remembers lord Darcy said that in any matter touching the King's prerogative the custom of the Lords' house was that they should have, upon their request, a copy of the bill to be scanned by their learned counsel in case they could perceive anything prejudicial to the prerogative or, if it were between party and party, if the bill were not prejudicial to the commonwealth; but now they could have no such copy so readily as they were wont to have in Parliament before. Of which he laid the blame to those of the Chancery in the use of their office and in the hasty reading of the bills and request of the speed of the same. As to any other of the statutes, Aske says they had but little communication because then the articles sent to the King were but five, and it was not purposed to divide them into more till the King's answer was showed at York. After that he spake not with the said lord Darcy till he came to Pomfret, and there very little and before all men. He was so busy with the commons to bring them to conformity that a final order might have been made at Doncaster, that he could not have much communication there with him. He was then lodged in the abbey in the town and not in the castle. Will always be ready to show anything else he can remember.
|41. Says they were together divers times after he had won the castle of Pomfret, but he never spoke with Darcy before speaking with him at the giving up of the said castle. Before that time, the said Sir Robert Constable was in displeasure with Aske because he was always in council against him, and the said Sir Robert was in the castle at the same time and says that till the first meeting at Doncaster after the same castle was won the said Aske took musters most of the daytime on St. Thomas's hill by Pomfret, and sometimes Sir Robert Constable with him, sending forth letters to all parts to repair thither as to them with St. Cuthbert's standard, Richmondshire, Craven, and to Yorkswold after the herald Lancaster had been with him and the lord Darcy. He declares he saw no man there but was willing to do his best and prepare for battle except the abp. of York and Mr. Magnus who might not be suffered to abide behind till the first appointment took place.
|42. They were all together as beforesaid at Pomfret, and not after that all three together till Mr. Bowes' coming home or else till he sent his letter first down, and my lord of Norfolk's letter also. Also at the last Council at Pomfret. These three times they were together, and no oftener.
|43. The first time was at Pomfret when they commoned for the setting forth of the battles and company towards Doncaster, for preparation for victuals, scoutwatches, and for the orders of the field, and who should be in the vayward and the middleward, and for the answers of the heralds and good espials and search of the fords of Down for passage with the host. And not only they did so but all other worshipful men as far as he could perceive, and at that time there was no peculiar communication of any Act of Parliament except that it was generally thought divers Acts passed at the last Parliament by favour. There was no great communication thereof till the meeting at York till the King's answer came, when every man studied for their griefs against the meeting at Pomfret. The second time they three met together was when Mr. Bowes or his letter came to Templehirst, lord Darcy's place; and then they took order for despatching the "same letters," and discussed how the garrison of Hull should be maintained against the duke of Suffolk, and if the King would move war [in] the winter time and not consider the common's petitions, and in that case what garrisons should be laid, at Pomfret, Hull, &c., or, if they should proceed, for victuals and artillery. Albeit these reasons were to the intent that if the King would not grant their pardon and petitions, "then so to make preparation for the succour of their lives and the country."
|44. They had very little communication all three together, except of the statute of Suppression, and thought a default therein because in the statute in print of the Court of Augmentations there is given the King all abbey lands to the value of 300 marks and under, "and showeth (?) not whether they were those in England or the sinyiors (?) of the same." And so they took the statute as little better than void, albeit Aske always supposed there was another statute, not printed, that gave the King the same. They had else little communication of any particular statute, but rather for order to be taken at the coming of the duke of Norfolk, for lord Darcy was "much willing the same order." Touching the statute of Supreme Head, except at the general sitting at Pomfret, lord Darcy, Sir Robt. Constable and Aske had not [communication]; and then but little, but they agreed to put it in the petition, for Aske "saw no man mind there contrary the same request and petitions." They grudged against the statutes of treason "for words of the Supreme Head," and thought it strait that a man might not declare his conscience in so great a cause but it should be made treason. They talked of the Supremacy and thought it doubtful, by the law of God, to belong to a king, but they never, as far as he remembered, argued any point thereof; if he can remember any he will be glad to declare it.
|(The page ends here with the note in another hand, "Turn here hence to the examination.")
|107. "The said Aske saith that Mr. Bowes gave in no book of his advice but at York, and that was, what order should be taken at York for the speedy coming of my lord of Norfolk and for spoils, remedy for pulling down of enclosures, and remedy for variances betwixt party and party.
|And, to his remembrance, Mr. Bowes at Pomfret touched the statute of the declaration of the Crown by will; which articles the said Aske hath sent for by bill so that they shall be apparent at the coming of the same." Also at Pomfret Mr. Chaloner gave in a book of instructions which he read to Mr. Constable, to him and other gentlemen. In it were contained interrogatories to the spritualty to prove whose works and books were heresy, and who of the bps. maintained those books, as it was then said that friar Barnes was put in the Tower for his opinions. It also contained many of the petitions for remedy of the laws and statutes. Aske says he spoke little with Mr. Chaloner, but he and others sent him word as they did to other places for watch to be made at Wakefield during the meetings, for taking of letters and espials, and for watch nightly both for such matters and for provision of victuals for the commons. But he never heard any reason against their petitions, but thought them very necessary to be reformed. Mr. Babthorpe put in a bill at Pomfret, but it touched few matters in the petitions, and he had little communication with him touching any of them, he was so busy. According to the order at York, Babthorpe came to my lord Abp. showing him how he and his clergy must be at Pomfret to declare their opinion touching our Faith, and that they should study for the same against the same time, as he has declared before in another interrogatory; "whereupon the said Aske touching some matter expressed his mind by letter to Mr. Babthorpe to send over to the said archbishop, which as he said required the same," referring the rest for the benefit of our Faith to the Abp. as metropolitan. Cannot remember any other communication had with any of them touching any of the statutes, but when they were openly read at Pomfret to the lords. When any particular matter expressed by any of them comes to his remembrance, will be ready to declare it.
|51. Says that to his remembrance and upon his conscience he never thought of putting any such question to any person of any degree, spiritual or temporal, before the insurrection.
|52. Never thought to have been causer of any war till he was in Lincolnshire, and there taken and sworn, but thought after he was once in and had assembled people, as their intent was for grace by petition to the King for remedy of the Faith, that if his Grace had refused their petitions then their cause would have been just. "But he ever thought that by no just law no man might rebel against their sovereign lord and King"; and he thinks now no man may rebel, and that if Lincolnshire had not rebelled Yorkshire never would have done so.
|53. Not only he but in manner all men that rebelled blamed much divers bps. and preachers for division in preaching and variance in the Church of England, and thought that much of this insurrection arose by them. Also they blamed divers of the King's Council for the Statute of Suppressions, and thought the same came by their insensing and by their peculiar labour, but there were divers of the Council whom the commons never blamed, but took them for good catholic men and friends of the common wealth.
|54. Will neither accuse nor excuse himself, but thinks "he was one of the least blasphemers of them of any other gentlemen, otherwise than was contained in the oath of the commons, wherein no man's name was expressed of the Council." Refers on this to the report of others. Thinks that, except against heresy, he little, or at no time, "made any blasphemies of any persons."
|73. Lord Darcy gave him a cross with the Five Wounds in it, but who first invented that badge he cannot say. It was a black cross and first with them of St. Cuthbert's banner, but the cause why all men wore the said Five Wounds or else the badge of Jesus was that Mr. Bowes before our first meeting at Doncaster "scrimmaged" with his company with the "storiers" of the duke of Norfolk's host, and one of Mr. Bowes' servants ran at one of his own fellows because he had a cross on his back, thinking he belonged to the duke's host, and killed him with a spear. On which there was a cry for all men to have the badge of Jesus or the Five Wounds both before and behind them, "and there to his knowledge was all the men that was slain or hurt of either part during all the time of business."
|102. As soon as lord Latimer had moved that question Aske moved it to the clergy, and the people and gentlemen recommended the abp. of York to have declared it in the pulpit. Many thought the abp. coloured in that point, and that he fainted when he saw Lancaster Herald come into the church. Further, all men would have been very glad to have known that point, but the clergy had never leisure to consult and agree upon these points, for they had but newly written and concluded upon the nine articles when the said Aske was ready to go to Doncaster. Will be glad to declare the truth further as it comes to his mind.
|In Aske's hand, pp. 8.
|902. NORFOLK to CROMWELL.
|Sir William Bulmer, brother to Sir John, bearer hereof, hearing his brother was attached by me came to Newcastle to see if anything could be laid to his charge. I and the Council here have done our best to find whether he has offended since the pardon but can find no fault in him, and we hear that at the stirring in Cleveland, he tried to stay the people. At the first commotion he said openly that if the King came or sent against them he would join his Highness. So we cannot find but that he is a true man. He repairs to London to the term and has desired me to write to you to be his good lord, which I desire you to be if ye cannot detect ill matter against him. Durham, 11 April. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
Cleop., E. IV., 245 (fn. 4) B. M.
|903. FURNESS ABBEY.
|Form of surrender* by Roger the abbot and the convent of Furness to the King, of their house and all lands, &c. in England, Ireland, and the Isle of Man. Chapter House of the said monastery, 11 April 1537.
|Latin, p. 1. Corrected draft.
|904. JOHN LEGH to CROMWELL.
|Thanks for the promotion of his friends and kinsmen.
|In reply to complaints of my demeanour in the "surekcion" time. My accusers, being in the King's authority and sheriff of Cumberland, could have commanded our attendance for the subduing of the King's enemies, "which commandment they gave none, but was the first that was sworn in Westmoreland." After the insurrection I wrote to John Barinfeld, mayor of Carlisle, and his brethren, offering to come with 20 or 40 others for the defence of the King's castle and town there at my own cost whenever they should send for me; which letter was brought before the duke of Norfolk for my declaration. I trust I and all under my rule have ever given attendance on the King's officers, when commanded, both to my lord Warden the justices of peace, and the sheriff; without whose commands we could not stir. Sir John Lampelowe can instruct you further how he and I were ordered at Penrith. Holme Coltray, 11 April.
|Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Lord Privy Seal, one of the King's Council. Endd.
|905. WILLIAM LORD GREY to CROMWELL.
|Hearing that lord Hussey is in the Tower, mentions that the said lord had in mortgage part of the writer's inheritance in Lincolnshire called Bitam, which he would have entered by law but for his duty here this busy time. Begs that if anything happen to lord Hussey he may have it. Hammes castle, 11 April. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|906. SIR T. PALMER.
|Passport granted by Sir Thos. Palmer, grand porter of Calais, to his servant Antony Bonnetacque, whom he sends to the court of the Regent on his business. Calais, 11 April, 1537. Signed: Thomas de Palmere.
|Fr., p. 1. Sealed.
Add. MS. 8,715, f. 357. B. M.
|907. FAENZA to AMBROGIO.
|The letters of the Nuncio will give the news. The French King is gratified by the Nuncio's coming. Suggests that there should be one here ordinarily. Thanks the Pope for his licence to return, which he will do as soon as the other comes. Recommends the bishop of Ivrea.
|Italian, pp. 2. Modern copy. Headed D'Amiens, li 11 April, 1537.
|908. BISHOP OF VERONA to _.
|* * In fulfilment of the service committed to me I have still used these methods to show his Majesty the demands (conditioni) of the Legate and inform him of the fine reasons the King of England has to treat him thus, and what God inspired me to besides; and I have sent account of all to Card. di Carpi. I will be guided according to the answer I shall have, and think it will be well to hide the displeasure which his Holiness is sure to take at this until he can be informed of everything after Card. di Carpi shall have spoken to the French King—and I [also], if his Majesty shall permit me to go there; because, not to double the journey, I mean, leaving the Legate to go for this little time to Cambray, to go myself to Amiens.
|Italian, p 1. From a modern extract in R. O. headed "Il vescovo di Verona, 11 Aprile (1537), di Parigi."
|909. JOHN ONLEY to the PARSON OF RICARD'S CASTLE. (fn. 5)
|Has obtained a letter from the lord Privy Seal to the prior of Wenlock in favour of the bearer, for a lease of the parsonage of Clon. The letter is in his brother Adam's name. Sends a copy, with a letter to his brother Adam, which the parson must send to him when he intends to go to the prior. When he has showed the prior my lord's letters, and the falsehood of all the matter, "then know whether he will stick to you for the lease or no." If he will, call the convent together and show them my lord's letters. If he will seal a new lease to the writer's brother he must keep it till he hears from the writer. Wishes him to use the best policy he can, for if the bearer's report be true, Onley will not leave it thus. London, 12 April.
|Asks him to see delivered the wood that is sold and paid for. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.
|910. JOHN ONLEY to ADAM ONLEY.
|On the same subject. London, 12 April. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: At Wythyngton.
|911. JOHN ONLEY to the PRIOR OF WENLOK.
|Asks him grant his brother's suit for a lease of the parsonage of Clon. The lord Privy Seal has written in his favour. London, 12 April Signed.
|P. 1. Add.
|912. SIR JOHN WILLUGHBY to CROMWELL.
|There is a monk in Lenton Abbey called Dan Hamlet Pencriche who has run three times forth from his religion, but has always been reconciled and recognised his faults before the writer, as steward of the house, and his father of religion. Dan Hamlet is again inflated with his old erroneous spirit and has spoken indecent words of Cromwell; it would benefit the house if he and his abettors, whom the bearer can name, were punished. Wollarton, co. Notts, 12 April. Signed.
|P. 1. Add: Lord Privy Seal.
|913. JOHN LORD LATIMER to CROMWELL.
|You were pleased to accept of me last year a small fee of 20 nobles, payable yearly. I send you, by my servant this bearer, your said fee, due at the feast of Annunciation last. Snape, 12 April. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd. erroneously the bp. of Worcester.
|914. WILLIAM COLYNS, BAILIFF OF KENDAL.
|Examination taken 12 April 1537 in the Tower of London before Dr. Legh, Dr. Peter, and Mr. Lieutenant in presence of me, John ap Rice, notary public, registrar, &c.
|Wm. Colyns, bailiff of Kendall, examined, says that George Willen and Wm. Garnet of Dent, some 10 days before any insurrection in Kendal, came to Kendal town and showed Sir James Laborne that the commons of Westmoreland, Cumberland, and Richmondshire who were up had warned Dent and Sedbery to come in to them or they would come and spoil the countries of Dent, Sedbery, and Kendal. They desired advice of Mr. Layborne, as steward there under Mr. Parre, to withstand the said rebels. He told them to be still and meddle not, as they afterwards said to examinat, who also advised them not to meddle and said, "If we may enjoy our old ancient (?) customs here we have no cause to rise." The said two persons before leaving Kendal that night, Saturday, talked of the insurrection with divers light persons of the town, who next morning at daybreak assembled divers of the North Street of Kendal and roused men from their beds and sware them, in a croft by, to be true to God, the King, and their ancient laudable customs. The ringleaders were Tom Dockwray and Brian Jopson (Jobson in § 2), as examinat afterwards heard. The persons so conjurate decided to fetch in the honest men of the town, and fetched examinat from his dinner to a place called Tarney Banks, where the whole town was assembled without harness, and there examinat and the rest of the town were sworn. They all went thence to Mr. Laybornes and desired him to help them against their enemies, to be good to them concerning their laudable customs and to take their oath. He refused to swear then, but left his seal with his friends there, who promised for him that he would do as other gentlemen did; and the same night Nicholas Layborne, in his brother's name, and Mr. Strikelande sealed to a book that was read concerning their customs. On Friday following six of the town went to Mr. Layborne's house, viz.:—Adam Warenner, George Rowlandson, John Harryson, Robert Sledale, Chr. Sadler, and this examinat, to have desired his help and favour, but he was not at home. Both before the insurrection and after, examinat and others petitioned Mr. Layborne to be good to them for their ancient customs, saying there was no reason that where his father took 4 mks. for an "ingressum" he should take 40l., "seeing they were bound there to the marches without wages upon the warden's proclamation, beacon, or letter." They asked him to use his lands as the King and Mr. Parre did theirs, else Sir Robert Belingiam and other freeholders would do the like. On Saturday after Dent and Sedbar were up, as Richard Walker showed at Kendal; whereupon they of Kendal, by the advice of Ric. Tucket and Mr. Knevet, wrote to them of Dent not to meddle with the barony of Kendal "for they had nought to do with them." They replied that they of Kendal town should meet them the Monday after by 10 o'clock at Ennesmore, or else they would spoil them with 10,000 men. Then the townsmen sent to Mr. Layborne's brother Nicholas (who advised examinat to raise the town for defence, "but he afterwards himself sticked not by it,") and to Richard Ducket and Mr. Strikelande for help; who came to the town's end, but did not join the townsmen. On the Monday the townsmen, to the number of  (fn. 6), at Ennesmore met with Dent's 10,000 men, who asked whether they were sworn, and they said yes. They said their gentlemen would not come with them, whereupon they of Dent said "If ye can not rule them we shall rule them." The vicar of Clappam, James Cowper, John Middleton, John Hebyllthwayt of Sedbar, Wm. Garnet and George Willen of Dent, and James Buskell of Myddelton, being the ringleaders, took counsel with the Captain Atkynson, and then the vicar, in the name of Captain Poverty, made proclamation for all to meet next day at Kendal by 8 a.m. to know the lord Poverty's pleasure. "The vicar was the common swearer and counsellor in all that business, and persuaded the people that they should go to heaven if they died in that quarrel."
|On the morrow, Tuesday, they came to Kendal town and from thence had gone half way towards Mr. Layborne's house, when on his friend's promise that he would come in on the morrow by 5 o'clock, and by reason of the foul weather, they turned back. On Wednesday they went thither again and spoiled the house indeed, but on his friend's promise that he should come in they went not to extremity then. On Thursday they were appointed to spoil both his manors, but his brother Parson Layborne gave them of Dent and Sedbury 20l. to respite him till Friday following; at which time he and all the other gentlemen came in to the rebels and were sworn at Tolbothe in Kendal. And so on Saturday they went to Lancaster, mustering by the way at Kelet More. Of gentlemen, the most notable there were Sir James Layborne, Parson Layborne, William Lancaster, Ric. Ducket, and Walter Strikelande: Sir Robert Belingiam came as far as Kelet More and then returned home as his leg was sore, as he said. Atkynson was captain, chosen by Dent and Sedbar.
|At Lancaster they sware the mayor and town, and heard that Sir Stephen Hamurton and Nicholas Tempest beside Salley had sworn the country about them. Young Strikeland, saying that Sir Stephen had written to him to come to him, examinat and his friends advised him not to do so, but to return home. They therefore made proclamation for all to meet on Bouton more the Tuesday after and dispersed. Within three days came a letter from Robert Aske showing them of the first order taken at Doncaster, and requiring them to "send of every parishen one gentlemen and two yeomen, of the tallest and wisest men, well horsed and harnessed, to Pomfret, that of them might be taken out a certain to meet with the duke of Norfolk at the next meeting at Doncaster." Kendal town sent examinat and one Brown and the barony Mr. Ducket, Edward Manser, and Mr. Strikelande, Anthony Langhorne (Langthorn in § 2), John Eyrey, and Harry Bateman; and the morrow after Lady Day before Xmas they received the King's pardon at Pomfret, which they have to show in Kendal town under the King's broad seal at examinat's house, brought 14 days after our Lady Day by Clarencieux the herald, who made proclamation of it the said 14th day in Kendal. And because certain farmers of priories showed him how divers brethren took their corn from them, "and therefore like to have been murder between them about the same," the herald openly commanded, in the King's name, that no man should be disturbed in the possession of lands or tithes, but all to continue as at the last meeting at Doncaster till the duke of Norfolk came again to the country, which should be about 20 days after Xmas. As the herald was leaving, came two brethren of the late priory of Carpmell and desired the herald to write that order for them; but as he could not tarry he begged examinat, his host, to write them a word or two of the effect of the order. And thereupon examinat wrote them the order to this effect—" Neighbours of Carpmell, so it is that the King's herald hath made proclamation here that every man, pain of high treason, should suffer every thing, as farms, tithes, and such other, to be in like stay and order concerning possessions as they were in time of the last meeting at Doncaster, except ye will of your charity help the brethren there somewhat toward their board, till my lord of Norfolk come again and take further order therein." This was written partly in presence of the said herald, Mr. Ducket, and others, and afterwards delivered by examinat to one of the said brethren. Four of the brethren of Carpmell and eight yeomen were executed for withstanding the King's farmer, Mr. Holcrofte, and stirring a new commotion eight weeks after the premises, without the knowledge of examinat or any other of Kendal. When he was at York on Saturday before Our Lady Day before Xmas he asked Dr. Dakyns if he would command him any service to the North. He said "Yes, he would write to the abbot of Furness for money." Examinat answered," Seeing ye were at Pomefrete and know what order was taken there, I pray you write also to the priors of Conyshedd and Carpmell, seeing ye be their visitor, and give them your counsel what is best for them to do." So on the morrow examinat, at his host's house, received Dakyn's letters to the priors of Conyshed and Carpmell, sealed, which he forwarded, on coming home to Kendal, by a market man. It was eight weeks after the delivery of these letters ere they of Carpmell and Conyshed made commotion and stayed the farmers from taking their corn. One Atkynson, a captain of the rebels in those parts, and Gilpyn his petty captain came, twice between the meetings at Doncaster and once since the pardon was proclaimed, to stir Kendal, and the last time cried "Commons," but the townsmen drave them out and hurt some of them, the steward and lieutenant being absent in another shire. On Sunday after Xmas day last certain lewd persons of Kendal town who were the most busy in the first insurrection, stirred up suddenly at beads bidding and would have had the priest bid the beads the old way and pray for the Pope. Then ext. fetched the King's pardon from his house and he and one Bricket, the King's servant, charged them, as they would enjoy that pardon, to be still, and showed them the pardon. And they cried "Down, carle, thou art false to the commons "; and Wm. Harryson said he cared for no pardons. At last parson Layborne rose and persuaded them to let the beads be bid as the priest would until the duke of Norfolk's coming. The principals of that business were Thom Armestronge, Thom Dockraye, Oliver Ydell, Peter Warenner, James Taillor, jun., shoemaker, and Wm. Harryson. Ext. the same night sent to one Ducket a justice of peace and to Mr. Layborne the steward to come and punish the said captains. Ducket came and did his best with words, but the steward was out of the country. On that day month following, Sir Walter Browne second curate there, upon a tumult by divers lewd persons, said "Commons I will bid the beads as ye will have me"; and so did and prayed for the Pope and cardinals. One John Nycholson of Kendal parish, woolman, brought a little bill, without signature, directed to the parishioners of Kendal, that two of them should be at Richmond for a council to be had there the next Monday; which bill he delivered to a maid of ext's and bade her deliver it to ext. This she did, and thereupon ext. went to Nicholas Layborne, the steward's deputy, and asked what punishment he deserved who should spread abroad such letters. Layborne sent for Nycholson and asked where he had the letter. He said it was sent him from the captain of Westmoreland, Nicholas Musgrave, with commandment to deliver it to a constable or bailey of Kendal. "And Nich. Layborne said he was worthy to sit by the heels therefor in the dungeon, and cast him the bill again and bade him deliver it again where he had it."
|After this, ext. and 5 others of Kendal, having been with my lord of Norfolk and the council at York and being licenced to go home to put the country in stay, returned home and found all the country stirring by reason of letters sent abroad by Atkynson, Leche, Musgrave, and Staveley, captains of Westmoreland, to this effect, "that they should come and take their neighbours' of Westmorland's part." Sir Michael Nutthed was one of those who carried the letters. Ext. and his neighbours who came from York stayed the country from going forward.
|Pp. 9. In Ap Rice's hand, with some corrections. Endd.
|2. Another copy.
|Pp. 12. Endd.: William Colyns bayly of Kendal's answere.
|915. NORFOLK to HENRY VIII.
|Received yesterday the King's letters of the 8th, declaring his pleasure that the Duke should not repair to his presence. Begs the King not to be displeased with his frequent solicitations, as he has urgent occasions, first to get money, not having enough to maintain him for one month, and if he had got leave to come up, would have sold lands or borrowed from friends. 2. That his disease continues sore, and his flesh diminishes in the body, arms and legs, so that he fears he shall not live long. If it were drawing towards winter instead of summer, thinks he could not recover. Has also other great affairs this term which he need not write but will "confirm" his poor body which would do much service if his power were equal to his will. Durham, 12 April. Signed.
|Pp. 2. Add. Endd.
|916. NORFOLK to the COUNCIL.
|In answer to their letter of the 8th on the same subject. Wrote to them from Scarborough 14 March, referring to former letters and to the report of Sir Ant. Browne and others, and hoped they had been content therewith; but as the King wishes him to write his opinion as briefly as he can, thinks a nobleman most convenient to have the rule on the East and Middle Marches. Cannot name a third nobleman as they desire, as he knows none in these parts and they know best those of the South. Says the same as to the West Marches. As to the "bultyng" out of the acquittal of Levenyng, and sending up of the names, and the remitting to Norfolk's discretion of what sort the persons named should be sent up; cannot do it before Saturday or Sunday come se'nnight. Refers to his letter to the King. At Newcastle took order with Tyndale and will have their pledges with him to Sheriffhutton. Expects the like of Riddesdale to night, but they will know details by Sir Thos. Tempest, who will bring up prisoners. Durham, 12 April. Signed.
|P. 1. Add. Endd.
|917. NORFOLK to CROMWELL.
|I desire you to be content with the shorter letter because I have written to the King in several letters, one for my excuse of "affectionablie" desiring licence to come up, another of affairs here, and another to you and the Council in answer to yours of the 8th inst. Will send up Rous, treasurer of his house, with the persons indicated by the King and Cromwell. Thinks they will be with Cromwell on Saturday come se'nnight. Hopes by that time to accomplish the rest of what he is commanded. Begs no credit be given to reports against him till the truth be known, and that Cromwell will be his buckler against Cawndishe and such others as would pluck his inheritance from him. At Newcastle before he knew of Sir Robert Constable's attachment, heard of "certain lewd words that he should speak," which he caused Uvedale to write and subscribe. Begs that the people be not driven to despair by attachment without very evident matter till Sir Thomas Tempest bring up the prisoners. Durham, 12 April. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.: All the letters that came from my lord of Norfolk at the sending up of the prisoners.
|918. NORFOLK to HENRY VIII.
|On Tuesday I came from Newcastle to this town, and yesterday sat upon execution of offenders by me before committed to prison. Yesterday were cast John Follansbye, gentleman, Henry Brasse and Hutton of Snathe. Against Hutton no matter could be found in Yorkshire to condemn him upon, nor would have been here unless great diligence and circumspection had been used. Who have deserved thanks herein, the bringers of Sir John Bulmer can show, who cannot be with you before Sunday come sevennight. This day we have sat upon further execution, and 13 persons, named in a schedule enclosed, have been cast. They shall be hanged in chains near their dwellings. This done, and restitution made to those who were spoiled, I think no one now alive shall live to see like attempts, the people being in such fear. Would be glad to hear of the King's pardon being sent with such exceptions as he has written before; unless the King come to York, in which case it had better be deferred till then. Thinks the King's repair to York this summer would be very expedient, considering the great number of active people here that never saw him and the probable return shortly "of your scant kind nephew into his prowde popelous realm," though he need not remain more than six or eight days. If any man think it dangerous for him to come without a great company, let him come hither and see the state of the country. The mere sight of the King's person would establish these North parts for ever, nor will there be any lack of victuals "after the fashion of the country" or horsemeat if he come not before the 20th July. Is doing his best to apprehend offenders. As to the order to send Sir George Lawson to Berwick for the victualling thereof and to send to my lord of Cumberland for the castle of Carlisle, Lawson is already gone to London. Will send to my lord of Cumberland. Carlisle is not tenable against a prince's power unless it be defended with men's hands: at least 5,000 men more than the inhabitants are wanted. Sir Chr. Morres can explain the state of that town and castle. Durham, 12 April. Signed.
|Pp. 3. Add. Endd.
|ii. The schedule above referred to, containing the names of John Follansbye, Thos. Hutton, Hen. Brasse, Mich. Swayne, John Hall, Thos. Blunt, Wm. Sumrthwayte, Leonard Atkynson, Dionesse Hedleye, Roland Stobbes, Hen. Hyndmers, Chr. Sourbye, John Conyers, Nic. Pykering, Jas. Hunter, Chr. Newton.
|Below in Norfolk's hand. Not one acquit.
|919. NORFOLK to [CROMWELL].
|I beg you will ask the King to make none but yourself privy to the contents hereof. I think it very necessary to have a nobleman as warden of the East and Middle Marches, and I consider my lord of Rutland most meet, as he is kin to all the gentlemen of Northumberland.
|He is also a man that will hear counsel, and is allied to my lord of Westmoreland. If war should come, it is perilous for a hasty heady man to have the rule of such people, for the Scots can train men to "imbushments" as well as any men living. Next to Rutland, my lord of Westmoreland is best for that office. I have enquired both of him and his wife why he refused it, I find it was for these reasons:—(1.) Because at this rebellion, his own servants refused to serve the King; for which he finds fault with one and other of them daily, dismissing them from his service, as he has done the steward of his house. (2.) That he cannot trust Robert Bows, a man of great wit and much esteem in these parts, among his allies and friends, who he thinks would be too strong for him in any new business. (3.) That he feared Sir Reynold Carnaby was so much hated by the people that he might be put to some rebuke for defending him. He has good grounds for the first reason. As to the second, Bows is not only very much esteemed but is a wise hardy man and dare well enterprise a great matter. He has not a fellow in these parts, either for war or peace, and it would be well that the King gave him such a living as would encourage him to good service. Though I dare not speak assuredly of a man so lately reconciled, yet if he may be assured he may be very useful. As to the West Marches, though no man can serve the King better than Lord Dacre, yet as he was so late at the bar and paid a great fine, it would not be expedient to put him thereunto, else men might say a quarrel was picked to him to get his money and that had, he was put again in office. I think Sir Thomas Wharton will never serve the King well as warden; so that my lord of Cumberland is most meet, but he must be brought to change his conditions and not be so greedy to get money of his tenants. I think the king of Scots will attempt nothing against this realm unless the French King be occasioner thereof, and how ye may trust him ye know better than I. Branspath, 12 April.
|Hol., pp. 3. Endd.
|920. SIR THOMAS DENYS to CROMWELL.
|Recommends the bearer, the poor abbot of Neuham, Devon, who, as it does not appear to have been done by the King's or Cromwell's commandment, has been ungently handled. He is a good religious man, sees his convent well ordered, and keeps good hospitality. Is chief steward of his lands. The house has been brought in debt by reason of the abbot of Forde. 12 April.
|Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|921. JOHN BASSET to LADY LISLE.
|Intends with her leave to ride this summer to Mr. Norton and so to Soberton. Desires to have a gelding, and then his servant shall have his nag. Thanks her for sending him by Hussey, a crown of 5s. Lincoln's Inn, 12 April.
|Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lady Lisle at Calais.
|922. JEHAN DES GARDINS, Priest, to LADY LISLE.
|Your son Master George is well, and makes great progress in his grammar and in reading French. He is very obedient and diligent. The trumpet of Calais was at our house on Monday to see your son, and said he was charged by your husband to bid me take good care of him. I will take as good care of him as of myself. 12 April.
|Hol. Fr., p. 1. Add.
Add. M.S. 8715 f. 357 b. B. M.
|923. FAENZA to AMBROGIO.
|The abbot of the king of Scotland whom I found in camp, (at whose return to Rouen, which was to be within six days, the Scotch King would proceed to embark) told me he was commissioned by his King to say that the censures had already arrived in England in the hands of the malcontents and that, upon his arrival in Scotland, he would send a man in post to inform me how they had been published. He shows an infinite thirst to serve his Holiness, and I on my part promise that his Holiness will recompense his services. I see they have no small wish to pick a quarrel with that King (of England) and he tells me he is determined to bring over a certain person on their borders to the obedience of his Holiness; and that although the English report that those disturbances are appeased, it is not so, for the people are more than ever irritated (alterati) because the King has observed none of his promises and has moreover put many of them (the people) to death; so that if they again rise, as they certainly will, there is no help for that King, who continues going from bad to worse in his blindness. He confirmed also what the French King and Grand Master told us they heard from England about the legate, that impious King not being ashamed to make extreme instance to the French King to deliver the legate into his hands. As it is now clear that such confirmed impiety is hopeless, I will only remind his Holiness that it would be well to have a nuncio in Scotland because of its proximity and hostile neutrality to England and the piety and ardor of the King. I should think the general of the Servites very suitable, as he already knows the humour and is in the confidence (opinio) of the Scots and devoted to the service of his Holiness. He could entertain this abbot, whom one may call the King himself: because if they embarked openly in war with the king of England to avenge the Church it would be well to create him cardinal and legate in that kingdom and cause; for, being a man of heart and in such authority with his King, he could do much, and it would seem as if his Holiness were making the enterprise to the great reputation of the Holy See in all time. Although I know his Holiness would rather hear what the Legate has done here at his first coming (who I do not think could pass into Scotland with the King, having England so openly against them, and the Scots not wishing it to be known that the censures are published by their means, although they have the good will), I have humbly offered my opinion, so as to give more time to deliberate what personage shall be sent, if his Holiness should think the advice good; because for an affair of such importance he must be a man of experience.
|Italian. Modern copy, pp. 4. Headed D'Amiens, li 12 Aprile 1537.
St. P. VII. 676.
|924. HUTTON to HENRY VIII.
|On Monday after leaving your Majesty, being the 8th [9th] April, I arrived at Brussels. Signified my arrival to the Regent and was appointed an audience at 4 o'clock. Was brought to her chamber by M. de Lekirke and delivered your letter of credence. Before opening it she asked after you, the Queen and my lady Mary, and said she was glad you had admitted me as your agent. I then told her secondly that I had reported our conferences to the King, who was glad of her good inclination towards amity. She replied in a like spirit, declaring how long the amity of Burgundy and England had continued and she had no doubt, though you were so friendly to France, that you would aid the Emperor against the Turk. She then paused, saying "Vous saveis que je veulx dire." I then explained, thirdly, that the ships you had ordered to sea were on account of the complaints made by his subjects that they were robbed by ships of war from these parts; that the Fleming, calling himself the Admiral of Scluse, whom they had arrested, was accused of piracy with his companions, but you had committed him to the Emperor's ambassador to be examined in his presence. She replied that if it could be proved, even though you spared him, she would have him punished if he came into these parts. I demanded restoration of the ship laden with brassell taken from Southampton, not for its value but as it touched your honor. She said it should be at once moved in Council. 5. Thanked her for the licence to procure habiliments of war for the King in High Dutchland. 6. As to cardinal Pole, as I hear his commission extends only to France, I thought it not expedient to move till further instructions.
|There is daily preparation here of men of war. The Grave of Bewre is appointed captain general and makes great diligence towards Picardy, and it is said he shall have "fenisshid" within these three days 40,000 men, when he will give the French King battle. He told me the same and wished he had 10,000 of your Grace's archers. Two commissioners of Gueldres have been here, but nothing has been concluded with them, and Geo. Kyng, governor of Friesland, will go back with them. The Turks have made great spoils and murders in Sclavonia and taken Disque; yet their army royal had not left Constantinople on 28 March. The Venetians made Jeromino de Pissero their captain general, 26 March. Brussels, 12 April.
|Hol. Add. Endd. by Wriothesley.
Cott. Appx. xxviii., f. 45. B. M.
|925. SILKS AND VELVETS.
|Paper endorsed "a book of the remainder of silks and velvets", detailing numerous pieces of velvet, damask, &c., the first of which is marked as bought of William Locke, 13 April, 28 Hen. VIII.
|926. THOS. KNYGHT to WRIOTHESLEY.
|I wrote on Sunday last of the importunate motion of Mr. Warden, (fn. 7) and that he brought the matter to this pass that if I would not refuse or contemn the proctor's office, I might obtain it, and I desired to know your further counsel. Next day I was called home by urgent letters from my friends, and the thing would suffer no delay, for the change would be on the following Wednesday, though Mr. Warden had otherwise informed me. Nothing stayed me but your advice that I should not desire the administration of so dangerous an office, but when I remembered "ye warned not me [not] to take the office," so it came communi consilio et præter expectationem, I thought it would not mislike you if I went to Oxford to see how the matter stood, and so came hither on Tuesday at 3 p.m. The rest of the day I spent in communication with my friends of the election of new proctors, and found them more ready to set me forward than I was to take it, and so on Wednesday morning I was elected with the peaceable consent and agreement of all who had to meddle in the case, which has not been seen for many years. No man reclaimed against me but every man rejoiced and wondered to see the others' readiness to further my part. I am much comforted to see the universal benevolence of such a multitude towards me, but I cannot be glad till I know that you allow my boldness in taking this office. I will give it up to please you. Do not neglect one whom you deigned to love as a private man, when he holds a public office, and has more need than ever of your assistance. Oxford, 13 April.
|Hol., pp. 2. Add.: At the Roulles.
|927. SIR JOHN GAGE and JOHN LEDYS to CROMWELL.
|Deposition of Ric. Shawe, examined 13 April, 28 Hen. VIII., before the writers, justices in co. Sussex, viz.:—That on Monday after Palm Sunday last at Newicke, John Alyn said in presence of Nic. Duxebury and five other witnesses (named) that he could not judge how the King should be Pope and have power to licence people to eat butter, cheese, and milk in Lent; adding that if he should speak these words in some company he should be fetched up before the Council.
|Nic. Duxebury and Thos Sholder depose that they were present, but heard no such words. Alyn himself denies speaking them. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Cromwell and lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|928. SIR E. CROFT to CROMWELL.
|As Cromwell has long been his good lord, ventures to write his grief, as he is aged and unable to wait upon him. The King has given him the receivership of the earldom of March, in cos. Worc., Heref., Salop, and these Marches, in as ample manner as his father, one of his privileges being to have two fee-deer, one in summer and one in winter, out of all the forests within his office, which privilege he has had without let or contradiction till now it has been refused by his cousin Geo. Blount, keeper of the King's forest of Wyre. The matter was examined by my lord President in his cousin's presence and decided in the writer's favour. Begs Cromwell to move the King in his behalf, as the flesh of a red deer is much "restorite" to him in his age. Wigmore, 13 April. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Cromwell, lord Privy Seal.
|929. SIR BRIAN HASTYNGS to CROMWELL.
|I beg that the house of nuns of Hampole, who are near neighbours of mine and of good fame may not be suppressed. They have not yet their confirmation for that, being unable to sue for it. You will remember when I was with you in London, the King gave me the parsonage of Campsall and I have the King's bill signed for it and also the privy seal, but the Chancellor of the Augmentations will not suffer it to pass the seal, for what cause I know not. Stristhorpe, 13 April. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.
|930. BORDER FORTRESSES.
|"Fortresses to be repaired and furnished on the frontures and on the borders ":—Carlisle, Bewcastle, Warke or some other fortress in Tynedale, Harbottell, Warke on Tweed, Berwick, Bamborough, Alnwick, the castle at Newcastle upon [Tyne], Scarborough.
|"Fortresses to be repaired for the rule within the land and to receive the K[ing] in person when his pleasure [shall be] ":—Pomfret, Sheriffhutton, Knaresborough, Middleham, Barney Castle, Sandall.
|Castles and houses "of repayre":—Tickhill, Connysborugh, Wresyll, Pykeryng, Richmond, Wilton, Prudhowe, Warkworth, Perethe, Cockermouth, Dunstonborugh.
|P. 1. Endd.: " ... North, the 13th of April."
Add. MS. 8715, f. 359 B.M.
|931. FAENZA to AMBROGIO.
|I have spoken more plainly than ever with the abbot of Scotland, who is in this town and tomorrow goes to his King. He says he has been in the camp to inform the King that his King had news that many great lords, subjects of the King of England, were seeking to put themselves under his (James') protection and to ask counsel of the French King, as of his father, what to do; who had replied that he thought it well to entertain them, but to consider for some time before acting. I think this [advice] is prompted by the suspicion that the Emperor may draw that King to his side by making the marriage of the legitimate daughter with the Infant of Portugal, of which there is much talk. The abbot says that when the time declared in the censures, which by this time ought to be published, is elapsed, his King will not only do this but every thing else for the service of God and the Holy See. As this is one of the things which his Holiness should desire as a commencement, I have made every effort to persuade him to enter boldly on it, and he seems to recognise that besides the service of God there will be in it both honour and advantage to his master. I declared that if his Holiness heard that his King showed himself the avenger of the impiety used so long against him, he would honour him (the King) the more, and the abbot, too, and, to be plain, I was sure his Holiness would declare him cardinal, and honour him as his virtues deserved. In the end he promised to do all he knew to serve his Holiness, and asked me for a cipher, and said it would be well to have a nuncio with them; and on my mentioning the general of the Servites he said he would prefer him to any other; so that I think God is opening a way to the honour and contentment of his Holiness, who should therefore find it easy to make this man a cardinal, who will always be a distinguished member. This abbot is certain the French will shortly be compelled to show themselves against that King (England), because he will desert them and join the Emperor, who, however (and every Christian Prince), ought to refrain from favouring him, seeing what his Holiness has declared him to be.
|P.S.—I hear that this ribald Winchester has done against the Legate those offices which one can expect from devils and not from men, and has spoken so high that he has put the French in fear of losing the King of England on this account. The Legate made his solemn entry into Paris on the 10th, and immediately afterwards the gentleman sent by the King came to tell him what England was seeking. He will therefore go softly towards Cambray and I shall meet him at some place on the way, whilst Verona will go to the King, whom I expect here in two days.
|This morning, the 13th, the castle of Hédin surrendered.
|Italian. Modern copy, pp. 3. Headed: D'Amiens li 13 Aprile 1537.
|932. EDWARD WATUR to the ABBOT OF STRAYTE FLERE.
|Thanks him for the good cheer he made him at Strayte Flere. Edw. Bewte of Lydlow has made great suit to Master Chancellor and others in the name of all the country for the picture of Cumhere which the auditor and I delivered to your monk Sir John, and they would fain have it again. Told Bewte that we were content that you should have it for your money, and if the country can get your good will, I shall be content with what you do. If you will deliver the picture again, they will build a chapel for the maintaining of God's service. London, 14 April 1537.
|Hol., p. 1. Add.
|933. SIR JOHN GAGE to CROMWELL.
|This day my brother Parker sent me a young fellow newly come out of France, who brings with him 18 letters. I send him to you by the bearer. On leaving England he let no man know he meant to go further than Calais, and what moved him to go to Paris I know not. He says he was robbed by the way of 20 marks and a gelding, yet proceeded on his journey. Firlez, 14 April. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Cromwell and lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|934. CHARLES WYNGFELDE to CROMWELL.
|The vicar of Kimbolton has so well acquitted himself every holiday in setting forth God's Word as commanded that the old opinions of his "parisshens" were well nigh suppressed. But on Palm Sunday last Harry Cleipulle brought letters under the King's broad seal to gather for the relief and sustentation of the house of St. Anthony's in London, and after declaration of the same to the people opened to them a cross and certain hallowed bells, so that they thinking the King content therewith, on hands and knees offered to the said cross and bought of his bells to preserve their cattle. As this makes the people scorn the sermons they have heard, has detained him here and sends his letters, cross, and bells by bearer, desiring further instructions. Kimbolton, 14 April.
|Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Cromwell, lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|935. SIR THOMAS WHARTON to CROMWELL.
|Has sent his brother to inform Cromwell of the news of these parts. Dr. Adeson by his preaching has set forth the laws of God to the King's honour and the people give such faith to him "as no doubt resteth to all their comforts." Sends a poor token. Carlisle, 14 April. Signed.
|P. 1. Add: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|936. WM. LORD SANDYS to LORD LISLE.
|I thank you for your kindness in continually informing me of news, which I can in no wise requite, but will if anything happens. Commend me to my lady. Guisnes, 14 April. Signed.
|P. 1. Add. Endd.
|937. ADRIEN DE CROY [COUNT DE RŒUX] to the CAPTAIN OF GUISNES.
|Has received his letter and would be glad to supply him with horses from Flanders, but he is not governor of Flanders and it is against the express orders of the Emperor. Bettune, 14 April.
|Hol., Fr., p. 1. Add.
R. O. St. P., v. 74.
|938. QUEEN MARGARET OF SCOTLAND to HENRY VIII.
|Thinks, as she has had no answer to her writings sent by Henry's servant Mr. Sadlare, that Henry has forgotten her. Begs consideration of her suits. It is said the King her son's servant John Tennand was not well received in England. Begs to know the truth; for the King her son writes to her that he will be here shortly. "Written of Edinburgh under oure signete yis xiiij. day of Aprile 1537."
|Begs favour for bearer who is going to the King her son.
|Modern copy, p. 1.
Add. MS. 25,114, f. 257. B.M.
|939. HENRY VIII. to GARDINER and SIR FRANCIS BRIAN.
|Has received their sundry letters by Francisco and by Gardiner's servant Massy, relating the arrival of Pole at Paris, his solemn reception and departure, the stay of Bryan with the French King, and Gardiner's advice about spreading a report of aid to be given to the Emperor against the French. Wonders that Brian (seeing he was sent to the French King, and not to my Lord of Winchester, although he was to communicate his instructions to him) did not repair immediately to the camp, and visit Francis. His presence might have quickened "our good brother" against Pole, and he could then have reported if Pole had any secret access to the King's presence. His absence has hindered all the purpose for which he was sent. Desires him, though it be somewhat to his pain, to see Francis once a day, if he stir abroad. As Francis told Gardiner in his last conference that he would by no means suffer Pole to have any honour in his realm, they are both immediately to repair to his presence, or Bryan alone, if Gardiner is too unwell, and tell the French King Henry has been much surprised to hear of the pompous receiving of Pole into Paris, especially as Francis had informed the King by Tyndeville, bailly of Troys, of Pole's traitorous purposes. Does not approve of the proposal to spread a report of aid to be given to the Emperor. If Henry were from time to time to aid the Prince invaded he would never be out of war. Desires them to enquire by all means into the mystery of Pole's sudden departure from Paris, and to have good spial upon him wherever he be if he remain on this side the mountains. The French ambassador has this day been with the King, and stated that when Gardiner delivered to Francis Henry's letters for Pole's apprehension, he said he would be satisfied if he were driven out of France. As this is directly contrary to Gardiner's own report, who said he told the French King he had no commision to demand him after any other sort than according to the treaty, Gardiner is to repeat that communication to Francis and tell him how wrongly he has been reported, and to demand of Francis to make his purgation of that matter, that he may not incur the King's displeasure. Westminster, 15 April, 28 Hen. VIII. Signed and sealed.
|Pp. 4. Add.: To the Bp. of Winchester and Sir Francis Brian, our ambassador resident in France. Endd.
R. O. St. P. VII. 680.
|940. HENRY VIII. to HUTTON.
|As Pole has now arrived at Paris, Hutton is at once, without waiting for advice from the bp. of Winchester, to deliver the letters to the Regent to stay his entry into the Emperor's dominions, and insist on their observance of treaties. If he be entered already, he must press for a monition to him to avoid within the time limited by the treaties, and keep good espial as he goes from place to place what entertainment he has, and who resorts to him.
|Draft in Wriothesley's hand. Endd.: Minute of Mr. Hutton's letter xvo Aprilis Anno r.r. H. VIII. xxviijo.
|2. Extract from the preceding in a modern hand.
|941. SIR JOHN GAGE to [CROMWELL].
|Sends an examination concerning seditious words spoken by John Alyn, limeburner at Newick, on Monday after Palm Sunday. Upon information given him by Ric. Shaw, late of Bryghelmeston, mariner, on Thursday the 5th inst. he had the parties examined before the justices at Lewes. Has not sent up the persons as Shaw is a man of no good behaviour, and Nic. Duxebury and Thos. Sholder contradict him, but only bound them to appear. Reminds him of the bill he delivered to his lordship on last serving him. Firle, 15 April. Signed.
|942. NORFOLK to CROMWELL.
|On coming hither yesternight, delivered the King's letters to Dalaryvers for his coming up, and he is gone this morning. Begs he may be honestly, handled, as he has been diligent in promoting quiet. Besides, he was the man on the inquest upon Levenyng who most desired his condemnation. Sheriff Hutton, 15 April.
|Had such confidence in him and Sir Henry Gascoigne that he put them in the inquest, although they were not named by the sheriff. Signed.
|P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal.
|943. NORFOLK to CROMWELL.
|I beg you to give credence to Ant. Rowse, treasurer of my house. When you have heard him you will agree that I had good cause to desire licence to come and speak with the King. 15 April, 11 p.m.
|Hol., p. 1. Sealed. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|944. DARCY AND ASKE.
|"Interrogatories as ... [whereupon] to examy[n the lord Darcy and] Robert Aske.
|Item, how "the said Lord Darcy did know [that Thomas Fitzgerald] yn his rebellion did offer to yel[d himself unto the] Duke of Ruchemond if he would ress[eive him]. (fn. 8) Item, wherefor the lord Darcy did not yield h[im] ... to the lord Steward." Item, how Darcy knew the soldiers of the Duke of Norfolk and lord Steward would join him at Doncaster against them? Item, Darcy said to the herald "the King or none other alive shall make me do an unlawful act as to strike off your head and send it him in a sack." Md. to enquire what he meant. Item, whether Darcy ever promised to join Robert Aske in the insurrection? Item, whether Darcy knows of any letter from the parts next Scotland to Aske in the insurrection promising him 30,000 men and a month's wages? Item, if so, who brought it, and from whom? Md to examine Aske on these two articles.
|"Item, w]hether any letters were sent from the South parts ... of this realm [to Robe]rt Aske during the insurrection [yea or n]ay, [Md. if] there were letters sent to him from [the South] parts of this realm then [to k]nowe what persons sent the said letters, and what was the contents thereof." Item, what communications had Darcy and Aske at Xmas when Aske departed to the King? Item, how many servants Aske brought with him towards London at Xmas last? Item, whether he left any of them by the way? Item, if so, why? Item, how many servants Aske brought to London at Xmas last, and where did they lie in London? Item, if they lay in several places, why so, and not in one place?
|In Ric. Pollard's hand, pp. 2. Slightly mutilated. Endd.: Interrogatories to examine Aske the traitor on.
|2 A similar set of interrogatories in the same hand, endorsed:—" Interogatories to be ministered [to] the lord Dar[cy] and Robert Aske."
|"[How the said Darcy did know that Thomas Fitzgerald in] hys reb[ellion] whuld have yeldyn hymselff [to] the duke of Ruchemond, ... but for that he was not suer of hys pardon the said duke whuld not resseve ... ay.
|"[What] lord Darcy ment by declaryng of the said mater to the said harewold of armys. (fn. 9)
|"[How the said] lord Darcy did know that Thomas Fitzgarrard dyd submytt hymselff to the [duke of Ruchemond] as afore ys wrytyn.
|"[Whether the said lord Darcy spake] to the said harewold of armys thes wordes foloyng. 'My felowe I spake [to my lord Shrewsbury these words: Talbot, hold] up they longe clee and [promys me] that I shall h[ave] the Kynges favour, [and shall be indifferently heard, and I will come] to Dancaster to y[ou] ... and then [the Earl of Shrewsbury said, Well, Da]rcy, then ye shall not come yet,' ye or nay.
|"[What the said] lord Darcy ment by thes wordes next afore wrytyn.
|"[Whether the said] lord Darcy dyd also shew and declare to the said harewold of armys thes wordes [following 'If I had] thoght ony treason I myght have foughten with the duke of Norffolk and the [lord Steward on the ot]her syde of. Dancaster with ther own men, and brought never a man of our host [with me] . .'
|"... d of these words next afore wrytyn.
|"[Whether he said to the] said harewold these wordes foloyng, that ['the King nor none other alive shall make me do any unlawful] acte, to streke of your hed and to se[nd] hyt hym yn a sak; which [thing might be a] rebuke to me and to my heires for ever,' ye or nay.
|"[What the said] lord Darcy meant by thes wordes next afore wrytyn, and to what intent he said them.
|"[Whether the said] lord Darcy dyd sae to the said harewold of armys thes wordes foloyng: 'He that [promiseth to be true to] one and dessevyth hym may be callyd a treator, which shall never be said yn me, [for what is a man] but hys promys,' ye or nay?
|"[What the said lord Darcy] ment by thes wordes next afore wrytyn.
|"... d made and with whom.
|"[Whether he sai]d thes wordes foloyng to the said harewold of armys, that a letter [was sent to the said Aske]owt of the North parties neer to S[cotland wherein was written] 'that he shuld not shyrnk [in that business and they] shuld send hym 30,000 men with a moneth wayges yn ther purces, and when [that was spen]t]hey whuld send an other moneth wayges, and the thyrd yf neade shuld be,' ye or nay.
|"[Whether he kne]we who brought the said letter to the capyten.
|"[What] person or persons send the same letter to the capyten.
|"[Whether the said] capyten had ony men from thos said parties, ye or nay.
|"[Whether the said lord D]arcy dyd sae thes wordes foloyng to the said harewold of armys. 'I pray [you have me commende]d to my lord of Suff., and shew hym that I pray God the Kyng have [not as much need to] take heade neyer hoame as here, for and he shawe (saw) the letters that commyth dayly [to our] capyten from all partes of thys reyalme he whuld mervell,' ye or nay.
|"[Whether he knew] what person or persons send suche letters to the capyten.
|"Also to know the contentes of the said letters send to the said capyten.
|"[Whether Robert As]ke whas with the lord Darcy at Crystysmas when he toke hys jurnae ... ., ye or nay.
|"Whether the said Aske declaryd to the lord Darcy that the Kynges grace had send for hym [at] Crystysmas, ye or nay.
|"[What] communycacion whas betewuxt the lord Darcy and Robert Aske at Crystysmas [last pa]st when he toke hys jurney to London.
|"[What number] of servantes the said Aske toke with hym owt of the North partes at Crystysmas [when he toke hys] jurney to London.
|"[Whether the said] Aske left ony of hys servantes by hend hym yn ony place yn hys jurney [to London], ye or nay.
|"[Item] to knowe for what purpose or intent he left hys servantes by the way and by [whose] counsell he did hyt.
|"[Item] how many servantes he brought with hym to London at Crystymas last past, and wher and yn [whose house they di]d loge in London.
|"[Item] if they did lo]ge in severall places yn London, then to knowe to what intent they dyd so."
|Paper roll of two leaves in Ric. Pollard's hand. Mutilated. Endd.
|945. ASKE'S EXAMINATION, continued. (fn. 10)
|"Robert Aske eftsoons examined the 15th of April 1537 before Mr. Leighton, Mr. Legh, and Mr. Lieutenant."
|[39. To this he desires leisure to answer]. (fn. 11) 48. Thinks in his conscience he heard Darcy say in the time of the insurrection that he would be none heretic. 49. It was not touching the King's title of supremacy, to his remembrance, but referring to the new preaching of certain new bps., and the division in learning, that he said so. 50. No. 56. Thinks Darcy might have kept the castle longer than he did, although this ext. was assured that the serving men within the castle favoured him and his party. 65. Swore none but the gentlemen, and they took their oath very willingly when they were once taken and brought in. He himself offered them that oath voluntarily. 67. No man there was hurt or wounded, to his knowledge, for refusing the oath, and no other violence was offered to them but that they should lose their goods if they came not in on 24 hours' warning. 68. When he was sworn by Huddyswell in Lincolnshire he alleged that he was already sworn to the KingHuddyswell said that he should swear there again or die, and no man should escape that way. He then took his oath to be true to God, the King, and the common wealth. He himself made and devised the oath in Yorkshire, without any other man's advice, at York, and the reason he put it in writing was to swear the gentlemen by it, and that part of the commons' petitions might appear in the same. 69. Thinks he was and is more bound to observe his oath to the King. 70. He strove to observe the said unlawful oath, and to get in as many men as he could, because he was in danger. 71. (Blank.) 74. It was his intent, and all others' that were there, to his belief, for he heard no man say the contrary. 88, 89, and 90. It was agreed among them all in council at York that the abp. of York should call his clerks together to consult of certain articles. Who was the first motioner of that he cannot certainly tell, but thinks it was either Sir Thomas Tempest, Robert Bowes, Bapthorp, Challoner, or himself.
|91 and 92. They wished for the clergy's opinions on articles touching the Faith that they might make their articles to the lords at Doncaster certain, and for no other cause. 93. If the clergy declared their minds contrary to the laws of God it was a double iniquity. 94 and 95. They thought the clergy would certainly have shown their minds according to their conscience, and no violence in the world was offered to them to do the contrary. 96. The abp. of York can best specify the names of the doctors 97. They made no direct answer to the articles delivered to them by this examinate, to his remembrance, but made their book upon other points either invented by themselves or exhibited by others to them; whereof he desireth them to be examined. 100 and 101. Lord Latomer first moved this ext. and others to inquire that point of the clergy in order that, if they had declared it lawful, and if the next meeting at Doncaster had not been agreed to, they might declare to the people the determination of the clergy that it was lawful for them to fight, in the cases specified, against their prince. 103. No, but that they might determine it according to their conscience. 104 and 105. No man procured them, but he thinks the spiritual men were willing enough to declare their minds, as they did in the points they answered to. But in that point, whether subjects might fight against their Prince, he thinks they were not willing, because they made no answer. 106. Conversed with no spiritual man privately on that question, for it was never spoken of till the night or the day before he went to meet my lord of Norfolk, so he had no time.
|Pp. 4, in Ap Rice's hand.
|2. Further interrogatories.
|"Item, where, when, and upon what occasion was the said Aske made captain first amongst the commons in Yorkshire?" [This item is struck out]. [107.] Whether he bade not them of Holden not stir till he returned to them again the first time he came thither from the insurrection of Lincolnshire. [108.] Whether he did not consult with any private person there and showed him why he bade them so, and what was his communication with the same. [109.] Whether they of Holden did indeed stay themselves till they heard from him again. [110.] In what towns and places was he till he returned to Holden, and with whom he spake there, and what, and to what towns and places he sent, and with what message or letters. [111.] Whether they of Holden as soon as "ye" returned again, did not rise. [112.] Whether all the towns ye had been at before or sent to did not rise incontinently thereupon before all other places in Yorkshire. [113.] (First item repeated.) [114.] What evidence he had given of fidelity towards the commons that they should trust him so much, or how had he persuaded them to make him captain? [115.] How he was chosen grand captain over all; whether because he was the beginner of the commotion or because they saw him much in earnest upon the matter. That he be re-examined upon articles 5, 66, 71, 72, and 73, for he has made no answer to them yet.
|In Ap Rice's hand, pp. 2. The numbers of these items are supplied from Aske's answers.
|3. The same continued.
|[116.] "Item, what reasons be those that might be made concerning the King succ. by last will not necessary to be opened as he saith but in Parliament."
|[117.] "Whether my lord Darcy, after the castle was won, lying in the same every night, and knowing the King's army to be then at hand mought not have recovered the castle again and kept the same for a season till the King's army might come to rescue him." [118.] What special counsel "gave the lord Darcy" for the defence or furniture of the commons. What special policy Sir Robt. Constable brought in, and what every notable man brought in. [119.] What policies were devised for passage over waters, and what for avoiding the violence of guns, and by whom? [120.] If all things had succeeded according to their intention, what would they have done: first, touching the King's person, and then touching every man of his council, and with the bps., and what further order would they have appointed for the common weal? [121.] For what causes you bore that grudge against the King's counsellors. [122.] If it be that you thought them the causers of making the said statutes, whether ye would not, if you knew the King to be the chief cause of the making of them, bear the same grudge against him?
|In Ap Rice's hand, pp. 2. The numbers are supplied (as far as 119) from Aske's answers.
|4. Further interrogatories.
|1. Where in the answer concerning the act of Uses you said there were more ways to defeat the King of his right than before; what moves you to say so, and what ways be they?
|"2. Where in the answers concerning the Act of the Illegitimacy of my Lady Mary there might many other causes be assigned not necessary to be opened but in Parliament, what causes they be."
|[3.] To declare more specially the names of all persons and places where any writings or letters delivered you or devised in time of the insurrection do now remain, and where that Christopher dwelleth to whom ye have directed your letters and what he is named more.
|P. 1. In Ap Rice's hand.
|946. ROBERT ASKE.
|Depositions in his own hand.
|107. "To that the said Robert (Aske) saith that ... was at Holden to the intent the ... there should not stir to the answers [of the] King's Highness were received touching the petition of them of Lincolnshire." 108. The said Aske says that as far as he remembers he did not consult with any private person for the intent aforesaid. That was after one Davy and other honest men of the same town told him when in bed that Sir Geo. Darcy would take him if he tarried. 109. They were ... or ever he saw them, and at Mr. Meth[am's] house, three miles from Holden. 110. To this he did not answer. 111. They [were up] at Beverley afore they were up at Howden, or he knew of any insurrection in the shire of York. 112. Between [Holden] and his brother's house is but two villages or three at the most, and they all cannot make over 20 persons in harness. They were ready as other the towns were, and not before them. 113, 114, 115. He says that he was never called great captain until he attained the castle of Pomfret, and not before, to his remembrance. It was because he had the most co . . of people, and the other was because he had taken those in the said castle, being in degree far above (?) the said Aske. Was not himself captain till the appointment was first at Doncaster, and that by a letter sent to the duke of Southfolk from Hull touching the delivery of Anthony Myssynden. [117?] What he might have done he knows not, but he knows that if he had so done it would have been death, for his own servants and all other worshipful and gentlemen there would have taken the castle and killed him. Because he tarried but one day behind the vanguard, the commons had him in great jealousy and despair.
|Pp. 2, defaced.
|2. Further depositions in his own hand.
|[116.] * * * to this i[nte]nt that if the same cause were [to] be heard by parliament, then such as were learned and wise men of the parliament house would study for reasons and matters, and declare their minds therein at large, and so he meant it surely and upon his faith and none otherwise, and that they would make their reasons in the form of an oration, which was the manner he meant, were meet to be so opened by parliament, viz., to maintain the matter with chronicles and arguments as the manner is."
|[117.] To this article Aske says that he has answered it before. Lord Darcy might have closed the castle gates and done his best to have kept it, but he could not have kept it for long. Neither his own servants nor any gentlemen there would have kept it for him, and it would have been death to him if he had done so. All were very earnest in that quarrel.
|118. Aske says that they four were together about three or four several times. First, when those of the Bpric. came with the banner of St. Cuthbert to Pomfret with lords Nevill, Latimer, and Lumley, when it was agreed that the banner should be in the vanward, in which band Sir. Robt. Bowes was. The second time that Bowes, Darcy, and Sir Robt. Constable were together was at Hampoll Abbey, on the Wednesday night before the first appointment at Doncaster. Thinks he brought Bowes to Darcy "from the said lords" to know who was that night in "scouchwach," and to consider what was to be done on the morrow, "and how the whole host should * * have given battle to them. Also the same R[obert] Bowes th[en] declared the message of the herald, and what answer that the lords and he had given the said herald." By the agreement of the lords,' Bowes was appointed one of the four who upon pledges went to speak with the duke of Norfolk the same day, and also went with the lords to meet the duke and the other earls near Doncaster. Darcy and Constable were there, but not Aske, so that he cannot tell what any of them said, but it was agreed that Bowes and Sir Ralf Ellerker should go up with Norfolk to declare the griefs of the commons to the King. The lords also proposed that the expenses of Bowes and Ellerker should be paid by a common purse of the lords and knights. From that time neither Aske nor Darcy spoke with Bowes till he came from London again, at Darcy's house at [Temple]hyrst.. Does not know whether Constable was there or not, but thinks not. "And at that time the communication * * * and of the great unkindness his Grace thought in that insurrection of the commons, and of the benignity and goodness of his Majesty towards his subjects, notwithstanding their unkindness," and how after he was moved by new reports of new assemblies. And so they finally showed the King's answer, and that Norfolk and the lord Admiral were coming down to conclude with these countries. Aske then told them that he had appointed a council at York on Monday after, till which time he did not see again either Bowes or Constable. The meeting was for agreement to meet with Norfolk at Doncaster. Aske was not lodged with Bowes and Constable, who were at Sir Geo. Lawson's house. The last time was at the meeting at Pomfret and Doncaster. All their communication was of the order of the meeting at Doncaster: 1. To receive the King's safe conduct; 2, to send the knights and gentlemen to Doncaster to the duke with their petitions, of whom Bowes and Ellerker were two. Bowes was also "at the reading and agreeing of the * * * to his remembrance, was all [the] times and places, and the great of the communication that the said lord Darcy, Sir Robt. Constable, and Robert Bowes and the said Aske had together." Bowes was very favourable in having a good order taken at Doncaster. If he can remember any other cause or matter that they four had together he will be ready to show it. At Templehirst declared to Bowes how the commons had taken Edward Waters and a ship; had besieged Sir Ralf Evers; how the commons of Westmoreland had assembled; how those of Craven and Lancashire had purposed "to have let the earl of Derby to come to Whalley;" how all this was done after their going up to London and before their home coming, and was contrary to the minds of Darcy and Aske; and so they had communication of the condition of the said countries.
|119. To this Aske says "that one Diamond, of W[ake]feld, a poor man, devised the policy for ... going over waters, but there was no such device [for the] ordnance or guns, for that device is found s[ince] the agreement at Doncaster, and surely the said Aske think[eth that] Lech of Lincolnshire was the beginner and deviser th[ereof], for such matter was not spoken of to of late it was so set up by bills of the church doors, and the said Aske * * *
|Pp. 4, mutilated. With two marginal notes by Ap Rice, which, however, are mutilated and illegible.
|3. Further depositions in his own hand.
|* * * [T]o that article t[he said Aske declareth] that ... none otherwise th ... of cl ... men ... [K]endall men and ... the tyme of the commotion Lar ... gh diverse parts ... and shires of this realm ... ther merchandise, and t[he] common report of all that travelled in the So[uth] parts was then that if the North parts would come forwards (fn. 12) that the countries as they came would take their part and join with them," though the said Aske says he never received letter nor special message with any promise of help from the South. The gentlemen of Yorkshire adjoining Lincolnshire (fn. 13) told him that if any power had come into Lincolnshire before the agreement at Doncaster the commons of Lincolnshire would have taken their part. By such reports the said Aske knew the minds of the countries, and none otherwise.
|The paper concludes with a petition to "you all" (his judges) to move the lord Privy Seal that Mr. [Lieu]tenant may discharge his commons to his hostess. Wishes to know whether he may send for his rents or fees, without which he cannot live, for none of his friends will do anything for him. Needs also a pair of hose, a fustian doublet, a shirt (for he has but one here), and a pair of shoes.
|Pp. 2, mutilated.
|947. JOHN HUSEE to LORD LISLE.
|Received his letters with the certificate from the Friars of Calais, for half the masses for the late duke of Richmond's soul. As the seal is injured by the carriage, must have a new one. Has yet heard no answer from the warden of the Grey Friars of Reading, but expects he will shortly send the certificate for the other half of the masses, which shall be delivered to the register of the Garter. Mr. Sadler will spy a time to speak to the King for the forest. My lord Privy Seal told Popley that unless you have a dispensation from my lord of Canterbury for the benefice of Hertyng, &c., it would not help you; but if you can procure a capacity you shall have as good as any of these for Mr. James. Hore gives me small comfort. Sends a letter from Wriothesley. My lord Privy Seal says he remembers you oftener than his fingers or toes. I would God would once put in his mind to despatch me. Lord Hussy, Darcy, Aske, and others, are in the Tower, and will have short despatch. London, 15 April.
|Hol., p. 1. Add.
|948. JOHN HUSEE to LADY LISLE.
|I received your letter of Francis the post. As to Mrs. Katharine's preferment to the duchess of Suffolk, Mr. Coffyn is now sick, "but when he cometh abroad with him" I will consult about the matter. I hope you have received long ere this the stuff I sent by Goodall. I sent you also 2 doz. sawcer, 1 doz. dishes, and a charger. The old vessel weighed 69 lb., the new 54 lb. The excess of old weight he took at 3d. per lb., and he had a penny for every lb. in exchange. I wrote to ask how much succat, marmalade, and torches you would have, but have got no answer to that or the letter to Thos. Owdall for Mr. Basset's horse. I send a letter from my lady of Sussex and one from Tyldesley of the Wardrobe. Mr. Sadleyr promises to take an opportunity to move the King about the forest, and for your weir when some things are overblown. I shall have cramp-rings for you. God send you a fair son. London, 15 April.
|Hol., p. 1. Add.
Add. MS. 8715, f. 360b. B. M.
|949. FAENZA to AMBROGIO.
|Sends copy of what he wrote the day before yesterday. The Legate ought to reach Cambray to-day. As he went on suddenly and by a way distant from here I could not meet him. Verona, who to-day has been with me, will go towards Hé din, where the French king will still be some days, directing the fortification. Brien has come hither from England, and another gentleman (fn. 14) of that King is going to Spain as ambassador. From Lyons letters of Florentines have come affirming that his Holiness is procuring a relationship with the Emperor in the wife of the late duke Alexander; but I hear that the Grand Master has said brusquely that this cannot be, because the Pope is a worthy man and could not think of such a baseness.
|Italian. Modern copy, p. 1. Headed: D'Amiens, li 15 Aprile 1537.