Henry VIII: August 1541, 11-20

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 16, 1540-1541. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1898.

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'Henry VIII: August 1541, 11-20', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 16, 1540-1541, ed. James Gairdner, R H Brodie( London, 1898), British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol16/pp516-524 [accessed 22 July 2024].

'Henry VIII: August 1541, 11-20', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 16, 1540-1541. Edited by James Gairdner, R H Brodie( London, 1898), British History Online, accessed July 22, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol16/pp516-524.

"Henry VIII: August 1541, 11-20". Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 16, 1540-1541. Ed. James Gairdner, R H Brodie(London, 1898), , British History Online. Web. 22 July 2024. https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol16/pp516-524.


August 1541, 11–20

11 Aug. 1084. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Lincoln, 11 Aug. Present: Norfolk, Suffolk, Privy Seal, Gt. Chamb., Gt. Admiral, Durham, Treasurer, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Chanc. of Augm. Business:—Two several letters written to the earls of Westmoreland and Cumberland, notwithstanding the King's former determination to the contrary, to cause lord Scrope and the gentlemen of Yorkshire appointed by Norfolk to attend upon them to repair to York with their trains to meet the King, as the President and Council in the North shall appoint, and themselves to remain at their houses next the Borders.
11 Aug. 1085. The Council in London to the Council with the King.
R. O.
St. P., i.
On receiving their letters of the 2nd, (fn. 1) invited the Emperor's ambassador to dine with them at Lambeth, the archbishop of Canterbury's house. After dinner the Archbishop declared, almost word for word as in the said letters, how ungently the King was handled in Flanders. The Ambassador said he was sorry such small matters should breed ingratitude; the Emperor's amity was sincere, but the Queen Regent was moved by the continual complaints of her subjects of restraint of victual and other things in England, and of a recent Act here to induce strangers to ship in English bottoms. He had before complained of this Act, and been told by the bp. of Winchester that the King was King and Emperor within his own realm, and might make laws for the commodity of his subjects, and the Emperor might do the like in his; whereupon an edict was put forth on their part. Answered that victuals were always under restraint, but other things might be exported freely under the Act, which was in accordance with the treaties, whereas the edict was repugnant to them. He replied that the effect of the Act was to compel strangers to ship in English bottoms, to the “great decay of their navy,” and read a letter from the Regent, describing conferences between the King's ambassador and her commissioners, Arscott, Skipperus, and Score. He then wished that there might be a new treaty of intercourse, as the old had been pronounced void at Burborough by Hackett and Dr. Knyght, now bp. of Bath. Answered that the treaty of intercourse remained in force, as affirmed by Grandevele's words to the bp. of Winchester. He said he thought Grandevele referred only to the treaty of amity, but it was expedient to have a new treaty to clear up all doubts. The earl of Hertford, to break off this matter, asked him to consider how unfriendly the restraint seemed, and trusted the King's matter would not be compared with that of merchants. He answered that he had already appointed a servant to go to the Regent for the redress of the matter, but his servant had fallen sick; he would forthwith send. He seemed sorry that this had arisen, and anxious to preserve the amity between the King and the Emperor. He then took leave without speaking of the king of Romans' suit for aid against the Turk.
Give their opinion on the three points propounded to them, touching the giving of lands to the Irish, concluding in favour of so doing. The passing of those grants was concluded in the whole Council, and certified into Ireland, when Tirlough Othole was here, who had a promise of like grant made to him by the Council. If any further promise has been made by the Council in Ireland to any other wild Irish, it must be considered what might follow upon the sudden stay of the same, which they, who have the fruition of the King's presence and his wise head to guide them, may easily determine.
Enclose the Act touching the King's style, written and sealed as directed, because it provides for proclamations to be made in every shire in Ireland before the 1st of July, which date is now past, and must be altered. Westm., 11 Aug. Signed by Cranmer, Audeley, Hertford, Sadleyr, and Baker.
Pp. 8. Add. Endd.: 1541. (fn. 2)
11 Aug. 1086. Benefices.
Wilkins, iii.
Works, 489.
Mandate by Cranmer, dated Lambeth, 11 Aug. 1541, consec. 9, to his archdeacon of Canterbury, to make the return required by the King's writ and articles sent herewith; viz.:—A writ (recited), attested by Sir John Baker, for return on the octaves of Michaelmas next, into the court of First Fruits and Tenths, upon articles attached. Westm., 24 June 33 Hen. VIII.
The articles (recited in English), viz., (1) to certify the names of all benefices void within his diocese and jurisdiction, how long they have been void, in whose presentation they are, and who has taken the profits during the vacancy; (2) to certify the names of all persons collated to benefices between the feast of Nativity of St. John in 32 Hen. VIII, and the same feast in 33 Hen. VIII., with the names of the benefices and the counties they are in.
Latin. From Cranmer's Register.
11 Aug. 1087. Robert Ashfield.
Harl. MS.,
99, f. 166.
B. M.
Receipt by John Holt, 11 Aug. 33 Hen. VIII., of 30s. from Robt. Asshefeld for five terms' rent of Castel[l Ric]ard ended 25 July. Signed.
Small paper, p.
12 Aug. 1088. Henry VIII.'s visit to Lincoln.
Add MS.
6113, f. 179b.
B. M.
xxiii., 334.
When it was known that the King was come to Temple Brewer, 7 miles off, to dinner, the mayor, burgesses, and commoners prepared themselves towards the “heyght,” as also did the gentlemen and yeomen of Lynsey, near to the King's tents, the gentlemen and their servants on one side on horseback and the mayor and citizens on foot. The archdeacon, dean, and clergy rode a mile beyond the city liberties to the King's tent, and there made a proposition in Latin, presented a gift of victual, and then passed the nearest way to the Minster. The King and Queen came riding into their tent, which was pitched at the furthest end of the liberty of Lincoln, and there shifted their apparel, from green and crimson velvet respectively, to cloth of gold and silver. Behind that tent was one for the ladies, and, some distance off, a “hayle” where the six children of honor, dressed in cloth of gold and crimson velvet, and the horses of estate were prepared. When the King and Queen were set on horseback, the heralds put on their coats, the gentlemen pensioners and train rode according to the ancient order, then came lord Hastings bearing the sword, then the King, then his horse led by the Master of the Horse, then the children of honor “each after other” on great coursers, then the earl of Rutland, Queen's chamberlain, then the Queen, then her horse of estate, then all the ladies, then the Captain of the Guard and the Guard, then the commoners. Proceeding in this order, they found, at the entry into the liberty, Mr. Myssleden, serjeant at law, being recorder of Lincoln, with gentlemen of the country, the mayor and his brethren, &c., who kneeled and cried twice “Jesus save your grace”; and the recorder read and presented a proposition in English (which the King handed to the duke of Norfolk) with a gift of victual. The mayor then presented the sword and mace and was placed beside Clarenseaux king of arms, behind the dukes, while his brethren and the burgesses, followed by the gentlemen of the country and knights, were placed before the train. All church bells were rung as the train came in sight. At the entry of the Minster the mayor and brethren drew apart, the bp. of Lincoln and the choir with the cross being in the body of the church. The King alighted at the west end of the Minster, where was a carpet and stools and cushions of cloth of gold, with crucifixes laid thereon for the King and Queen. The King kneeled down, the Bishop came forth wearing his mitre and gave the crucifix to the King and Queen to kiss, and “censyd” them; and then the King and Queen went into the church under the canopy to the Sacrament and made their prayers while the choir sang Te Deum. Then all went straight to their lodgings for the night. The Master of the Horse took the carpets and stools for his fee.
On the morrow, Wednesday, the King rode to the castle and viewed it and the city. The footmen took the canopy for their fee.
On Friday the King and Queen departed to Gainsborough, in like order as they entered save that the mayor, henchmen, and horses of estate were not there, and the earl of Darbie bare the sword.
Pp. 5. Headed: Of the King's entry into Lincoln on Tuesday the 9 day of August.
12 Aug. 1089. Marillac to Francis I.
R. O.
Kaulek, 326.
Showed this King the answer Francis gave to his ambassador's request, that during this journey in the North no innovation should be made upon the disputed limits between Guynes and Ardres, as in Francis's letters of the 26th ult. The King replied in similar words, protesting his true and entire amity. Informed him also of the taking of Cesare Fregose and Rincon, and the place to which they were carried; which he did not then know, but thought Fregose was slain and Rincon's whereabouts not known. As to his advice upon this matter, upon which Francis had, in reprisal, arrested the abp. of Valence, this King answered that it was a strange attempt against ambassadors, but he could not advise, not having heard the other side, especially as Rincon was a Spaniard by birth and had served king John the Vayvode, and he did not know but that he had fled from Spain, or how he had taken leave of the Emperor, his sovereign. He knew that two or three years ago the Emperor offered a great reward for his apprehension, as if very indignant with him, and therefore would probably make difficulty about delivering him, although he did not know how that could be excused when the amity between them was so entire as was said. Replied that he thought Rincon had taken honest leave of the Emperor, who should act as Francis had done towards some of his own subjects, who fled to the Emperor, but were, when the truce and amity came, both pardoned and restored to their goods. To this the King only answered that the thing was strange, especially touching Fregose, in whose case there seemed to be no excuse; he would remind Francis that not long ago he predicted part of what has happened and is soon to happen (meaning that the Emperor's interviews and terms of amity were designed only to alienate Francis's friends and intimidate his own enemies).
The King's fashion of proceeding in this progress is, wherever there are deer numerous, to enclose two or three hundred and then send in many greyhounds to kill them, that he may share them among the gentlemen of the country and of his Court. When he passes any town in which he has not been during his reign, without other solemnity than having the streets decorated (tendues) and the inhabitants going before him on their little geldings in their ordinary clothes, he himself (mounted on a great horse, with all the most notable lords of England in front, two and two, and 60 or 80 archers with drawn bows behind) goes, with the Queen, lady Mary, his daughter, and some other ladies, to the lodging prepared for them. Thus it was at Stamfort and, three days ago, here, and will be at York on the 25th. Docketed: Sent by Anthoine.
French. Modern transcript, pp. 4. Headed: Lincoln, 12 Aug. 1541.
12 Aug. 1090. Marillac to Francis I.
R. O.
Kaulek, 327.
(The whole.)
Upon Norfolk's arrival in Court, Marillac sought opportunity to continue with him the talk of marriage of Orleans with one of this King's daughters; and, very opportunely, the occasion was given by Norfolk's saying that he wished that Orleans, whom he commonly calls his little master, might have espoused the Princess of Navarre, as the most advantageous marriage for him, and naming several other ladies who might be given him. Asked him if one of his King's daughters would not do as well, saying that, with the great friendship between their masters, the project seemed easy, and there was no more fit means to render that friendship perpetual. Norfolk replied that there was nothing he desired so much as that, which, he remembered, he had discussed at Calais with the Admiral. Asked him how it could be arranged, and which of his King's daughters should be proposed, and whether it did not seem much to their advantage to place one of them so high as with Mons. d'Orleans, who might have Milan, and that easily, seeing that, for her dot, they might wipe out the old claim of the pensions, and make such surety between England and France that all the world must revere them. As to the ladies, asked him his opinion which it should be, and whether it would be better to procure it for the younger (fn. 3) than for lady Mary, as they might refuse to give her as legitimate, and Francis would not accept her otherwise. Norfolk's answer, which was as follows, seems the more unfeigned because he did not hesitate, and what he said seems likely. He said roundly that the younger of the two was not to be spoken of, because, besides being only seven years old, the opinion of Queen Anne, her mother, was such that it was quite decided to consider her illegitimate, as the Act of Parliament declared; moreover, as Queen Anne was his niece, he would be suspected (by the ministers rather than by the King) of seeking to aggrandise his house, if, contrary to his own opinion expressed in Parliament, he proposed such a thing. But as to lady Mary, daughter of Queen Katharine, he would undertake to forward matters so that a good end might be expected, especially as they were resolved not to give her to the Emperor; and as to holding her illegitimate, he would say, as a great secret and not to be revealed elsewhere, that his master and Council had secretly concluded that she should succeed in default of heirs male; and then, he added, did we not know the father and the mother, and consider the marriage good? Why vex oneself, since her father was pleased to make her able to succeed, and nothing was done that could not be undone? He added that, if the matter was to be gone into (si on y voulloit entendre), now was the time for it, and he would speak further of it when we should be at this town; for the above was said at a house (fn. 4) of the duke of Suffolk's, 10 miles hence.
Yesterday, in this town, had a long talk with the Duke, who said he had told all to the King, whom he found most affectionate to Francis, and who thanked Marillac for having found and put forward a means of maintaining the amity, but could not discuss further a matter of such importance unless Marillac had power to negociate; the answer he could make was that if Francis had cause to complain of not having received help and he of not being paid his pensions, and so their amity had cooled, now, that there was a wish to forget the past, he was ready for any honest parti, and to prove that he desired nothing so much as to remain an entire friend. Norfolk added, by the Holy Sacrament which he saw (for this talk was in a church), which oath he repeated more than 20 times, that he never saw his master speak more earnestly, and there was no dissimulation in what he said. Questioned him about particulars, but he would only answer that when it was seen that Francis approved what Marillac had put forward, they would answer everything, and prove that they meant to listen to reason. Norfolk said, as of himself, that the true way to draw this amity closer was upon treaties of marriage; but left it to be inferred that the proposal should be made by us.
Although the English speak so graciously, Marillac can promise nothing; for they have often shown themselves easy in generalities and very difficult when it came to details; but, at the worst, while these practices last, they cannot demand the said pensions, and that is an assurance that they will innovate nothing. Desires instructions as to what he may do without showing too much warmth until things have gone further. Had intended to send this despatch by an express man, but, because they asked if he was going to do so, reflected that it might make them suspect that the overture (propos) came from Francis; and so sends it by ordinary courier. Today Norfolk told him that he would leave Court on 3 Sept, not to return until All Saints, and would like that the answer to these might come before that.
French. Modern transcript, pp. 7. Headed: Stamfort, (fn. 5) 12 Aug. 1541.
2. Abstract of the portion of the preceding (Kaulek, p. 330) about the duke of Norfolk's assurance that his King is very well disposed towards Francis, and his belief that a marriage could be arranged between the duke of Orleans and the princess Mary, if the proposal came from France. Lincoln, 12 Aug. 1541.
Spanish Calendar, VI. i., No. 179.
12 Aug. 1091. Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Calendar, vi.
i., No. 178.
Wrote on the 10th, and yesterday, the 11th, received her letters of the 5th. Could not go to Court, being ill, and some of his men in bed with fever. Wished to communicate with the Privy Councillors, but as most of them were then out of town, notwithstanding the Chancellor's diligence, we could only meet this morning in the Chancellor's rooms. After he had explained what had passed between the Queen and this King's deputies, they said they were surprised that the English ambassadors could have said or thought such things about the Emperor and the Queen. They would not discuss what Granvelle said about treaties. It might have been, as Chapuys had suggested, that the English had spoken of the confirmation of the treaty of Cambray, and the Emperor said there was no need of making new treaties, as he meant to observe that one. And Chapuys, having further shown the unlikelihood that Granvelle could have referred to commercial treaties, said the Emperor could no longer be bound to those ones; and that it was not likely that a treaty so injurious to the Emperor's subjects, and which, in spite of all alliances, had never been fully confirmed, should be ratified by mere words of Granvelle. Otherwise the Emperor would not have written as he did, to Chapuys, on the very day on which the Ambassadors spoke with Granvelle, that he would be glad to receive an ambassador from this King to discuss matters, but that there was no need to throw doubt on the validity of the treaty, which he wished observed in all points. The Councillors made no reply to this but that they would report to the King.
Reports discussion touching their statute and the edict placarded in the Low Countries, in which he told them that if old Spanish ordinances were revived, forbidding foreign ships of any kind to lade in Spain, the trade of the English would be ruined in two years, and that the privilege which they alleged had been granted to foreigners for seven years not to pay tonlieu in the ports of Flanders (sic) had been given without the restriction of lading in English ships, and the ordinance was published a year and a half after. The Councillors declined to entertain the treaty of commerce. Assured them of the Queen's desire to keep up friendship, and pointed out the difficulties of the case; which they took in good part. After the conference, the Chancellor took him apart and asked where he thought the negociations for a new commercial treaty should be carried on—in England, or the Low Countries. Replied that, for many reasons, Brussels would be better than London, especially as the English ambassadors were already there.
After dinner, asked the Privy Councillors, in jest, how they could excuse themselves for not having made the same attacks on the commercial treaty as on that of Cambray, which provided that the Emperor's subjects could freely reside and trade in England, although most of them had been expelled. The Councillors looked at each other, and one said inconsiderately it was quite right to send back foreigners to their countries, as it was against nature to abandon one's liege lord to reside elsewhere. Gave him an answer that he did not like, saying, in that case what could he say to the treatment of foreigners in this country who had been made to swear fealty to the English King for a permission to reside here, which was like renouncing their natural allegiance, and then being fined one-third of their capital? On this, the Chancellor and the others lowered their heads and said no more.
Tomorrow the Privy Council despatch a messenger to the King, who is over 150 miles from this city. Chapuys's secretary will accompany him. London, 12 Aug. 1541.
Original at Vienna.
13 Aug. 1092. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Note that at Lincoln, 12 Aug, the Council did not sit.
Meeting at Gainsborough, 13 Aug. Present: Norfolk, Suffolk, Gt. Chamb., Gt. Admiral, Durham, Treasurer, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Chanc. of Augm. No business recorded.
14 Aug. 1093. College of Burton-upon-Trent.
See Grants in August, No. 9.
14 Aug. 1094. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Gainsborough, 14 Aug. Present: Norfolk, Suffolk, Gt. Chamb., Gt. Admiral, Durham, Treasurer, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Chanc. of Augm. Business:—Letter written to Ant. Rous to spend up the wheat and other things in staple at Guisnes, and send the money realised to Jas. Sutton to provide new.
14 Aug. 1095. The Council in London to the Council with the King.
R. O.
St. P., i. 674.
Since they wrote last, the Emperor's ambassador intimated to the Lord Chancellor that he had letters from Flanders, and desired a conference, which took place at the Chancellor's house in London, next day. Describe how the ambassador opened with a long discourse of the proceedings between Kerne and Vaughan, the King's orators, and the Queen's commissioners, Arschot, Score, and Skipperus, saying that to avoid misunderstandings the Queen wished for a new treaty of intercourse. Here the Ambassador said the present treaty of intercourse was made by king Philip of Castile under compulsion, (fn. 6) when he was driven by tempest to land in England, and was never ratified by the Low Countries nor by the treaty of Cambray, and was finally, at Burborough, revoked by the bp. of Bath and Mr. Hacquett. This the writers denied. The Ambassador said he had letters of credence to the King, which, as he was unable to ride, he would send to the Court; but first he had desired this conference in order to request their furtherance. Describe how he then said his letters stated that the King's ambassadors had used the words “levem et inconstantem” with reference to the Emperor and Grandevele, but afterwards denied them, and on being requested to make their representations in writing had refused. The Ambassador again said he would go to Court (if he were able) to require, as his credence stated, that the King should commission his orators to treat in writing and should make a new treaty of intercourse, which might be done forthwith or deferred (and this he said as of himself) until communications were had with the Emperor for straiter amities, of which he hoped to hear within three months. The Lord Chancellor asked how things should proceed meanwhile, and he answered that the King should have all his things which were staid in the Low Countries, and if the Act were suspended here the Edict should be there. He then read the Queen's letters to him and promised to give a minute of them (which he afterwards sent, and it is here enclosed), and again, with his cap in his hand, besought them to “use the office of good ministers.” Said that where the Queen seemed to think the King's orators had used words touching the Emperor's honour and hers, they were sure the King never commissioned it and that the orators were too wise to exceed their commission. “Oh! quod he, verum est; saying it was no matter.” Promised to write to the King. And so they went to dinner, in the course of which the ambassador mentioned that my lord of Winchester and Mons. de Prat were coming together. All parts are quiet. London, 14 Aug. Signed by Audeley, Hertford, and Sadleyr.
Pp. 6. Add. Endd.: 1541. *** Not in Sadler's hand as stated in the St. P.
14 Aug. 1096. Chapuys to the Council with the King.
R. O.
St. P., viii.,
In accordance with what they last wrote by bearer and what the Council resident here told him, he has sent a despatch to the Regent in Flanders, and hopes for a reply to the King's satisfaction. Sends a letter from the Queen in his credence, and begs them to make his excuses that he is unable to come to the King. That and other letters which the bearer has, together with the reports of the Council here and the ambassadors with the Queen, will tell the whole matter. It would be unfortunate if the Queen's zeal for the amity between the Emperor and King were thought insincere. No doubt she is perplexed,—when the King's subjects pretend to be grieved if they have not all the privileges contained in the treaty of intercourse, whereas the Emperor's Council with her argue that that treaty is expired (sopy et espire), and her subjects continually murmur at it,—and has reason to seek this new treaty of commerce (de contractation) so as to get rid of these irritating quarrels. Popeller, 14 (“xiiij” altered from “xiij”) Aug. 1541. Signed.
French, pp.
2. Add. Endd.
14 Aug. 1097. Bernard McMahon.
Lamb. MS.
603, p. 45a.
Submission of Bernard McMahon alias Brian O'Maghery, made before the lord Deputy and Council at Kilmainham, 14 Aug. 33 Hen. VIII.
Seven articles in the form of an indenture.
Lat. Copy, pp. 2. See Carew Calendar, No. 160.
Ib., p. 106. 2. Another copy.
Lat., pp. 2.
15 Aug. 1098. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Gainsborough, 15 Aug. Present: Norfolk, Suffolk, Gt. Chamb., Gt. Admiral, Durham, Treasurer, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Chanc. of Augm. Business:—Appointed that the workmen at Dublyn bulwark be sent to Guisnes, except a number sufficient to cleanse dikes, make up the wall at Risebank, &c.; and, for furtherance of the works, 5,000l. was sent over to be devoted to purposes detailed.
15 Aug. 1099. Council of the North to the Council.
Add. MS.
32,646, f. 213.
B. M.
No. 81.
Since receipt of their letters dated Lincoln, 10 Aug., have been diligent about levying the benevolence to be made to the King at his being at York, amounting, for the temporalty, to 900l. Found all most ready to pay, and expect the sum to be ready at the King's being at York. The Abp. has taken like pains with the clergy, but how far forth he is in levying it they do not yet know. Have devised the submission to be made to the King in the plain to the north of Bawtry lane in the form their lordships devised. Ask for an experienced man to be sent before, to view and correct their preparations. York, 15 Aug. Signed: Robert Landaffe: T. Magnus: Thomas Tempest: Robert Bowis: Jo. Uvedale.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: 1541.
16 Aug. 1100. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Gainsborough, 16 Aug. Present: Norfolk, Suffolk, Gt. Chamb., Gt. Admiral, Durham, Treasurer, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Chanc. of Augm. No business recorded.
16 Aug. 1101. Bernard O'Connor.
Lamb. MS.
603, p. 110.
St. P., iii.
Agreement made (by indenture with the lord Deputy and Council, 16 Aug. 33 Hen. VIII.) by Bernard Occhonor, chief of his nation, and his brother Charles, to submit their dissension to the arbitrament of Sir Wm. Bermingiam, baron of Carbry, David Sutton of Connall, Jas. Fitzgerald of Osbardeston, and Ric. McKenegan.
Lat. Copy, p. 1.
17 Aug. 1102. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Scrooby, 17 Aug. Present: Norfolk, Suffolk, Gt. Chamb., Gt. Admiral, Durham, Treasurer, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Chanc. of Augm. Business:—Two several letters written to the Chancellor of the Tenths and Mr. Moyle to be ready to repair to Calais, as commissioners for the “survey and ordering” of certain things to be done there.
19 Aug. 1103. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Note that at Hatfield, 18 Aug., the Council did not sit.
Meeting at Hatfield, 19 Aug. Present: Norfolk, Suffolk, Gt. Chamb., Gt. Admiral, Treasurer, Comptroller, Wriothesley. No business recorded.


  • 1. See No. 1058, which though dated 1st in the draft was apparently despatched on the 2nd.
  • 2. The letter is not in Sadler's hand, as stated in the State Papers.
  • 3. Princess Elizabeth.
  • 4. No doubt Grimsthorpe near Bourn, which is just about 10 miles from Stamford.
  • 5. So the transcript, though Kaulek treats the place as omitted in the MS., and supplies, correctly enough, Lincoln; but apparently part of the letter was written at Stamford.
  • 6. “That treaty which the Flemings term Intercursus malus, and bears date at Windsor.” See Bacon's “Henry the Seventh.” The treaty made at Windsor, however, was only a political treaty. The commercial treaty was really made at London on the 30 April, after the departure of Philip, who left powers to his commissioners for it, dated Falmouth, 4 April 1505[–6]. Rymer XIII. 132–140.