Henry VIII: November 1541, 11-20

Pages 613-629

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 16, 1540-1541. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1898.

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November 1541, 11–20

11 Nov. 1331. The Privy Council to [Cranmer, and Others].
R. O.
St. P., i. 691.
The King, having considered their letters, wills them to persevere in attaining knowledge of the truth and to execute his pleasure before signified to them; foreseeing that they take not from the Queen her privy keys till they have done all the rest. She is to be removed to Syon House, and there lodged moderately, as her life has deserved, without any cloth of estate, with a chamber for Mr. Baynton and the rest to dine in, and two for her own use, and with a mean number of servants, as in a book herewith. She shall have four gentlewomen and two chamberers at her choice, save that my lady Baynton shall be one, whose husband shall have the government of the whole house and be associated with the Almoner. The rest of her servants shall depart on Monday next. Sir John Dudley shall conduct my lady Mary to my lord Prince's, with a convenient number of the Queen's servants; and lady Margaret Douglas shall go to Keningale, in Norfolk, with my lady of Richmond, if my lord her father and she are content. Order is to be taken for the maidens to return to their friends, save Mrs. Bassett, whom the King, “in consideration of the calamity of her friends, will, at his charges, specially provide for.” If any others have no home or friends, their names are to be signified, that the household may be dismissed with the satisfaction of the parties.
Tomorrow the lord Chancellor, assembling all the King's councillors, spiritual and temporal, judges and learned counsel, shall declare to them the abominable demeanour of the Queen, without calling Deram, as was intended, or mentioning any pre-contract, which might serve for her defence, but only to show the King's just cause of indignation. Also those who know the whole matter, and how and by whom it came to the King's knowledge, “and the King's sorrowful behaviour and careful proceeding in it,” shall, on Sunday next, assemble all the ladies, gentlewomen, and gentlemen of “that household,” and declare to them the whole matter, omitting all mention of precontract, but setting forth “such matter as might engreave and ‘consome’ their misdemeanour” and set forth the King's goodness. The Queen's departing to Syon shall be on Monday next or later. The ladies and others appointed to depart shall do so on Monday, and only such remain at Hampton Court as shall attend her to Syon. Mr. Controller shall understand that Mr. Weldon, master of the Household, has been spoken to, to make provision “of wine, beer, and other necessaries” at Syon. Westm., 11 Nov., at night. Signed by Norfolk, Southampton, Sussex, Russell, Sir Ant. Browne, Sir Ant. Wyngfeld, and Ralph Sadleyr.
Pp. 4. Slightly mutilated. Flyleaf, with address gone.
R. O. 2. Modern copy (fn. 1) of the preceding, made before the mutilation, with the address copied, “To our very good lord the archbishop of Canterbury, Mr. Controullour, Mr. Writhesley, and to every of them. Hampton Court.”
Pp. 4.
11 Nov. 1332. Marillac to Francis I.
R. O.
Kaulek, 352.
(Almost the
whole text.)
As soon as Norfolk arrived in this town Marillac went to him and fulfilled Francis's instructions. Need not write further until he gets the answer, which is promised in a few days.
Must send special notice of a matter by which the English seem more troubled than he has ever seen them. This King, being with the ladies at Hampton Court, as gay as ever Marillac saw him, with a small company of the lords of his Privy Council, on Saturday last, 5th inst., about midnight, sent an express hither for Norfolk (who, having had plague in his house, was not to go to Court for 15 days yet) and to summon the Chancellor; and also wrote to Suffolk, who was at his house and not to return until Christmas, the lord Privy Seal, who was in the country, the Admiral, Mr. Chayne and others who are the chief of his Council, to repair hither. Norfolk and the Chancellor were at Hampton Court on Sunday morning, and the King, on pretext of hunting, dined at a little place in the fields, and at night came secretly to this town, the Council of which was called at midnight and did not disperse until 4 or 5 a.m. on Monday. These lords have been ever since in Council morning and evening, the King assisting, which he is not wont to do; and they show themselves very troubled, especially Norfolk, who is esteemed very resolute, and not easily moved to show by his face what his heart conceives. These things must be due to some object of great importance, of which people speak at random. Some said at first there was bad news from Ireland, but this rumour is not continued; some that the Scots would make war, which is out of the question, for, three days ago the King of Scotland made a present of falcons to this King, by messengers sent expressly for the purpose, and has besides sent a herald to intimate the coming of an ambassador, a bishop who has been expected ever since [he was at] York, and who probably brings excuses about the interview which was not made there. It is true there have been petty raids lately made on both sides on the frontier towards Barwick, but these are ordinary matters, as the King himself told me. Others say that justice is to be done upon certain lords who have managed the finances, whose accusations are of long standing; but none of these things could cause such trouble, and still less the conversations which passed between Marillac and Norfolk, at which the King would not have pretended to show so much emotion, but would have conducted them secretly, without causing people to speculate so much. Therefore, although the matter is not yet clear, it is to be presumed that this King wishes to change his wife; and, if so, Francis might say whether anything could be done here to make him take back the sister of the duke of Cleves, and so facilitate the alliance he (Francis) desires and a strong league against the Emperor, including the Almains who were alienated from this King by her repudiation. Is moved to presume this because he hears that the Queen is newly accused of being entertained by a gentleman (fn. 3) while she was in the house of the old duchess of Norfolk, mother of lord William, and because physicians say she cannot bear children. The way taken is the same as with Queen Anne who was beheaded; she has taken no kind of pastime but kept in her chamber, whereas, before, she did nothing but dance and rejoice, and now when the musicians come they are told that it is no more the time to dance. Her brother, (fn. 2) gentleman of this King, is banished from Court without reason given; and Norfolk may well be vexed, seeing that she is his brother's daughter, as Queen Anne was his sister's, and he was author of this marriage. Set men to watch Hampton Court where the ladies are, and they reported that yesterday evening several persons went in post thither, including the abp. of Canterbury, who was the first to whom this affair was opened touching the familiarity of the personage abovesaid with the Queen. Is since told that the Queen's jewels are inventoried. As to whom the King will take, everyone thinks it will be the lady he has left, who has conducted herself wisely in her affliction, and is more beautiful than she was, and more regretted and commiserated (plaincte) than Queen Katharine was in like case. Besides, the King shows no inclination to any other lady, and will have some remorse of conscience, and no man in England dare suggest one of such quality as the lady in question, for fear, if she were repudiated, of falling “en quelque gros inconvenient.”
The above written on the 8th.
Has since learnt that Hampton Court, where the ladies are, is closely guarded and none but officers admitted. Lady Mary has been sent to where the young Prince is still ill. All the prelates who are not commonly heard in affairs of state, are summoned hither; which should be for some cause like marriage. A gentleman of the King's chamber says it will be concluded that the lady shall be no longer queen. But nothing is certain except that these troubles are on her account.
French. Modern transcript, pp. 7. Headed: 11 Nov. 1541.
[12 Nov.] 1333. Sir Ralph Sadleyr to Cranmer and Others.
R. O.
St. P., i.
After the despatch of last letters from the whole Council here, upon the arrival of the lord Admiral and Mr. Browne, the King learns that the Queen has been examined touching Culpeper, but has not sufficiently declared the communications at their meetings. He desires them to essay again to get more from her, if her wits are such that they may do so without danger to her. If her health permit, she is to remove to Syon on Monday, and to be told tomorrow to prepare. Encloses the minute of the letter conceived “by you, Mr. Secretary,” to the ambassadors (fn. 4), which is the very tale the lord Chancellor declared this day in the Star Chamber, where he omitted mention of the precontract and read divers of the depositions, adding that there was “an appearance of greater abomination in her,” and leaving his hearers uncertain whether all were yet come out. You are to follow the same tomorrow, without mentioning Culpeper or the precontract, or reading depositions; and afterwards you are to call lady Margaret Douglas apart and show her how indiscreetly she has acted, first with lord Thomas (fn. 5) and then with Charles Howard, and bid her “beware the third time.” Mr. Semour shall remain there with the Queen's jewels till after she has left, and then bring them hither. Directs what dresses are to be appointed to the Queen, all of them to be without stone or pearl. The Council had all gone to bed and elsewhere before this was despatched, but they desired him to write it. The Court, Saturday, 11 p.m.
Hol., pp. 2, Add.: “To the right honorable my lord of Canterbury his good grace, Mr. Comptroller, and Mr. Secretary, at Hampton Court.” Endd.
12 Nov. 1334. The Council to [Paget, Ambassador in France].
Otho C. x.
B. M.
Herbert, in
Kennett, ii.
P.C.P., vii.
Are commanded to signify to him a most miserable case lately revealed. The King, on sentence given of the [invalidity] of his marriage with Anne of Cleves, being solicited by his Council to marry again, took to wife Katharine, daughter to the late lord Edmund Howard, thinking [now in his old] age to have obtained [a jewel] for womanhood, But this joy is turned to [extreme sorrow; for] after receiving his Maker on [All Hallows Day last] and directing the bp. of Lincoln, his [ghostly father], to make prayer and give thanks with him for the good life he led and hoped to [lead with her], on All Souls Day at mass the abp. [of Canterbury] having heard that she was not a woman of [such purity] as was esteemed, sorrowfully revealed it to the King, and how it came to his knowledge.
While the King was in his progress, one John [Lossels] came to the Abp. and told him that he had been with a sister of his, married, in [Sussex], who had been servant with the old duchess of [Norfolk] who brought up the said Katharine, and he had recommended her to sue for service with [the Queen]. She said she would not, but [was very sorry for the Queen]. “Why? quoth Lossels. Marry, quoth she, for she is [light, both in living] and conditions. How so? quoth Lossels.” [She replied] that one Fras. Derham had lain in bed[with her, in his doublet] and hose, between the sheets an hundr[ed nights], and a maid (fn. 6) in the house had said she would lie no longer with her because [she knew not what ma]trimony was. Moreover [one] Mannock, a servant of the [Duchess, knew a] privy mark on her body. The Abp., being much perplexed, consulted the lord Chancellor and the [earl of Hertford], and by their advice reported the matter to the King in writing, as he had not the heart to tell it by word of mouth. The King, thinking the matter forged [called to] him the lord Privy Seal, the lord Admiral, Sir [Ant.] Brown, and Sir Thos. Wriothesley; said he could not believe it till the certainty was known; and sent the lord Privy Seal first to London to examine Lossels, the informant, who stood to his declaration, saying he had made it only for the discharge of his duty; and then into Sussex to examine the woman, making a pretence to her husband [of hunting], and to her for receiving of hunters. He also [sent] Wriothesley to London to examine Mannock and to [take Derrham] on a pretence of piracy, because [he had been] in Ireland and noted of that offence; making these pretences that no suspicion might arise. Wriothesley found from Mannock's confession that he used to feel the [secret parts] of her body before Derrham [was familiar] with her; and Derrham confessed that he had k[nown her car]nally many times, both in his doublet and [hose between] the sheets and in naked bed, alleging three women [as witnesses]. On learning this the King's heart was pierced with pe[nsiveness, so that it was long] before he could [utter his sorrow]; “and finally, with plenty [of tears, (which was strange] in his courage), opened the same.” [Katharine was spoken] to by the abp. of [Canterbury, the lord] Chancellor, the duke of Norfolk, [the lord Great Chamberlain], and the bp. of [Winchester]. She at first constantly denied it, but at last disclosed everything [to the abp.] of Canterbury, who took her confession [in writing] subscribed by her hand. Then [the rest of the witnesses], eight or nine men and women, were examined, and agreed in one [tale].
“[Now may you] see what was done before th[e marriage. God knoweth what] hath been done sithence, [but she had already gotten] this Derrham into her service, and trained him upon occasions, as sending of errands and writing of letters when her [secre]tary was out of the way, to come often into her [privy] chamber. And she had gotten also into her privy cham[ber] to be one of her chamberers, one of the women which [had] before lien in the bed with her and Derrham. What [this] pretended is easy to be conjectured. Thus much we know for the beginning.” We will inform you of what shall further succeed.
You shall also receive enclosed a packet for Sir Hen. Knevet, the King's [ambassador with] the Emperor, to be forwarded.
Westminster, [12] (fn. 7) Nov. Signed by [Chancellor Audley, Hertford], Southampton, [Sussex], Stephen bp. of Winchester, Sir Ant. Wingfield, [and two other names which seem to have been illegible in the original even before the fire].
Pp. 5. Mutilated. Headed in modern hand: “To Mr. William Pagett, Esquier, Amb. in Franc. for Hen. 8. From the lords of [the] Councell,” &c.
12 Nov. 1335. Lord William Howard and Paget to Henry VIII.
R. O.
St. P., viii.
Although informed at Paris that the King was coming straight to Fontainebleau, thought it their duty to go towards Digeon. After going 60 leagues, and meeting with various reports, some that the King was at Digeon, some that he had gone towards Crevant to embark on the water of Yone for Fontainebleau, and some that he was going to a house of Mons. de Guise's on the borders of Borgoyn, they decided to send a servant to the Admiral, who, under the wing of Madame Destamps, has his former authority. This morning the servant returned with word that the King desired them to retire to Fontainebleau, where he would give them audience. Explanation by Paget that the diets, 20s., appointed to him are insufficient if he is to keep a table. Has received, from Lord William, plate and one carriage mulet. Bar in Bourgoyn, 12 Nov. 11 a.m. Signed.
3. Add. Sealed. Endd.: 1541.
Caius College
MS. 597, p. 4.
2. Letter book copy of the preceding in the hand of Paget's clerk.
Pp. 3.
13 Nov. 1336. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Westm., 13 Nov. Present: Chancellor, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Gt. Admiral, Winchester, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Sadler, Chanc. of Augm. Business:—Alice Rastell alias Wilkes, and Mary Hall alias Lasselles, bound to appear when called upon to affirm what they have already confessed, and answer what may be laid to their charge.
13 Nov. 1337. About Katharine Howard.
R. O. At Westm. 13 Nov. ao xxxiijo:—Kath. Tylney, examined whether the Queen went out of her chamber any night late at Lincoln, where she went, and who went with her, says that the Queen went two nights to lady Rochford's chamber, which was up a little pair of stairs by the Queen's chamber. Examinate and her fellow Marget went with her, but were sent back. Marget went up again eftsoons, and examinate went to bed with Friswyde. When Marget came to bed, about 2 o'clock, examinate said, “Jesus, is not the Queen abed yet?” She replied, “Yes, even now.” The second night the Queen sent the rest to bed and took examinate with her, but she was in a little place with Lady Rochford's woman and could not tell who came into Lady Rochford's chamber. Has been sent with such strange messages to Lady Rochford that she knew not “how to utter them.” At Hampton Court, lately, “she bade her go to the Lady Rochford and ask her when she should have the thing she promised her; and she answered that she sat up for it, and she would next day bring her word herself. A like message and answer was at my lord of Suff. outward.” (fn. 8) Signed.
In Wriothesley's hand, p.
1, with original foliatian, ff. 23, 24. Endd.
R. O. 2. List of names in Wriothesley's hand as follows:—
“Yong Bulmer's wief, my l. of N. and Mr. Comptroller. Dorothe Dawby, sumtyne chamberer to th'old dutches of Norff. (fn. 9) Katherin Tylney, my l. of Hertf. and Mr. Chauncelour. Edward Walgrave servaunt to my lord Prince, my lord of Hertford and Mr. Chauncelour. (fn. 9) Mary Lasselles. Malyn Tylney, wydowe, my l. of H. and Mr. Chauncelour. (fn. 9) Alis Wylkes. Damport sumtyme bedfolowe to Deram, my l. of N. and Mr. Compt. (In margin in the duke of Norfolk's hand: “my lord of Norff.”). Luce, sumtyme chamberer to th'old dutches of Norff. Anne Haward wief to Henry Howard, my l. of H. and Mr. Ch. John Walshman, porter. John Benet. Richard Favour. Margery sumtyme chamberer to my l. of Norff. Mrs. Barwyke doughter to Berwyke besides Horsham.”
P. 1. Endd.: Names of persons to be examined.
1338. About Katharine Howard.
R. O. “The confession of Margyt Morton to Sir Anthony Brown.”
She never mistrusted the Queen until at Hatfeld she saw her look out of her chamber window on Mr. Culpeper after such sort that she thought there was love between them. There the Queen gave order that neither Mrs. Lofkyng “nor no nother” should come into her bedchamber unless called. At Lodyngton (fn. 10) she carried a sealed letter, without superscription, to my lady of Rochford, to whom the Queen bade her say she was sorry that she could write no better. Lady Rochford promised an answer next morning, which deponent was sent for and brought, with a message “praying her Grace to keep it secret and not to lay it abroad.” After Kath. Tylnay came, the Queen could not abide Mrs. Loffken or deponent. Thinks “my lade off Rochfor the prynsy a casyoun off har ffoley.” At Pomfrat the Queen was angry with Mrs. Louffkyn and her and threatened to put them away. If they had gone she thinks the Queen would have taken others of Lady Rochford's putting. She confesses all that she said to Mr. Comptroller, and also that at Pomfret, every night, the Queen, being alone with lady Rochford, locked and bolted her chamber door on the inside, and Mr. Dane, sent to the Queen from the King, one night found it bolted. Signed.
In Browne's hand, pp.
1339. About Katharine Howard.
R. O. Abstracts of confessions of witnesses against the Queen, viz.:—
Alice Restwold lately called Alice Welkes:—The Queen at her last being at Cheyneys, (fn. 11) the lord Admiral's house, sent for her, by Dereham and by Kath. Tilney, and at her coming, kissed and welcomed her and ordered her to lie with her chamberers; and afterwards sent her, by lady Rochford, upper and nether habiliments of goldsmith's work for the French hood and a tablet of gold.
Margaret lady Howard:—Deposes to much familiarity between Dereham and the Queen before marriage, and since the marriage has heard one Stafford say, “if I were as Deram I would never tell to die for it” and that “ther was a thyng that stakk apon his stomack.”
Anne Howard, Margaret Benet, Malyn Tylney, widow, Edward Walgrave: —Many instances (detailed) of “familiarity” and “abominable fashions” used between Dereham and the Queen before her marriage.
Francis Dereham:—Confesses his familiarity with the Queen before the marriage; and that since the marriage he has been in the Queen's privy chamber and she has said to him, “Take heed what words you speak,” and given him 3l. and, at another time, 10l.
Kath. Tilney and Alice Restwold:—Instances of the familiarity before the marriage.
Thos. Culpeper:—Description of many stolen interviews with the Queen at Greenwich, Lincoln, Pomfret, York, &c., since Maundy Thursday last, when she sent for him and gave him a velvet cap. Lady Rochford contrived these interviews. The Queen would “in every house seek for the back doors and back stairs herself.” At Pomfret she feared the King had set watch at the back door, and lady Rochford made her servant watch in the court to see if that were so. Once the Queen said to him, “If I listed I could bring you into as good a trade as Bray hath my lord Parr in.” Answered that he thought her no such woman as Bray; and she said, “Well, if I had tarried still in the maidens' chamber I would have tried you.” Once she said that “she doubted not that he knew that the King was supreme head of the Church, and therefore the Queen bade him beware that whensoever he went to confession he should never shrive him of any such things as should pass betwixt her and him; for, if he did, surely, the King being supreme head of the Church, should have knowledge of it.” Replied, “No, Madam, I warrant you.” Lady Rochford provoked him much to love the Queen and he intended to do ill with her.
Jane lady Rochford:—Relative to the above interviews; of which she heard or saw nothing of what passed, for the Queen was at the other end of the room and Culpeper on the stairs, ready to slip down. One night at Lincoln she and the Queen were at the back door waiting for Culpeper, at 11 p.m., when one of the watch came with a light and locked the door. Shortly after Culpeper came in, saying he and his man had picked the lock. Since her trouble the Queen has daily asked for Culpeper, saying that if that matter came not out she feared not. At Lincoln, when the Queen was with Culpeper, she was asleep until the Queen called her to answer Lovekyn. She thinks Culpeper has known the Queen carnally.
John Lassells:—Instances, told him by his sister Mary Hall, of the Queen's familiarity with Dereham and Manoxe, before the marriage.
Mary Morton:—Suspicious conduct of the Queen and Culpeper, which she first noticed at Hatfeld, and for which she blames lady Rochford.
Joan Bulmer:—Familiarity with Dereham before marriage.
Robt. Davenporte:—Dereham showed him since he came to Court that many despised him because the Queen favoured him. Mr. Johns, the Queen's gentleman usher, fell out with Dereham for sitting at dinner or supper with the Queen's Council after all other were risen, and sent to ask whether he were of the Council. Dereham replied, “Go to Mr. Johns, and tell him I was of the Queen's Council before he knew her and shall be when she hath forgotten him.” Gives instances of the familiarity before marriage.
Henry Manokes:—Dereham's and his own familiarity with the Queen before her marriage.
Eight large leaves of paper written on one side only and severally endorsed with names of deponents.
1340. Lady Rochford.
R. O. List of plate (7 items), apparel (11 items, one “a little steel casket with a purse and forty pounds in it”), and jewels (8 items, viz., “a broach with an ag[ate], a cross of diamo[nds] with three pearls pendant, a flower of rubies, a flower with a ruby and a great emerald with a pearl pen[dent], a tablet of gold with black, green, and white enamelled, a pair of bracelets of red cornelyns, a pair of beads of gold and stones, a broach of gold with an antique head and a white face.”
Pp. 2. Endd.: Plate, apparel, and jewels that were the lady of Rochford's.
14 Nov. 1341. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Westm., 14 Nov. Present: Chancellor, Norfolk, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Gt. Admiral, Winchester, Mr. of Horse, Sadler, Chanc. of Augm. Business:—Letters sent to the Deputy of Calais, the ambassadors in Flanders, Mr. Pagett, ambassador in France, and Sir Harry Knevet, ambassador with the Emperor, declaring the story of the Queen's misdemeanour.
14 Nov. 1342. Marillac to Francis I.
R. O.
Kaulek, 355.
(Almost the
whole text.)
Has just been with Norfolk, who, in a long speech, confirmed the report about the Queen. She is proved to have had, before this King married her, several servants familiar with her, and although the first accusation spoke of two, upon further enquiry and the Lady's written confession, confirmed by the confessions of the guilty persons and of the women who conducted these practices, it is found that she has prostituted herself to seven or eight persons. Since she has been Queen, Norfolk added, there are great presumptions that she has continued her incontinence, one of them being that her earliest favourite, a gentleman of a poor house named Durand, has continued of her chamber in such favour with his mistress that he spent more angelots than her three brothers together. She thought that after her free confession they would not enquire further; but, finding the contrary, refuses to drink or eat and weeps and cries like a madwoman, so that they must take away things by which she might hasten her death—which will not be long if the last point which is yet in presumption is proved. Norfolk spoke with tears in his eyes of the King's grief, who loved her much, and the misfortune to his (Norfolk's) house in her and Queen Anne, his two nieces. Reserves particulars of the discovery and confessions until the story is finished.
Touching the marriage, (fn. 12) this King will not declare what parti he will make the Lady nor hear further until he sees an express and special power from Francis, saying he will not believe letters of credence nor letters under Francis's seal until he sees the said power. Marillac said that Francis thought the affair should be secret and the power might be sent after the articles were discussed; but had the same answer as at York.
Yesterday, the 12th (sic) inst., Norfolk had the conversation with him above described, but afterwards sent to beg him not to despatch this courier until he spoke with him again. He did so an hour ago, saying he was deceived about the Queen having several lovers, for only Durant was clearly proved; but he (Norfolk) had since learnt, what was much worse, that at this journey in the North she made acquaintance with a young gentleman of the King's chamber named Colpepre, who had been with her five or six times in secret and suspect places, among others at Lincoln, where they were closetted (enserrez) together five or six hours, and considering the words, signs, and messages between them it was held for certain that they had “passé oultre.” He added that the King was so grieved that he proposed never to take another wife, and prayed Marillac to write all he had said to Francis, as he will do, at leisure.
French. Modern transcript, pp. 5. Headed: London, 14 Nov. 1541.
14 Nov. 1343. Thomas Culpeper.
R. O. The inventory taken, 14 Nov. 33 Hen. VIII., of the goods and chattels, lands and fees of Thos. Culpeper, the younger.
At the King's palace of Westminster, two caps of velvet (described) that the King gave him, and numerous gowns, coats and other articles of apparel, with some swords, daggers, and sundries. One item (a pair of white stocks) is noted as given to Wm. Harres, 23 Dec. 33 Hen. VIII.; and other items are noted as given to Wm Harres and to Mr. Paston. Horses, horseharness, and bedroom furniture at various places. Debts and ready money owing to him, most of the items being marked as delivered to Sir Thos. Hennege, in all 214l. 18s. 1d. “Debts that he oweth” to the King and 6 others, 195l. 2s. 8d.
Revenues (estimated) of his lands, viz., of the manors of Zanworth, Haselton, Nawnton and Enford, with the parsonage, Glouc. and Wilts, Fordam and Argentynes, Essex, the late monastery of Comwell, Kent, 20l. annuity out of Watterdowne during the nonage of the lord of Burgeyne. Total, 249l. 8l. 1d.
Offices (deputies named):—Clerk of the Armoury, keeper of the house and parks of Penshurst and North Lye, master of the game and steward of the lordships of Southfryth and Northfrith, lieutenant, &c., of Tonbryge castle, keeper of Posterne and Cage parks, steward, &c., of Ashdowne forest. Signed: Thomas Culpeper.
Pp. 8. Endd.: Books of Mr. John Gates concerning Mr. Thomas Culpeper the younger.
R. O. 2. List of horses and harness belonging to Thos. Culpeper, Esq., the younger, in the keeping of Thos. Alred, his servant, 14 Nov., at Tunbridge, Ampthill, Cawood in Yorkshire, London, and in Hyde Park.
ii. In another hand: At his house in Greenwich, a bedstead, &c., and harness for his own body.
iii. In a third hand: “Memorandum, that there is an inventory of all such stuff as is at Southfrythe which will declare all.” At Greenwich, a “base” of purple velvet and another of russet satin. “Md., to enquire of Mr. Culpeper what Sydnam doth, owe him.”
Pp. 3. Endd.: Mr. Culppar bylles.
R. O. 3. Account of hangings (mostly old) and some very scanty furniture in hall, parlour, and 13 other chambers and a chapel, headed, “These be the parcels of stuff remaining in the great lodge at Sowthefrythe.”
In Robt. Gawen's hand, pp. 3. Endd.: “Roberd Gawen byll of all suche goodes as dyd remayne within the great loge at Southfryth of Master Culpepper.”
R. O. 4. Account of the numbers of “hole hogges” at 6d. each and “demi hogges” at 3d. belonging to 28 persons named, headed “These parcels following are to be answered by me, Robert Gawen, for ye pawnage of Sowthefrythe and Northefrythe ao xxxiij D'ni H. R. viii.” Total for Southfrith, 20l. 14s. 3d., and Northfrith (5 persons named) 7l. 10s. “so that the hogs be all safely delivered.”
In Gawen's hand, pp. 4.
R. O. 5. Bill headed, “Mayster Colpeper,” referring to 4 pair of buskins, 9s. 4d., and 7 pairs of boots, 23s. 4d., “for my Master.
P. 1.
14 Nov. 1344. The Admiral of France to Marillac.
R. O.
Kaulek, 355.
Has received his letter and seen what he wrote to the King, who sends ample instruction thereupon, and is very pleased with his services. Villeneufve.
French. Modern transcript, p. 1. Headed: 14 Nov 1541.
14 Nov. 1345. Commander Francisco de Valençuela to Covos.
Add. 28,593,
f. 49.
B. M.
Tomorrow the Imperial ambassador and Granvelle will be received by the Pope. Death of commander Gilberte. Rome, 14 Nov. 1541.
Modern copy from Simancas, pp. 3. See Spanish Calendar, VI. i. No. 205.
14 Nov. 1346. Aguilar and Granvelle to Charles V.
Add. 28,593,
f. 51.
B. M.
Since they wrote on the 25th ult. from Tody, having arrived at Rome with his Holiness on the 30th, got Cardinals Santa Croce and Farnese to confer with the French ambassadors to ascertain whether Francis was inclined to observe the truce, and, as proposed at Lucca, submit Fragoso's case and other differences to the Pope's decision. Answer of the writers to the French complaints touching the deaths of Fragoso and Rincon. Their denial that the five articles were presented to Francis I. by Don Francisco Manrique. The Pope's efforts for the prorogation of the existing truce; to which they objected. Cardinals Contareno and Brindisi commissioned to frame instructions for the legate to Germany. Spoke to the Pope of the Diet (fn. 13) summoned by Ferdinand for the 14 Jan. Nuncio to be sent to France. Are trying to get an answer on other matters touching religion, and are urging the Pope for this reason to send some one to the Diet of the 14th Jan. for resistance to the Turk, &c.—The Pope has just sent word that he has determined to send [to France] Nic. Ardinguello, bp. of Vessumbrun (Fossombrone), his first Secretary and Datary. Rome, 14 Nov. 1541.
Letter just received from the marquis del Gasto about the affair of Fragoso and Rincon.
Modern copy from Simancas, pp. 25. See Spanish Calendar, VI. i., No. 206.
15 Nov. 1347. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Westm., 15 Nov. Present: Chancellor, Norfolk, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Gt. Admiral, Winchester, Mr. of Horse, Sadler, Chanc. of Augm. Business:—Warrant to Mr. Pollard to deliver 220l. 16s. 4d. to Fras. Hall and others, out of receipts of lord Lisle's lands, for expenses of the Lady — (blank), his wife.
15 Nov. 1348. About Katharine Howard.
R. O. Andrew Maunsay, late servant to the duchess dowager of Norfolk, examined 15 Nov. 33 Hen. VIII., says that when he was in household with the Duchess he thrice saw the Queen, then Mrs. Katharine Howard, lie in her bed and one Durand, a gentlemen then in the house, lie suspiciously on the bed in his doublet and hose. Kath. Tylney lay in the bed at the time and can tell more. A laundry woman named Besse can also speak of this. It was 12 months before the Queen came to Court. Not signed.
15 Nov. 1349. Culpeper Papers.
R. O. Bills of receipts and payments in November 33 Hen. VIII., the receipts being from Robt. Gawen, the bailiff of Tunebrige, Sidnam for his lands in the West Country, and “Benson the bailiff of his lands in Essex.” The payments include 11s. “for horsemeat at Kyngeston, left unpaid at the King's departure, I being in London,” and the board wages of Harleston, Alred, and Walwyn, from 21 Oct. to 12 Nov., at 3s. 4d. the week, each; and leave “in th'ands of Thomas Alred, servant to Mr. Culpeper, the xvth day of November,” 88l. 10s. 7d.
R. O. 2. Account of Robt. Gawen for the year 33 Hen. VII., viz., receipts from Hadlow, Comwell, Sydenham, Trenche lands, Bayhall manor, and the herbage of Sowthfryth and Northefrythe, 156l. 13s. 4d. Whereof paid “by my master's commandment” to Mr. Tuke for the lease of lands of Mychelham manor, 23s. 6d.; Pell's costs into the West, 16s.; writing copies of two patents of Tonbrege and the West Country, 8s.; “watching of an eyrie of goshawks in the Northefrythe,” two men for ten weeks, 3l.; watching an eyrie in the Southefrythe, eight weeks, 48s.; watching an eyrie of lannards, two weeks, 12s.; making a hedge about the “hawkes sege” in the Northfryth, 3s. 2d., repair of park pales and expenses of manor courts, &c.; to my master when the King went Northward, 33l. 12s. 9d.; to Mr. Lokke, 40l.; to my master, 8 Nov., 56l. Total, 174l. 4s. 5d., leaving due to accountant 17l. 10s. 8d.
3. Endd.: Mr. Culpepper bills.
15 Nov. 1350. Lord William Howard to Henry VIII.
R. O.
St. P., viii.
Upon the answer he and Mr. Pachet had from the Admiral, viz., to return to Fontayne de Bellew, Howard rode to Paris to despatch his servants homewards. By the way, received a letter from a friend at Court signifying that the King and the Venetian ambassador, both, had news, from Marcellis, Genys and Venis, that the Emperor had accomplished his journey at Algier with honour and was returned to Spain. The King was not very glad of the news and would scant credit it. Found the cardinal of Scotland at Mylleune, who affirmed the said news to be true. Paris, 15 Nov. Signed.
1. Add. Endd.: “The I. Wm. Howard to the Kinges Majesty, xxiiijo Novemb. 1541.”
15 Nov. 1351. Francis I. to Marillac.
R. O.
Kaulek, 357.
(Almost the
whole text.)
Has received his letters of the 29th ult. and, in reply, sends an extract from the treaties, with instructions for a reply to make the English condescend to the acquittance and renunciation of the whole pensions and arrears. If Marillac could extract anything more towards the dot it would be well, if not that must suffice. He must proceed dexterously and graciously, so as to keep them in hope and from throwing themselves into the hands of the Emperor, and speak not by way of argument but of advice, saying nothing which can bind him, for if it were necessary to dispute copies of the treaties should be sent.
(fn. 14) That will enable Marillac to show that the acquittances and renunciations could not be of great effect; still, he must take heed that in showing it he does not hinder them, for if no other dot can be had, these renunciations must be taken, but he must try to extract more.
French. Modern transcript, pp. 2. Headed: 15 Nov. 1541.
R. O.
Kaulek, 357.
(The whole.)
2. [Instructions given to Marillac touching the pensions, with his notes of replies made by the English deputies, and his own memoranda upon the several articles.]
By the treaty of 30 Aug. 1525, there is promise in one part of two millions of gold, the crown at 35 sous, amounting in crowns of the sun at 38 sous, to 1,842,105 cr. and in another part of 52,631 cr. of the sun. [Note.—The “said” deputies say that the treaty shows that the two millions was to meet the payments specified in the other articles following, and that their King must have treated so amiably with the late Madame, in consideration of the King's misfortune, who was then prisoner in Spain; and therefore there can be no pretext to delay payment of the remainder of it, enlarging on the honourable conduct of their King in not having pressed for payment when Francis was at war, or even since the ten years' truce with the Emperor.]
The causes are for the payment or complete payment of four treaties or bonds preceding, viz., (1) 7 Aug. 1515, of 1,000,000 cr., of which 631,579 cr. remained, and it is not said why this million was promised; (2) 12 Jan. 1518, of 600,000 cr., for the restitution of Tournay, of which 500,000 remained; (3) 23,000l. owing to the king of England by inhabitants of Tournay; and (4) 13 Nov. 1520, of 462,000 cr. (fn. 15) upon an obligation of the four generals [of finances] of France, without cause declared.
Payments are to be made as follows, viz., 50,000 cr. within 40 days from the date of the treaty, and like sums on 1 Nov. and 1 May yearly until all is paid to Henry or his successors, and if all is paid during Henry's lifetime he to have 100,000 cr. a year for life. [Note.—The deputies confess that by the treaty of Ardres of 1518 Henry was promised 100,000 fr. for life, which would be increased by this last treaty to 100,000 cr.; and that would be his only gain by this treaty, for the rest of the two millions were for former debts accumulated.]
Of these, 16 years' payments are past and the first payment which was to be made within 40 days. [Mem.—For this and the three subsequent articles Marillac should have an extract of the acquittances, which he has not yet received.]
Since the treaty the payments were made for 10 years, viz., 1,050,000 cr. And of the remaining million six payments (sic for years), amounting to 600,000, are due and past and the rest yet to come. [Mem.—It is true, the precise, times of payment cannot be given until the acquittances are found in the Chamber of Accounts.]
By another treaty, of 30 April 1527, called the treaty of Perpetual Peace, is promised 50,000 cr. yearly to Henry and his successors; and also 15,000 cr. of salt taken in Bruage, since reduced, by a treaty of 1530, to 10,000 cr. during Henry's life and 30,000 cr. for arrears. [Note.—The original treaty has been shown and read to Marillac, and they (the deputies) insist upon it and that the said perpetual pension is good and payable, answering objections as shall be noted upon each article.]
By it the king of England quits the title he pretended to the crown of France; and it is to be authorised by the estates and parliaments of both realms. [Note.—They said that by the words of the treaty they only ceded the possession of the realm and not the title; and although shown that the intention of the treaty showed that there was no such reservation, they insisted so strongly on the contrary, that Marillac declined to dispute it, his orders being to avoid contention, for they said that to doubt what was already decided was rather seeking quarrels (picque) than perpetuation of amity, and that the Admiral, when here, and when he spoke with Norfolk at Calais, failed to obtain that point, as also the Chancellor, who was then there, might remember.]
The same year, 1527, and the same day, another treaty, called the treaty of Closer Amity, settled the marriage of lady Mary of England with the Dauphin, then duke of Orleans, with certain clauses explanatory of the treaty of peace, and with a promise to deliver certain ratifications of that treaty within a certain time, which was not done. [Note.—Touching these ratifications, they showed that of the King sealed with a gold seal, as accustomed in such a case; but as to those of the estates or parliaments they say the fault was with us, as we answered that our towns had no leisure to assemble; but for all that, the treaty was binding, because approved by the two Kings.]
Wherefore it cannot be said that it took effect, nor that the pension of 50,000 cr. is due, nor the 15,000 cr. for salt. [Note.—The said deputies deny this.]
And if any payments have been made, as will be seen when the pieces come from the Chamber of Accounts, they may be reclaimed. For it is certain that the approbation of the estates and parliaments was the essential part of the treaty. [Note.—They say that, besides it being our fault that the approbation was not made, it was only to give reputation to the treaty, the essential part of which was the approbation of the Kings, especially seeing that they have not renounced their pretended title to the crown, for in that treaty their King appears, as he is accustomed, to name himself king of England and of France.]
Moreover the pensions, both the 50,000 cr. and the 15,000 cr. for salt, were promised because of the acquittance of the title to this Crown, which had already been made by two preceding treaties, viz. (1) by a treaty of perpetual peace of Oct. 1518, binding the Kings mutually to defend each other in their kingdoms, countries, &c. [Note.—They will not listen to this, saying that this last treaty settled the pension for their successors, and the preceding for the life of the Kings only. And although this reply is false, as appears by the treaty of Ardres, 1518, they persist in it, saying that to allege that a treaty passed by so many wise men was made without cause would lay all treaties open to doubt. In short, they say that those who would contest the validity of the perpetual peace must not talk of marriages.]
And by another treaty of perpetual peace of 1525 they and their successors are mutually to defend each other in their realms, countries, &c.; not reserving to England any claim to this Crown, but sufficiently renouncing it, so that the renewal of it by the treaty of 1527, which promises the pensions, was superabundant and null, and therefore the pensions promised without cause. [Note.—They reply as above that we cannot allege this and that the cause is sufficient.]
Even if these promises were valid, seeing that the king of England has not fulfilled his part of the treaties, he cannot claim them. For when the Emperor entered France with that great army in 1537, the King, according to the said treaties, required Henry's aid. [Note.—To these two articles and the two following they say they entirely fulfilled the treaties, and that when the Emperor descended on Provence, Winchester and Wallop offered a good number of Englishmen to the King, who was at Lyons, who replied that he knew not how to use them, since they were too late for the camp at Avignon, and that he was content with, and thankfully accepted, the respite of payment of the pensions.]
By which [treaties] one month after the requisition the King must declare himself enemy of him who makes the war, and two months after must make open war on him. Nevertheless Henry would never make war against the Emperor; as the King informed Norfolk, when last with him, and Norfolk confessed it, saying, “God pardon those who were the cause of it”—as Marillac may tell Norfolk apart.
As to the dot and dower he shall deal as graciously as possible. [Mem.—Marillac desires to know approximately what they might amount to, for he has none but general instructions.]
And, specially, that nothing should be subject to return in case she died first without children; as in the treaty for marriage of the late Dauphin with her the dot, 330,000 cr., was to remain with the Dauphin if she predeceased. [Note.—They would willingly be guided by the constitution of the dot made then, and will not hear of the acquittance of arrears and principal of the pensions because, by their account, these amount to a million of gold due or to be due within two years, and afterwards 100,000 cr. a year during the King's life, besides the pension perpetual of 100,000 cr. Mem.—Not to break off this practice it seems best to speak only of the million and that which might be due for this King's life, and leave his successors to dispute for the perpetual pension and the validity of the treaty of 1527.]
French. Modern transcripts, pp. 12. Headed: 15 Nov. 1541.
15 Nov. 1352. Anthoinette de Bourbon to the Queen of Scotland.
Balcarres MS.,
ii. 11.
Adv. Lib.
After writing to you by one who was going to your sister the Princess, the bearer, your usher, told me he was going to you. I was sorry my packet was already sent off because I think he will be late in reaching Scotland. I only await an answer from your treasurer, to whom I sent since the arrival of Mademoiselle de Curel to send you money by express messenger. Your father is going to the Court and I to see my mother, who is well; and so is the good Queen. Our petit filz (fn. 16) “et (est) tant beau et taut jeully que set (c'est) merveilles.” Mdlle. de Curel gave me much pleasure by reporting the good health of the King and you, and that everything was going better with you than we thought. I assure you before her arrival your father and I “portions grant peine de se que s'en diset.” God be thanked for what I have heard. “Tous ses mesages (qu. ces messagiers?) ycy ne me sont surs pour bien faire mes treshumble mersimens au Roy dudyament quy (qu'il) luy a pleu menvoyer.” It was a most agreeable present, which I shall keep all my life for his sake. “Je l'ay trouvé sy beau en sa painture que sy savyes combien je layme je (j'ay) peur vous en series jallouse, y daventure ses lestres aryveye avent selles que luy veus escrire il vous plera bien. Il ly trouve ungno treshumble recommandasion a sa bonne grace et lasurer que je sere toute ma vie preste a lobeyr et faire servyce.” Wishes them both health, long life, and a fine boy (ung beau filz), “et bien tost. A Annoy, (fn. 17) ou sommes venus conduyre Mons. vostre oncle et Mons. le Duc de Bar et sa fame retournent de leur veage de la Court a Bar. Mons. vostre pere sen va sete semaine.” 15 Nov.
Hol., Fr., pp. 2. Add.
16 Nov. 1353. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Westm., 16 Nov. Present: Chancellor, Norfolk, Privy Seal, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Gt. Admiral, Winchester, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Sadler. Business:—Commissions directed to the lord President of the Council of York and the earl of Shrewsbury jointly to sit on the 24th inst. at Doncaster “upon th'enquiry of certain treasons”; and the like to the earl of Rutland to sit at Lincoln on the 23rd. (fn. 18) Letter sent to the lord Great Master to repair to Court.
17 Nov. 1354. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Westm., 17 Nov. Present: Chancellor, Norfolk, Privy Seal, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Gt. Admiral, Winchester, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Sadler, Chanc. of Augm. Business:—Commission to Sir Thos. Treanchard and Thos. Baskett in co. Dorset, to enquire of certain seditious words, the reporter of which was imprisoned by those he accused.
18 Nov. 1355. The Privy Council
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Westm., 18 Nov. Present: Chancellor, Norfolk, Privy Seal, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Gt. Admiral, Winchester, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Sadler, Chanc. of Augm. Business:—Letters of thanks sent under stamp to the lord President of the Welsh Council and other gentlemen there for certain mares given by them to the King. A vagabond presented by the constable of Hounslow for seditious words was sent back to Hounslow to be whipped.
18 Nov. 1356. Sir Richard Ryche to [Edward North].
R. O. Orders him to pay 485l. 8s. 6d. to Francis earl of Shrewsbury, being the amount by which the manor of Fernham Royal, Bucks, exceeds the value of the lands granted to him in exchange for that manor, by indenture dated 10 July 33 Hen. VIII. My house at St. Bartholomew's, 18 Nov. 33 Hen. VIII. Signed.
1., mutilated.
18 Nov. 1357. Anthoinette de Bourbon to the Queen of Scotland.
Balcarres MS.,
ii. 7.
Adv. Lib.
Hopes this letter will be forwarded to her by her sister the Princess of Chimay. Cannot refrain from saying how glad she was to receive news of the King and her by Mademoyselle de Curel; for your father and I were much distressed by a report that you were full of trouble. She has had no rest with us, being often called to speak about you and the good cheer the King continually makes you. His picture which has been brought me gives me greater desire to see him than ever, for in truth he is a handsome prince. He has sent me a present, which I shall keep all my life for his sake. I do not send my thanks to him at present as I do not consider the packet sure. I have got a falconer who will take the birds. I am anxious for the return of the man I sent you “pour voir sy je sares avoir set eur douyr fustes grose. Crees que set chose que bien fort desirons.” We have here your uncle and the duke of Bar and his wife returning from the Court “quy tous font bonne chere.” Your father is so much occupied in entertaining them you will hardly have a letter from him. He is well, and all your brothers. The eldest came the day before yesterday seeking his father. He is to leave within eight days and go to the King at Fontainebleau, Meanwhile I shall go to my mother, who is well, as is also the good Queen your grandmother. I have kept for a bonne bouche a word about our grandson (petit filz) who will soon be a man, the finest child ever seen:—It is only for want of a painter (il ne tyent qua vng paintre) that you do not see how handsome he is. He is tall and healthy. Joinville, 18 Nov.
Hol., Fr., pp. 2. Add.
19 Nov. 1358. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Westm., 19 Nov. Present: Chancellor, Norfolk, Privy Seal, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Gt. Admiral, Winchester, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Sadler. Business:—A supplication of certain men of Leiston against Robt. Browne remitted to the bp. of Rochester, Mr. Dacres, and Dr. Peter.
19 Nov. 1359. Chapuys to Charles V.
Calendar, VI.
i., No. 207.
Yesterday the King sent to him the earl of Anthonne, lord Privy Seal, to inform him that the French were actually soliciting most warmly the hand of the Princess for the duke of Orleans—a fact that the Earl thought most important—and rather than reject their proposals at once, the King had feigned to listen to them in order to ascertain their real intentions. The Earl wished to assure him that there had been no acceptance, as the French were apt to make profit out of each political movement, and asked Chapuys what he thought of it. Chapuys said he had heard reports of it, but believed such a match to be impossible for various reasons, and was sure the King would never agree to it—especially after what passed between the Emperor and the bp. of Winchester—without first letting the Emperor know. At this the Earl was much pleased, and regretted the delay of the negociations between the Emperor and the King, telling him, as part of his message, that while the King acknowledged the need of resisting the Turks to be pressing he could not be expected to contribute money and men to it unless closer friendship were first established. Chapuys said the delay had not been owing to the Emperor, but was mainly due to his master, who had asked for it. The Earl only replied he would sacrifice a good deal to bring it about, but could make no practical suggestions, in reply to Chapuys, except that overtures ought to come from the Emperor. After a good deal of discussion, however, the Earl was persuaded that no better instrument could be found than Chapuys, and agreed to tell the King that if he would only explain his views to him, he would write home the King's suggestions in his own name if desired. The Earl then proceeded to denounce strongly the practices of the French, who were intriguing everywhere, especially with the Turk, though, he said, if the Emperor and his master were friends, Henry feared them not, “nor could king Francis with his son the duke of Orleans achieve great things.” He went on thus at a length extraordinary in a man naturally so sober, silent, and reserved. Indeed, he himself swore he had not for three years spoken to any living soul so long and openly. Among other things he said the King, his master, was beginning to suspect that Francis may perhaps, after all, be now awakening to the danger that the Turkish beast coming into Europe after devouring other princes may swallow him also, and be willing to listen to terms from the Emperor, which he would never accept otherwise,—unless he intends to invade England in union with the Turk, in which case both he and the Turk will find in the end that they have made a mistake.
The day before yesterday the Admiral sent word by one of Chapuys' secretaries, and the news was confirmed yesterday by the lord Privy Seal, that this Queen had confessed having had to do, before she was married, with Mr. Durem, who is now in the Tower, and that during at least three years that their amours lasted they had slept together “passé huiltante nuytz” without any word of marriage between them, “et que dernierement avoit este sceu comme me.” Also, it had lately been discovered that Colpeper, a gentleman of the King's Chamber, “et son compagnon de lit,” had received loving presents from her, and had met her twice privately within the last two months, five or six hours at a time, through the instrumentality of the widow Rochefort, who is also put in the Tower. Asked the lord Privy Seal what the King meant to do in this case. He replied that he would show more patience and mercy than many might think—more even her own relations wished, meaning Norfolk, who said, God knows why, that he wished the Queen was burned. Does not know that she has yet been taken to the Tower. Some said she would be shut up in the cloister of a late nunnery (fn. 19) near Richmond, guarded by four women and some men. It is said the lady of Cleves greatly rejoiced at the event, and is coming to, if not already at, Richmond, to be nearer the King. Avoided, for many reasons, talking of her to the lord Privy Seal, waiting till he had a better opportunity at Court. The Princess has been sent back with the Prince (la Princesse a esté renvoyée avec le Prince), (fn. 20) and all the other ladies of the Court have been sent home.
The lord Privy Seal told me the King wished very much to know what number of men and ships the Emperor had for the undertaking, and in what ports the Imperial fleet might take refuge in stress of weather; and whether the king of Portugal had sent any of his own ships to join. Gave him what intelligence he could, and the Earl said the King had that morning received rather unfavourable news, viz., that 80 Turkish sail had been seen going towards Algiers; but he thought it was fabricated by the French.
This morning the lord Privy Seal sent word that the King was pleased with what we had said together, and would have sent for me but that he was about to go for five or six days to the country to relieve his mind after the late troubles. London, 19 Nov. 1541.
Original (at Vienna) partly in cipher.
19 Nov. 1360. Carlisle.
Add. MS.
5,754, f. 83.
B. M.
Indenture of receipt, 19 Nov. 33 Hen. VIII., by Stephen de Hassenperke, master of the King's works in Carlisle, from Robt. bp. of Carlisle, of 30l. for necessaries for the works. Signed: Stephanus de Hashenperg; and also with a mark.
20 Nov. 1361. The Privy Council.
P.C.P., vii.
Meeting at Westm., 29 Nov. Present: Abp. of Canterbury, Norfolk, Privy Seal, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Gt. Admiral, Winchester, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Wriothesley, Sadler. Business:—Order for John Willison, of Oxford, tailor, to be set on the pillory and otherwise punished for “saying he should see or he died friars and monks up again.” Letter directed to Deputy and Council of Ireland to take order touching a bill of complaint sent to them. A warrant was “stamped and signed” to Mr. Pollard to pay 14l. 10s. to Sir Edm. Walsingham for lord Lisle's board. Allowed a bill of Dr. Tregonwell's requiring 10s. a day for 70 days, and 7l. 10s. to Rog. Hunt, clerk of the Admiralty.


  • 1. It is from this copy, stated by the State Paper editors to be in the handwriting of Mr. Raymond, keeper of the State Papers, that the document was printed by them.
  • 2. Charles Howard. See No. 1333.
  • 3. Dereham.
  • 4. See No. 1334.
  • 5. Lord Thomas Howard. This was in 1536. See Vol. XI.
  • 6. See Nos. 1348, 1385.
  • 7. So the date is given by Herbert, who printed the letter before it was mutilated; but it seems not to have been despatched till the 14th. See No. 1341.
  • 8. That is, at Grimsthorpe, the duke of Suffolk's place, when the Court was on its way towards York.
  • 9. Crosses opposite these in the margin.
  • 10. Lyddington in Rutland, not Loddington, as suggested by Nicolas, whose spelling has been unfortunately followed in Nos. 1048, 1053, 1055, and 1057.
  • 11. About the 25th October. See No. 1287.
  • 12. Of the Princess Mary.
  • 13. At Spires.
  • 14. This paragraph added with the heading “Addition.”
  • 15. 412,000 cr. in Kaulek.
  • 16. Francis, duke of Longueville.
  • 17. The letter must certainly be dated at a place near Joinville (see No. 1357), and the only place resembling this name is Annonville; which seems probable besides, as it is south-east of Joinville, and the company were travelling northward to Bar.
  • 18. For the trial of the Queen's accomplices. See No. 1395 (10, 20).
  • 19. Syon.
  • 20. So according to Gachard, who prints these passages from an eighteenth century copy of this letter. See his “Analectes Historiques,” I.–IV. Séries, p. 238.