Henry VIII: December 1521, 21-25

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 3, 1519-1523. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1867.

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Citation:

'Henry VIII: December 1521, 21-25', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 3, 1519-1523, ed. J S Brewer( London, 1867), British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol3/pp801-812 [accessed 22 July 2024].

'Henry VIII: December 1521, 21-25', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 3, 1519-1523. Edited by J S Brewer( London, 1867), British History Online, accessed July 22, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol3/pp801-812.

"Henry VIII: December 1521, 21-25". Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 3, 1519-1523. Ed. J S Brewer(London, 1867), , British History Online. Web. 22 July 2024. https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol3/pp801-812.

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December 1521

21 Dec.
R. O. St. P. II. 91.
1888. The COUNCIL OF IRELAND to WOLSEY.
Knowing of the return of the King's lieutenant, can do no less than give Wolsey their special thanks for his endeavors to promote the reduction of Ireland. The land is brought in towardness of reformation by Surrey's policy in war, and impartial administration of justice. He has had the best experience of this country, and the ways to reform it, of any man of our time. Think that if he were allowed a sufficient number of men, the land would be brought into subjection. Dublin, 21 Dec. Signed: H. Midensis, John Abbot of Saynt Thomas Court, J. Rawson, prior of Kilmainham, John Abbot of Saint Mary Abbey, W. vic. of G. (viscount Gormanstown), Sir Nicholas lord Howth, Sir John lord of Trymletestone, J. Fynglas, chief baron of the Exchequer.
P. 1. Add.: To my lord Legate, cardinal of England, his good grace.
21 Dec.
Nero, B. VI. 105. B. M.
1889. VENICE.
Extract of a letter of David de Taxis from Verona, 21 Dec.
That the Baleones and Vitelli have abandoned the Venetians. The Venetian army is gone to Padua and Treviso. They are in great want of money, and hold intelligence with the duke of Ferrara, in whose territory the Pope's army is. The Spaniards are at Bergamo (Pergomi).
In Spinelly's hand, p. 1. Endorsed in French.
23 Dec.
Galba, B. VII. 172. B. M.
1890. SIR RICHARD WINGFIELD and SPINELLY to [WOLSEY].
Wrote on the 19th. Yesterday morning, master Secretary (Pace) arrived, and in the evening had audience of the Emperor, and today of my Lady. A gentleman of the marquis of Mantua, who left Milan on the 8th, has brought news that the two Cardinals, immediately on knowing the Pope's decease, assembled Prospero Colonna, the marquises of Mantua and Pescara and the other captains, assuring them that the Emperor would see nothing lack to the prosecution of the enterprise, to which the new Pope must be favorable. It was arranged that Prospero should remain in Milan with a portion of his own company and 2,000 Swiss, who have undertaken to defend the city against the castle, the city promising to pay their wages. The rest of the Swiss were divided in Pavia, Placentia, Parma, Modena, Reggio and Bologna. That done, the two Cardinals went by posts to Rome; the Marquises to Lodi, with most of the lanceknights and Spaniards. Lautrec, by the last news, was not in Cremona, but at a place of the Venetians called Lona, between Brescia and Pescara. There were in Cremona 100 spears and 1,500 foot. The French horse were almost all lost and destitute of clothes and money. The lanceknights took prisoner the lord de Lescu, fleeing; and, meaning to cheat their captains, attempted to bring him by Valtellina to Trent, that they might have his ransom themselves; but at a passage within the Grisons he was taken out of their hands.
The Emperor has news of the 14th, from Spain, of the distress of certain French ships going with munitions to Fontarabia. Toledo and Valencia were reduced to subjection. The army of the Constable and lords of Castile was daily increasing, and determined to recover Fontarabia, where the French had 2,000 Almains and as many Gascons. The Admiral had with drawn to Bayonne. Letters from the Swiss, of the 14th, say the cantons were divided as to keeping the diet at the request of the Emperor and duke of Milan. The French desired 10,000 men to aid in recovering Milan, and offered them ready money on the 28th. Ghent, 23 Dec. Signed.
Pp. 2.
23 Dec.
Mon. Habs. 520.
1891. CHARLES V. to the BISHOP OF BADAJOZ.
Has received his letters of the 19th, but had previously despatched his own, by which he will have seen that he has acted in the business for which Pace is sent, so that the King and Cardinal will have cause to be contented. Has followed the Bishop's advice in everything. Sends letters in his own hand for the King and Legate, and a copy of the news from Italy, to show them that the French reports of the disbanding of his army and the recovery of Milan are not true. His army will be used not only to preserve what has been acquired, and to finish the enterprises of Cremona and Genoa, but to assist in the object for which Pace came. Is enlisting 6,000 Almain foot to accompany the duke of Milan, lest it may be thought that the Pope's death has taken away his courage, and that the French may see he is not so poor as they think. Has told the Venetian ambassador to write for a free passage for the troops through their territory, and to dissuade them from taking up arms against him again.
The preservation of his affairs depends on the provision of money, and on the entertainment of the Swiss. It is necessary to make all haste about the loan of 200,000 ducats; and Henry must send some one to Switzerland, before the expiration of the diet, to act in conjunction with Charles's ambassadors. Does not see why he should object to its being discovered, now that the French have sent Albany to Scotland. If he were asked why he sent to Switzerland, he might answer that it was for the same purpose for which Albany went to Scotland. The matter is of great importance, and the French are doing all they can to gain the Swiss; and if they wait till Pace's return from Rome, the delay will be too great. The practices of the Venetians must be anticipated before they rejoin France. If Pace cannot be started at once, the Swiss must be kept in hopes till his return. Was absent from Oudenarde when the news of the death of the Pope arrived, and the lady Margaret's messenger was sent off. Wrote to the Cardinal to the effect he desired, before he knew his intention. He must do all he can to obtain payment of the 3,000 foot.
Fr., draft.
24 Dec.
Mon. Habs. 523. Bradf. 26.
1892. The BISHOP OF BADAJOZ to CHARLES V.
Answers his letters of the 16th only, in which was enclosed a letter for Wolsey. Informed him of the Pope's death, of Charles's wish for his exaltation, and of his offer to exert his influence in his behalf at the election, if Wolsey desired it; to all which he listened attentively, and was as thankful as if he had already been elected Pope by means of the Emperor; for as Charles remembered his promises at Bruges, he had great hopes of the dignity. He then repeated Pace's instructions, which Badajoz reported in his last; adding, what the Bishop thought very strange, that your majesty should move the imperial troops now in Italy to Rome; and if the Cardinals could not be induced by good offers to elect him, they should be prevented by force from electing an adherent of the French party; to the destruction of Naples and Sicily, and consequently of all Christendom. All these evils will be averted if he is elected; for his main care would be to place the imperial crown on Charles's head, exalt his own King, and make an expedition, first against the French, then against the Infidels, in which he would personally accompany the two Princes. The rest of his ideas about the election are to be communicated to the Emperor by Pace. He showed the Bishop the commissions and powers given to Pace and the ambassador at Rome, who, to obtain the election, were to promise in the King's name anything they chose. They are in duplicate; one set if there is any chance of electing Wolsey; the other, in general terms, for whom the ambassadors shall see fit. He said the election should not be lost for want of 100,000 ducats, and that Francis reckoned he had twenty-two cardinals in his favor, from which the Bishop perceives that he offered Wolsey their votes and his influence. Showed him the French king had no power there; of which Wolsey himself is thoroughly aware, as the French have been defeated in Italy, and therefore all his hope is in Charles. Showed him the copy of the instructions sent to the Swiss, with the addition made after the Pope's death, and told him the Emperor had sent the seneschal of Burgundy to them, and what provision was made at Rome, and what his ambassador was to ask from the new Pope and the College for their entertainment. With all this he was pleased, and gave answer as the Bishop wrote in his last letter. Whenever asked about the Swiss, he refers to Pace's instructions, saying the Emperor ought to be pleased with them. Hopes Pace speaks more expressly and openly than the Cardinal, for he does not say he will send money, which is particularly necessary. Will not leave off pressing him.
Will do what he can for the collectorship in favor of Felice Trufino, secretary to cardinal De Medici, if the Nuncio asks him, which he has not yet done. Has not been able to communicate Charles's letters of the 21st to the Cardinal, owing to the solemn festivals, during which he has asked the Bishop not to trouble him with any business. He is at Hampton Court, and will not come to London till Monday or Tuesday. Has just heard that De Castres has crossed the sea. The English ship which Charles asked to be provided, at his expense, to carry his letters to Spain, is being diligently got ready, and will be able to cross with the first wind. Could send them by a large armed Spanish ship, which is waiting for the weather. Thinks it will be equally safe, but will not exceed his commission. Three days ago the Scotch ambassador, a bishop, arrived, but he has not yet had an audience. Was told that the King had heard through France that cardinals De Medici and Sion arrived at Rome on the 13th, and commenced their practices for the election; that the Cardinals would enter into conclave on the 20th, and that cardinal Flisco, of Genoa, would probably be chosen. London, 24 Dec. 1521.
Lat.
24 Dec.
Vit. B. IV. 209. B. M.
1893. [CARD. DE MEDICI] to HENRY VIII.
His sorrow at the Pope's death. The title he bestowed on Henry is the greatest proof of the esteem the Pope had for him. Rome, 24 Dec. 1521. Signature burnt off.
Lat., mutilated, pp. 2. Add.
24 Dec.
R. O.
1894. CARD. DE MEDICI to WOLSEY.
I am much afflicted by the death of the Pope. It will be a great loss to you and the King, as well as the rest of Christendom. The Pope had written the accompanying letters to the King, intending to add something in his own hand, but was prevented by death. Among other friends the English ambassador has done much to console me. Rome, 24 Dec. 1521. Signed: Ju. vicecanceff.
Lat., pp. 2. Add.: Rmo, &c. carli Eboracen.
Dec.
Vit. B. IV. 210. B. M.
1895. CLERK to [WOLSEY].
Clerk's cipher.
Bull for the King's title.
Pope's death.
"Pleaseth your grace to understand that ... day of this month of December I received your grace's most honorable letters of the fy[ve and] twenty day of November. And first, whereas by the continue of them I do perceive that my poor service, far under my duty, employed here in the King's highness' causes, hath been very acceptable and thankful unto his highness, there to my great laud, though unworthy, and also here to my great comfort: my most especial and singular good Lord, as [I] have done in times past, so must I eftsoons give thanks unto your grace, and confess my bondage and servitude unto [the] same, not only because your grace ... hath made and created me to that I am, but also because your honorable reports keepeth me still in some estimation, and specially in the King's highness' favor, which I esteem more than any worldly riches. Besides, the only thing which I have to recompense your grace's infinite goodness is my faithful and diligent service in the King's highness' causes and yours, with my daily prayer for both your prosperities; wherein I shall not fail till life forsake me. Ascertaining your grace that the bull of the King's highness' new title is already sped in right good manner, as it may appear unto your grace by a copy which lately I sent unto your grace; and so is likewise, as they show me, the bull of confirmation and approbation of his grace's book, which be safe in the cardinal De Medicis' hands, with wh[ich on the] last day I (fn. 1) desired him that the said bulls might be safely kept; and that, percase he [were] Pope himself, he would send them, so that there should need no new suit to be made for them to the new Pope, seeing that they were already so far past. And he said that he would not fail to send them, and that they had been sent or this time, had not tarrying a-been for divers verses and words which the Pope's holiness did cause to be made by excellent clerks here in laud and praise of the King's highness and of his said [book], supposing that if they were sent all together the thinke should be more great and ac[ceptable] unto the King's highness. I showed [at] the same time unto the said card. De Medicis, how that your grace had engrossed and perfectly finished such treaties as were concluded between yo[u] and the Emperor at your last being with the said [Emperor], and how that thereon you had not forgotten your duty towards the Pope's holiness in furthering and advancing his affairs in that ye might. And therewith I lamented the Pope's death, saying that the King's highness, who chiefly had entered this new league for his Holiness' sake, and upon great ope of the help and assistance of his Holiness, was now in evil case, except God should provide us of a new Pope of like mind and affection; wherefore I exhorted him to look substantially thereunto.
Factions among the Cardinals.
Volterra opposes De Medici;
"I cannot express unto your grace in what sorrow and dolor ... he was in at that time; and, as I understood afterwards, the cause thereof was this. In [Florence] be two factions; the one De Medicis, and the other De Soderinis. This faction, De Soderinis, ruled in Florence all Alexander's days, and all Julius's days; and all that time the family De Medicis was banished Florence, saving in ultimo anno Julii. Pope July restored them; so that the Pope that is dead, being their Cardinal, entered; and after the Pope ruled the city by his brethren, till now, as your grace hath seen, the heads of them, De Soderinis, be t[wo] brethren,—a layman which ruled Florence peaceably twenty years, and a cardinal called cardinal of Volterra. Th[is] man came hither to Rome with suffrance, and lived here and kept but a mean estate all the last Pope's days. The Cardinal, ad declinandam invidiam abiit in voluntarium exilium, and was under protection in a place of the Colonise, within sixty miles of Rome. This Cardinal [is] a stout man and a wise, and a well spoken, and a man of good authority and reputation here in this court; and now at his coming, perceiving a g[reat] number of these Cardinals sore bent to make the cardinal De Medicis Pope, first did severally solicit each of them to the contrary, declaring against the said cardinal De Medicis, that, if he should be Pope, that should ma[r] their reckoning to have no new Pope, for he had been Pope now a long season, and how that they have had good experience what manner a man he is, with many evil words of the Cardinal's bastardy, tyranny, and how that he had already undone the Church; as a man disposed [to speak] evil (ut nunc sunt mores) can lack no matter, and ... contented to show these things in the worst manner privately and severally unto them.
to whom Clerk suggests Wolsey. "One day, openly in the congregation amongst them all, he made an exclamation and a long process of the selfsame matter, in such manner that he turned many of their minds. For the which cause, as I understand, after the said cardinal De Medicis, the which at his coming to Rome was in good hope for t[hei]r election to be made in his own person, seeing [so] great difficulty arise, was then in a great perplexity, and had unto me very few words, saving that he said that as for himself [he thought] himself too far unworthy for the room, and that it was every good man's part to endeavour himself to have a good man, and how th[at if they had] a good man there could nothing go amiss; finally it was a thing that depended of Almighty God, and as God should dispose so would he be contented. I showed him that I was sure your grace would be contented to suffer largely, both in your goods and also in your body, to see him in the room, and that he might boldly to that intent promise all that your grace was hable to make. He said that your grace was more meet for the room than any man, and wished that the Holy Ghost would inspire his brethren the Cardinals to lean that ways. Other particularity I could not get of him. Notwithstanding, because princes' orators here in the court be now somewhat busy as meet ministers in all these practices sede vacante, I offered myself at all seasons to go and to ride, to do and to sp[eak] in the King's behalf and yours, and otherw[ise] that by him should be thought expedient, and showed him that I had been with divers of the [Car]dinals already, and that I had found divers of them very well disposed towards him, naming unto him, amongst other, the cardinal Columna and Campegius. Whereupon he demanded of me when I spake with the cardinal of Columna; and I showed him that (as indeed I had) two days past. He said unto me that he had found great alteration in the said cardinal Columna, and desired me to repair unto him again, and to put him again in remembrance of his promise made unto me, and to show him plainly that I had heard that he had changed his mind. And thus at that time I departed from the said cardinal De Medicis; saving that I showed [him that] the King's highness, to the intent your [grace] should the more honorably entertain [your estate], had given unto you the abbey of St. Alban's in commendam. He said unto me that the Pope's orator there had written for the expedition of that matter; and if the Pope had lived, it should have been sped out of hand, and without delay, and that whosoever should be Pope he would help to the expedition thereof with all the favor he may make.
Has an interview with Colonna. "The next day after, I went to the cardinal Columna, and showed unto him that whereas lately concerning this election I had made intercession, and recommended unto him divers persons whom I thought not on[ly] such as the King's highness my master should have a great mind unto, but also most m[eet] for to occupy this room, and had named unto [him], amongst them, the cardinal De Medicis, a man unto whom he himself at that time did conf[ess] to be as much bound unto as to any man; and whereas he, not only regarding the [merits of the] said Cardinal, but also the intercession made unto him for the said Cardinal by m[e in] the King my master's name, promised to do and effectually labor him with all his possible power: I now, being credibly informed that he should, contrary to his said promise, labor for some other, and specially against the said cardinal De Medicis, was now come unto him to put him in remembrance of his said promise, and to desire him to accomplish in deed that which he had in word promised, assuring him that if he so did he should have such offers as no man else in the College was able to make him. I desired him also [to] remember that he and his family had eve[r been] imperial, and if that the cardinal De Medicis went witho ... Rome might fortune to fall in the han[ds of the] contrary faction; and that should be [the destruc]tion of him and of his family also.
"The said cardinal Columna answered me again that as touching [to] be imperial, or of any other faction, he assured me that the cardinal De Medicis was naturally, as all Florentines, for the French part; and that for this breach that was now between France and them they were forced thereunto to do against the heer (hair), and that through their own default, because they could not temporege ne handle ne deal with the French men accordingly. He showed me, moreover, that the cardinal De Medicis, before that Milan was taken, at the passage of the flood of Ada, made large offers to have reconciled himself again with France, and since his coming home to Rome hath been with the ambassador of France here in R[ome], and hath made his excuse, and said plainly that [if] he were Pope he would become Pope (French ?) again. Howbeit, and it like your grace, I cannot tell whether he said truth or not; b[ut] God forbid that everything should be of truth that one of the Cardinals saith now n ...
"Furthermore the said Cardinal said unto me that it was not only his voice that could make the cardinal De Medicis Pope; and that, according unto his promise, as long as he saw any likelihood for the said cardinal De Medicis, so long he did for him all that he could; but where he saw such resistance that the thing was almost impossible, then he advised the said Cardinal to think upon some other able and indifferent person in whom he [mi]ght have some confidence, and that he would be g[lad to] do the best he could. He showed me th[at] the cardinal De Medicis had proponed unto him, first, the car[dinal] of Cartona, who was lately but a mean ... unto the cardinal De Medicis, and an ignorant person; [next to] him, the cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor, [and next to] him cardinal Ægidius, which is a friar; and besides other exceptions, which should be very long, and besides that not very honest to write unto your grace, he said that they were such persons as the cardinal De Medicis might rule at his pleasure, and finally that men were as lot[h] to have any man whom the said cardinal De Medicis might rule as to have the said Cardinal himself.
"Whereunto I said to the said Cardinal, 'Sir, I do perceive that you be thus right well minded towards the cardinal De Medicis, that at the least wise you would be contented to do for any friend o[f] his, so that the person had qualities thereafter. May I be so bold as to axe of you what friend of the cardinal De Medicis being qualified is there in th[is] College, upon whom ye may find in your h[eart] to bestow your favor? He answered me [that] there were divers aged men, and each of them were very meet for the room, and how c ... endeavour himself so that he might come to this feast and marriage once again; and that if they should elect a young man he might survive them all.
Description of Colonna. "This card. of Columna is a stout man and a bold, and speaketh roundly, not greatly hiding that that lieth in his stomach; insomuch, that men report of him that he hath much more of the lion than of the fox. I answered him again, that, as touching superviving, it was in the hand of God, and how that example thereof might be taken of the Pope that now last died, who for age might have lived, if it ha[d been] God's pleasure, many years. 'And besides that,' said I, 'at my last being with you, ye showed me in a manner without any my mot[ion (as in]deed ye did), that if ye saw any dy[fficulty] for the card. De Medicis, ye were utterly determined with all your possible power to do for the cardinal Campegius.' Whereunto he said, 'Why do not you h[ave] him? Why do not you cause the card. De Medicis to name him, and to set on him as his confidant? If we for our part should name him, I know well the card. De Medicis would have him suspected, and utterly refuse him. If ye can find the means that the card. De Medicis do first name him as his trusty friend, I promise you I shall follow the same with all that I can, and put no doubt but the thing shall come to pass,' having, I assure your grace, very good words of the card. Campegius. I said t[hat] I knew not but that the card. De Medicis had great confidence in the card. Campegius, and that [I would] do herein as the said card. Campegius s[hould] advise me. And with this resolution, which [he] thought very good, I departed, and went immediately to the card. Campegius, and showed him of such communication as I had had w[ith the] card. Columna; and he willed me to go to the card. De Medicis and to show the same, saving he willed me in no wise to speak of him, except that great occasion were given by anything that should be spoken of him by the card. De Medicis.
Reports to De Medici his interview with Colonna. "I went immediately unto the card. De Medicis, and showed him as much of the communication had with the card. Columna as methought expedient; and, finally, how that the card. Columna could be contented to condescend into any friend of the card. De Medicis, so that he wa[r a] habyl person, saving that he would have ... friar, excepting also the card. Sa[netorum] Quatuor and the card. Cortona y ... said that for certain causes the said card. Columna had no fantasy. And thereupon I exhorted the said card. De Medicis to look substantially upon, and not to be too precise in leaning to any of the forenamed persons, seeing that I knew right well that there were other persons right well qualified, in whom he might as well trust as in any man. The card. De Medicis answered me, that the card. Columna went about to make himself Pope, and at the least w[ise] to resist with all his power that no man be[ing a] friend unto the said card. De Medicis should have that room. Notwithstanding, he said his trust was in God that everything should not be as the sa[id] card. Columna would have it. And at the coming in of other cardinals to speak with him, he thanked me for my labors, and so I departed, not otherwise moving any- thing fo[r the card.] Campegius, because he had so precisely desired me to the contrary.
Card. of Ivrea made prisoner. "I wrote unto your grace by the last, that they should enter the conclave the 18th day of this month of December. It may like your grace now to understand that it shall be St. Stephen's Day or they enter the conclave. The cause of the delay is the taking prisoner of a cardinal in Lombardy coming in the posts out of Savoy to the election, called the card. of Ivuria; whose taking was sore laid to the card. de Medicis' charge, as though he had been taken at his commandment. The matter was here disputed a day, non sine contentione. Finally, they determined th[at the] College should write that he should be dismissed and set at liberty, and that after his dismission they should tarry for him as many days as he might come from thence hither.
Dissensions run high. "I assure your grace, here is a marvellous division, and we were never likelier to have a schism. The card. De Medicis holdeth still his hold, and hath with him a 15 assured voices; so that without him, he is assured, there can be no election, for there must two parties of the three agree, and there shall be 40 or 39 in the whole. He hath many against him, but they be divided; and there is an eight or nine of them, and each of them will be Pope. If Medicis keep his hold, as men think he will, he is very likely to make some friend of his. There is no token as yet of any in[ten]tion that he hath toward the card. Campegius, and there is no man dare move him th[ereto], for fear les the motion should hurt. [It] must come of his own suing. There is no [doubt he] shall be fain to fall unto him or some other at the last; for it is almost impossible that he should obtain it for himself.
Proposal to remove the Swiss guard. "The card. De Medicis hath a lodging within the Pope's palace, and so hath divers other cardinals; and because that the last Pope's guard, to the number of 500 Swiss, have the custody thereof, because also it is to be supposed that the said guard will favor the said card. De Medicis for the Pope their last master's sake, therefore it was proposed in congregation the last day, by the card. Columna and other of his faction, that the said guard should be removed from t[he city], or else that the conclave should be made in some other place, alleging that locus ille ... tutum unto them that should take a ... to the card. De Medicis' mind. Wherein there [was some di]versity awhile; howbeit, at the last, because the Swiss would not be removed, because also it was thought strange to change the place accustomed for the conclave, namely, finding none other place so meet therefor, it was determined that the conclave should be kept in the palace in loco solito, and to the Swiss for the guard of the said conclave should be joined 1,000 footmen more.
Pasquinades. "Here in this court is now summa licentia in saying evil, in jesting and railing, in setting up slanderous verses [and] rhymes, and that in all languages, specially against the Pope that dead is, and his nation, and such as hath dependentiam of them; and there is no cardinal [in] this court that hath any notable spot but [he might] as good have it written in his forehead. Hæc [est] Romana libertas. I will not write the spec[ialties], for I know well your grace would abhor th[e reading as much as] should I the writing.
"The duke of Lotreke (fn. 2) hath sent on ... who, in the French king's name, hath showed unto the College of Cardinals how that hitherto his master hath had war with Pope Leo, and not with the See Apostolic; wherefore he desireth them to withdraw their army out of his master's lands, that is to say, the duchy of Milan. His answer was that they knew not that the army of the Church was in any part of the French king's ground. As for the revoking of the army out of the duchy of Milan, they said that shortly they should go to election, and that in mean season they would in now ... ate nothing. The 400 Frenchmen that were in Cremona be past the Po, and have reprised the one half [the] city of Parma, which, divided from the other half with dyke and wall, hath lien open, [and could not] well be defended. Upon St. Stephen's [day they] shall enter the conclave."
Hol., cr., deciphered in the margin. Badly mutilated.
* Those words only are in brackets which are lost both in the cipher and in the decipher.
R. O. 1896. The PAPACY.
Account of the proceedings at Rome on the election of the Pope on the death of Leo X., and the efforts made by Pace and Clerk to secure the election for Wolsey.
Pp. 104; wanting two leaves at the beginning. (fn. 3)
24 Dec.
R. O. Ellis, 3 Ser. I. 293.
1897. GAWIN BP. OF DUNKELD to WOLSEY.
Has come to England from the Earl of Angus and other Scotch lords, to speak to the King about the safety of his nephew. Is unknown to the King, or he would have written. Asks Wolsey to favor him, and tell him at what time and place he can see him. Would have come direct to him, but for the approach of Christmas, and that he is somewhat "accrasyt" by the way. Waltham Cross, Christmas Eve.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's grace. Endd.
Calig. B. VI. 204. B. M. 2. "Instructions and commission for my lord of Dunkeld to be schawen unto the kinges grace of England on the behalf of my lord of Angus his kyn and frendes, my lord Home, lord Somervell, thar kyn and frendes, for the wele and suyrtie of our soverain lord, and to appoynt with his highnes upon thir articles following, or any others being not here expressed, as is thought expedient be the Kinges grace his counsaill and the said busshop, for the securite forsaid."
(1.) The duke of Albany has come to Scotland, and is an object of suspicion, making pretensions to the crown, and having the rule of the King. If they may have help they will die for the surety of their sovereign. (2.) There is no security for him while Albany is governor and within the realm. (3.) If he is to remain in Scotland, and Albany governor, the three lords appointed by Parliament to keep the King will have the appointment of all his servants, and not those who have him now in keeping. (4.) The Queen is much inclined to the Duke's pleasure. They are always together, "owthre forrowe none (forenoon), or aftre," and it is supposed he intends a divorce between Angus and the Queen; "and what counsel the said Queen had given her by the bishop of Glasgue, the abbot of Halyrudehouse, and master John Cantlie, whilkis now the said Duke at his coming into Scotland has given to her thir promotions, the archbishopric of St. Andrew's to Glasgow, the bishopric of Glasgow to the abbot of Halyrudehouse, and the abbey of Kilwynnyng to Cantlie, and other twa benefices." Grissel, his servant, has remained with the Queen three-quarters of a year to complete his purpose. "And a great part of this counsel Father Frere Henry Chadworth, whilke the King's grace of England sent to the Queen, knows in every behalf." (5.) On Albany's first coming he visited the Queen at Striveling, and went in her company to Lithgow, and so to Edinburgh. On the second day after their arrival the Duke received the keys of the castle, where the King was, from the captain, and delivered them to the Queen, who gave them back to him. (6.) If neither the King nor the duke of Albany can be removed from Scotland, the three lords should have the appointment of all officers about him, the keepers being discharged, and Albany not allowed to come within 30 miles of the King; otherwise he stands in great danger. (7.) Labor should be made to the Pope for his security. (8.) Angus, Home, and Somervell have sworn before Gawin bp. of Dunkeld and Thomas lord Dacre not to treat with Albany without the advice of England, being assured on the King's part that he will make no peace with him until the said lords enjoy their rights. (9.) If their sovereign be "putt down or de," in which case Albany will claim the crown, they desire to know what "suppley the Kinges grace will do them." "And for the mare securite the said lordes has subscribit this writt with their handes at the kirk of the Stele the 14th day of December, the year of God MVc & XXJ."
The original, of which this is a copy by Dacre, is at ƒ. 223 of the same volume, signed by Angus, Home, and Somervell, and endorsed by Tuke.
f. 205. II. "The opinion of me, Thomas lord Dacre, undre the correction of the Kinges highnes and your grace, to thes articles afore written." (1.) They cannot withstand the Duke without help. The common rumor is that the King will be destroyed, and the Duke aspire to the crown. (2.) Refers the answer to Wolsey. (3.) Knows the allegation to be true. The 4th is true also:—the Queen has attempted to make Angus consent to a divorce, offering him the forest of Ettrick, worth 1,200 marks Scotch by year. Hearing this, Dacre persuaded him to the contrary, and made him swear that he would not consent. (5.) It is true that there is "marvellous great intelligence" between Margaret and the Duke, both by day and night, and they care not who knows it. They are overtender, as the bp. of Dunkeld can testify. (6.) Thinks Henry should agree to the proposals. All that they do is for their own purposes, and if the Duke mean truly he will agree to it. (7.) He agrees, as the Pope ought to defend all minors. There are good grounds for this, on the information of the Lords and the Bishop, who will go in person to Rome. Albany is in such favor with the Pope that he disposes of all abbeys in Scotland;—has just given the lord Flemyng's son the abbey of Holyrudehouse;—has received for benefices sold by him 40,000 marks Scots=10,000 marks sterling. (8.) Approves, since they might have their peace, if they would consent for the earl of Angus "to depart with the Queen," and the lord Home might have all his wife's land. (9.) Requires no answer from Dacre.
The effect of the above articles is for assistance from England, without which the Duke will aspire to the kingdom, and a Frenchman be King adjoining the marches, which will prove so chargeable, the King had better forego them. Proposes, therefore, that these lords be thanked, and the wardens commanded to assist them, and 1,000l. bestowed upon the latter for making "grete rodes." Disapproves of garrisons, as looking too much like war. Will post his brother and his son on the West Marches, himself in the Middle Marches. Some defence must be had for the castle of Wark in the East Marches and the county of Elandale. Proposes the contingent for Berwick. Will manage that these lords of Scotland shall help him against Scotchmen.
f. 207. III. "Copy of a minute indented between the wardens of England and Scotland (Dacre and Cesford), for reformation of attemptatis again the 14th day of January," made at Ridam Burn, 18 Dec. 1521, before Master Richard Bodwell and Master Adam Ottirburn, sent by the council of Scotland. 1. For the part of England four bills shall be made for Newburghe and Allerwish, Lermouth, Thorngrafton, Haltwesill; for Scotland, Ekfurth, Barbent and Kale, Netherwhitton and Hawsinden: which shall be redressed, if sworn to, according to a letter sent from the Regents, dated Edinburgh, 27 Nov. The other bills on both sides shall be reformed. The lairds of Bonyedworth, Ridda[m], Grenehede, and the sheriff of Tividale, shall decide on the 14 Jan. the matters in dispute in the Scotch bills. Prisoners unlawfully taken to be discharged. The meeting to sit for fourteen days till all bills be answered. Signed: "Thomas Dacre."
Pp. 8.
Calig. B. III. 309. B. M. 1898. MEMORIAL [by GAWIN DOUGLAS] against the DUKE OF ALBANY.
1. As the Duke has no inheritance of his own in Scotland or France, and his father died banished and a rebel to the Crown, he is incapacitated from being the King's tutor or holding any office. 2. He is a vassal to the king of France, and thus Scotland will be subjected and its interests sacrificed to France. 3. That he is governed by the fear of England and France, regulates his appointments accordingly, removing the King of right tender age forth of Striveling Castle, where he was right well at ease, "to the wyndy and richt unplesand castell and royk of Edinburgh," and now removes him to Stirling, that he may keep it in his hands, as he does Dunbar, Dumbarton and Inchgarvy, which he has stuffed with Frenchmen. 4. He does not promote the interests of the young King—(1.) by wasting his treasure, and giving pay to certain French wagers 4l. Scots per month, "quhilk ar but veray knavis;" to De la Bastie, umquhile his deputy in his absence, 5l. Scots per diem, and after his decease the same to lord Hamilton. (2.) He has appropriated 50,000 francs sent by France to the king of Scots. (3.) "The Kingis riche gounys of most fyne cloith of gold furrit with fynest sabillis he has analit, togiddre with the hangingis and apparalingis of his chalmeris, palit of purpur and velvet crammesyn, and maid clothing thereof to sum of his pagis and servandis, and has conzeit in plakkis the Kingis grete silver stopis double gilt, that in the hole montis to one richt grete soume." (4.) He has sold three of the King's great ships and jewels, worth 300,000 francs, with their ordnance. 5. He disposes at pleasure of lands that fall to the King by forfeiture or otherwise; 6. sells the wardships, lands and marriages, as of Drummond, Sanquhar, Barnbowgall, and lately of Inverugy. 7. Justice is impeded by his presence, as appears by the slaughter of the last Chamberlain—his letters fostering discord. He maintains the queen against her husband. 8. Sells benefices and great prelacies, and at his last return into Scotland has stent the whole realm to a tax of 25,000l. Scots. 9. Has made Robert Bertoun, the pirate, controller, "and one maister Johnne Campbell, one bastard bribor quhilk had not 5s. worth of good of his aun, thesaurar;" by whose accounts the King is in their debt 12,000l. Scots, though he was so badly clothed with "honest hole hoyssing and dowbillattis," till that his sister, the countess of Morton, furnished him with sik needful things; and when cloth of silver and gold was sent by Albany and the Queen to make gowns for the King, they refused to furnish the lining. It is said that the duke of Ross died from want of necessities, or was poisoned. 10. Such things ought well to reduce the cruel example of king Richard to remembrance, and prevent the rule of such a man, who might claim the crown. 11. "Gyf this duke of Albaneis fader had deit at the faith and pece of his prince, and not rebell nor banneist, zite then he has on live one eldar brothir, Alexander Stewart, commendator of Scone and Inchchafferay, within no holy ordouris, but one man habyll to mary, bygottin on the duke of Albany's first wife, umquhile dochter to the erle of Orknay." 12. That on the 21st Jan. 1520 the states of Scotland declared that Albany should no longer be reputed governor unless he returned before the 1st Aug., which was Lammas Day last past, and he did not return till the end of November. All that he does, therefore, is without authority, and in defiance of his deposition. 13. That the archbishop of Glasgow intends the crown for the sons of Arran. When baptizing the first child he said, "Quho wayt then I may leyf till I see and put the croune on this childis hede." 14 & 15. That in the reign of Alexander III. the king of England had interposed in his proper person, and the same should be done now.
Pp. 5. Endd.: A memorial of certain things concerning the duke of Albany.
25 Dec.
Add. MS. 21116. f. 1. B. M.
1899. The KING'S HOUSEHOLD.
Christmas, 13 Hen. VIII.—Names of the cupbearers, &c. who will serve the King in his privy chamber, dining chamber or elsewhere. When in his privy chamber, those to serve shall be selected by the gentlemen ushers; when in the dining chamber, by the Lord or Vice Chamberlain.
Cupbearers.—Fras. Brian, Sir Ric. Jerningham, Sir Ric. Weston, lord Herbert, lord Roos.
Carvers.—Sir Wm. Kingston, Sir Nic. Carewe, Fras. Poyntz, Sir David Owen, Sir Arthur Plantagenet, Sir Thos. Weste, Sir Jeffrey Gates, Sir John Carre.
Sewers.—Wm. Carye, Nic. Norrys,—Bryan, Sir Edw. Nevill, Sir Hen. Penagoe, Sir Henry Owen, Sir Thos. Lucy, Sir Edw. Walsingham, John Darrell, Humphrey Forster, Oliver Manners.
P. 1, modern copy.

Footnotes

  • 1. The contraction for and is here used instead of I.
  • 2. Sic. Deciphered Mons. de Lotreke.
  • 3. This document is written in a hand apparently of the beginning of the 17th century, and seems to have been compiled from the correspondence noticed in this volume.