Henry VIII: December 1533, 26-31

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 6, 1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

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, 'Henry VIII: December 1533, 26-31', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 6, 1533, (London, 1882) pp. 631-653. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol6/pp631-653 [accessed 23 May 2024].

. "Henry VIII: December 1533, 26-31", in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 6, 1533, (London, 1882) 631-653. British History Online, accessed May 23, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol6/pp631-653.

. "Henry VIII: December 1533, 26-31", Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 6, 1533, (London, 1882). 631-653. British History Online. Web. 23 May 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol6/pp631-653.


December 1533, 26-31

26 Dec.
R. O.
1565. Richard Pexall, Abbot of Leicester, to Cromwell.
I thank you for the order taken for my pension, which shall be my comfort in these my old days. I recommend to your service Will. Ducket, the bearer, an honest priest, or that you would prefer him, as I am now not able to do so. Leicester Abbey, St. Stephen's Day.
Hol., but not in the Abbot's hand, p. 1. Add. : To the hon. and his especial good master, Mr. Cromwell. Sealed.

R. O.
1566. Rowland Lee to Cromwell.
Sir Henry Everingham has sent you his chaplain, Mr. Horsseman, (fn. 1) to desire you to take his small offer of a fee.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : To my loving friend. Sealed.
[27 Dec.?]
R. O.
1567. Rowland Lee to Cromwell.
Mr. Strette has dealt substantially in my election, and brought it with him, but before it is exhibited to the King it must be made up in mundum. For this he has brought all that is necessary ; he has also brought the King's money. I am towards Lambeth. Yesterday I was desired by my lord of Westmoreland to beg your favor to my lord Conyers in his suit for the benefice of Rudby. 1 told him it was not in you to determine in that behalf otherwise than as the King pleased.
They then desired me that they might be suitors to the King, for which I pray you, and to let them know that I have spoken to you. I have nearly perfected your book, and it shall be clear written by tomorrow. Saturday, at Stepney.
Read Mr. Thomson's letter, and be good therein.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Councillor.
27 Dec.
Harl. MS. 6,148, f. 40. B. M. C.'s Letters, 275.
1568. Cranmer to his Chancellor and Dean of the Arches.
My commissary in Calice writes concerning my visitation there, and also for advice in an unlawful matrimony pending before him, wherein I fear he has gone further than he ought. I enclose his letter. Send me your advice with all speed. Ford, 27 Dec.
Add. : To my Chancellor and Dean of the Arches.
Copy from Cranmer's Letter Book.

Harl. MS. 6,148, f. 40. B. M. C.'s Letters, 275.
1569. Cranmer to the Abbot [of Reading].
"Brother abbot," I understand that, through the death of Dr. Benet, the collation of Aston, Herts, is in your disposition. I desire it for a friend of mine, for whom it is conveniently situated, and with whom you will think it well bestowed.
Copy from Cranmer's Letter Book.

Harl. MS. 6,148, f. 40 b. B. M. C.'s Letters, 275.
1570. Cranmer to .
I see by a testament now before me that Thomas Broune, late poticary of Bristow, left to my friend David Hutton a garden in C. Street, which you retain in the title of your wife Marget, late wife and executrix to the said Thomas. I desire you to give it up according to the tenor of the will. I see also that the said Thomas left, towards the marriage of a maid, Ales B., 20l., which David Hutton paid to you in trust, and of which you now deny the receipt. I desire you, that so charitable an intent be not hindered, to return the same to David Hutton.
Copy from Cranmer's Letter Book.
27 Dec.
Vienna Archives.
1571. Chapuys to Charles V.
Since my last I have heard of the proposals made by the duke of Suffolk on the part of the King to the Queen. They dwelt at great length on the favors which the King and his father had done to you and your predecessors at an incredible cost, and that she ought not to be ignorant that all had been done out of regard to her ; and that, considering the good treatment she had hitherto received, it seemed to them very strange she should put the King to so much trouble as she had done for many years, whilst he had been incessantly constrained to send ambassadors to Rome in defence of his own rights and privileges, wherein he had spent large sums of money ; that henceforth she ought to be satisfied, and cease putting the King to such torments and troubles ; seeing likewise that the sentence was passed by the archbishop of Canterbury on the divorce by the common consent, as he said, of the Church of England, and the great satisfaction of the whole kingdom, whereto, if she would consent and revoke her proctors from Rome, and renounce what has been done there in her favor against the King, she would be more beloved by the realm than ever, and the King would treat her as she desired. If, on the contrary, she proved obstinate, the King would be compelled to show her that he was not satisfied with her, and would clip her wings by taking from her her state and her servants, and shut her up in the house mentioned in my last ; using many bitter and discourteous words, protesting that she might be the cause of great trouble in Christendom and effusion of human blood, which all good Christians ought to avoid, and that no sentence given at Rome in her favor would be of the least use to her. To all this, and much more, she answered most prudently ; and to the revocation of her proctors from Rome she replied that it was not in her power, but in the King's, if he would obey what the Pope had done ; nor would the Pope revoke his censures for her, for he could, much better than the archbishop of Canterbury, decide ex officio, and not allow the King to live in sin ; that the King was the first to apply to the Pope ; that she would suffer a thousand deaths rather than consent, for it was contrary to God and the honor and conscience of herself and the King ; that though she was grieved at the illtreatment of her servants she would not prevaricate on this nor any other account ; that the King might do as he liked, but she would never enter the house they spoke of, unless she was carried there by force, for otherwise she might incur damnation by voluntary homicide, as the house was so unhealthy and pestilential.
When the Commissioners left her they summoned before them all her servants, dismissing some, and making prisoners of others, as two priests (fn. 2) who were brought here to the Tower, where they are now. They used great harshness to those whom they drove away, commanding them to avoid the place the same day on pain of death. They debated on taking away her confessor, a Spanish bishop ; (fn. 3) but on the Queen saying that she never confessed, nor knew how to do it, except in Spanish, they left him, and said nothing to her physician and apothecary, who are Spaniards. They took away almost all her femmes de chambre ; but as the Queen affirmed she would not have any others, and would sleep in her clothes, and lock the gate herself, they returned two of them, but not those that the Queen wished. All her present servants, except the confessor, physician, and apothecary, who cannot speak English, have been sworn not to address her as Queen ; and for this she has protested before the Commissioners that she will not regard them as her servants, but only her guards, as she is a prisoner.
The said Commissioners stopped six days, as well to close the house as to see if the Queen, through the loss of her servants and their rough menaces, would change her purpose. But seeing that she was constant, they proceeded at length to load the baggage, and get a litter and horses in order to mount the Queen thereon. She had locked herself in her chamber since the morning, and when the Commissioners came to take her away she told them through a hole in the wall that they must break down the doors if they wished to remove her. This they dared not do, as one of them has confessed, through fear of the people that had assembled there, weeping piteously and lamenting at such cruelties. The lodging where she now is is unhealthy enough without seeking a worse one, but the iniquity and detestable malice of the Lady will never rest till she sees the end of the mother and the daughter, from whom they have taken away the two ladies that attended her, and have left her only a simple chambermaid, lately come into her service. The assay is no more to be given, which is to open the way to snares and perils.
Many, both great and small, who desire reformation of affairs, are much scandalised at the sudden agreement made in Flanders for free trade, thinking there was a good occasion for delaying the answer and awaiting your pleasure ; but they are comforted with the thought that before the vessels have arrived from abroad the time prefixed for the interdict will have expired, and then the Queen Regent, without any trouble, may forbid any one trading with the English for fear of incurring the censures. If this opportunity be lost the King will in the next Parliament do whatever he likes against the Queen and the Princess, and the people will be obliged to support him in whatever he does, and he may proceed to whatever rigor he likes against the Queen and Princess. Since the return of the Commissioners they have spread a report that the Queen was sickly (mal saine), and could not live long. They used the same trick a little before the Cardinal died, as a cloak for their secret designs. A respectable Englishman told me to send word to the Queen as soon as possible, that she ought to have her chamber well locked from night time till early morning, and carefully examined that no one was hidden in it, for there was a danger that they would play some trick upon her, either in injury to her person, or by accusing her of adultery, or charging her with a wish to go into Scotland or into Wales and raise an insurrection. There is danger lest the King in the forthcoming Parliament should demand aid from his kingdom in order to raise up troubles against you.
On Christmas Day I was visited by the bishop of Paris, who told me of the great affection that existed between their master and the King here, and that he would aid him all that he could. And he constantly recurred to this. I spoke on the necessity of union among princes ; that you in this matter had always been a true friend to the King ; that sick men often hate their physicians because they prescribe bitter things to them, but when they are convalescent esteem them more highly than those who, contrary to the order of their physicians, would give them wine, fruit, and other objectionable things. He told me also that when he presented the Lady with the letters the King his master had written her she received him so well as even to kiss him. In reference to the difference between the King and the Queen he said his master had besought the Pope and the Cardinals to consider what means there were by which the King might not be totally alienated from his obedience to the Pope ; that he himself had been suspected of promoting this affair, notwithstanding he had never meddled with it ; and that his brother de Langey had not busied himself therein, except as far as he was commanded ; and he thought that God would never leave the world without quarrels, though for his master's interest he might desire quarrels among neighbouring princes, and that his master, you, and this King should have been glad to pay 100,000 cr. each that this dispute had never arisen ; that you had well acquitted yourself in your duty to the Queen, as all the world knew ; so there was no need to enter on a war. On this I showed him how the matter touched so many persons, and was of so great consequence, and moreover was such a scandal to the Christian religion, and reproach to the Holy See, that if he had heard what was said in Spain and by this people, he would see that your Majesty could not be discharged either to God or to the world if you did not pursue the business to the end, and that the ill treatment of the Queen would disincline you to dissemble the case. He said that had not been well done or considered, and that he had spoken of it to the duke of Norfolk, who regretted it very much, but could not oppose the King's wishes. I believe firmly, whatever the said Bishop or other Frenchmen say, that they are not dissatisfied with the condition of affairs. Nevertheless, I thought it well to address him a word touching, the treatment of the Queen, reminding him of the duty the Most Christian Queen his mistress had therein. At last I told him that the councillors of your Majesty and of the King his master could do no greater service to God or to their masters than to maintain the friendship between them, wherein I doubted not that he, being such a person as I had known him to be, would do his duty, and I conjured him to act accordingly. He replied very courteously that he had always done and would do his duty in this matter, and that certainly the friendship of such a powerful and virtuous prince, especially one of scrupulous honour and fidelity, ought by all means to be preserved. I think this cordial response was intended partly to efface the [statement of] the inordinate affection between the two Kings, which he had treated (enrichy) in such exaggerated language.
The Bishop went yesterday to Court at Greenwich, where he will remain without returning here until he is despatched. Nothing is yet known of his charge. I am told the partisans of the Lady profess to be encouraged since the coming of the Bishop, although it may be only to give the world to understand all is going well with them.
While writing, a book in English has been brought to me, containing nine articles made by the Council, with the King's consent, upon the validity of his second marriage, and against the Pope, of whom they speak the blasphemies which your Majesty will see therein, full of gall and venom, and without learning or foundation. The book was distributed yesterday through the Court, and one of the first to whom it was presented was the Scotch ambassador, who is very constantly at Court. It is the determination which this King, as I wrote to your Majesty, was anxious should be made before the coming of the bishop of Paris. I don't know how they can reconcile the fact that the Most Christian King calls himself so very devout and obedient to the Holy See and special friend of the Pope, and professes to favor both his Holiness and the King in these matters, as the Bishop generally affirms. I have sent the articles to Cifuentes to communicate to his Holiness as he finds it expedient to accelerate the sentence. London, 27 Dec. 1533.
Fr., pp. 9. From a modern copy.

MS. Dupuy, tome 33, f. 52, Paris.
1572. Du Bellay on England and the Pope.
"Memoires pour le fait d'entre le Pape et le Roi d'Angleterre, auquel le Roi s'estoit entremis."
One of the principal reasons which induced the King (Francis) to go to Marseilles, and agree to an interview with the Pope, was, as I have said, to confer with him touching the peace of Christendom. Pope Clement, who sought the interview, proposed to him these reasons, and it appeared to him that one of the chief things demanding attention was the increasing dissension between the Holy See and England, for he saw it might lead to the most serious consequences, and, if not seen to at once, the flame might be difficult to extinguish. The Pope was continually urging Francis to this effect, knowing he had more influence with the king of England than any other. On the other hand, Henry, trusting in the friendship of Francis, would place more confidence in him than in any one else. The Pope, therefore, having intimated to Francis that if he would come to Marseilles he was ready to make such concessions (il se condescendroyt a de si grandes raisons) that they would not part before some good expedient had been found in the matter, Francis agreed to the interview, and sent to the king of England, desiring him to send persons in whom he had perfect confidence, both to be witnesses and participators in all that should be done, and to state reasons when necessary, and accept reasonable agreements, with power to conclude ; assuring the said King that he would labor in this affair for his peace of mind as if it were for his own interest. The said King thanked him greatly, and expressed great satisfaction, saying that if his affairs could endure so long absence, he himself would come in person to the King that they might come the more readily to some arrangement ; but, in default of this, he sent those who stood nearest to him, among others the duke of Norfolk, the brother of the new Queen, the treasurer, &c., accompanied by the most learned persons of his kingdom, who were best able to discuss matters. They were furnished with full powers, and came to the King at Vuich, where he was on the point of leaving for Languedoc, which he had not yet seen, to go from thence to Marseilles.
They were there received by the King very honorably, according to the amity between the two Kings, and after several meetings together it was suggested, for the convenience of the said Lords, who had come by long journeys from a distant country, that before going to Languedoc, a very hot country to which they were unaccustomed, especially as their men and horses were nearly worn out, they should leave with the King some of their number (those most familiar in our Court) and the English ambassador, and that the others should take the way of Lyons, which is much shorter and more convenient for them, and afterwards meet the King there, where it would be most convenient for both sides. The King thereupon ordered a great and notable company of his servants (fn. 4) to accompany them, the chief of whom was the bishop of Paris, all friends and "familiers," of whom there was not one who had not been ambassador in England, and with whom they were not on intimate terms, and ordered that wherever they went they should be honored as if it had been the Dauphin. They accordingly parted with the King in that company, full of great hope, both the said Lord (Francis) and they, that some important step would be taken ; and the different embassies each informed their master of the good beginning which appeared to be made,among others the ambassadors of the Pope, Fayence, who came on his part to conclude the interview and communicate about this affair of England, and the bishop of Como. But there immediately came news of a troublesome character.
It must be observed that, as Francis had taken this affair in hand at the request of the parties, he conjured them to innovate nothing against each other until the issue of the enterprise was seen. This was agreed to, and Francis felt quite assured of it. Then, when the English deputies had arrived at Lyons, the authorities of the town receiving them with great honor, a gentleman arrived, on his way to England from Rome, in post, and told Norfolk that he was going to inform the king of England how sentence had been given against him by Pope Clement, and delivered him a little bill of it ; at which the poor Duke was so astonished that he nearly fainted. Having communicated this news to the bishop of Paris, when he had calmed himself as well as possible, he retired secretly to his lodging, and they began to confer together what remedy could be applied. The bishop of Paris, not to interrupt an affair so well begun, urged the duke of Norfolk that, as they thought it desirable to go in post to Francis, take leave of him, and return to their master, the Queen's brother alone should go thither, and that Brian should go to Francis to complain of the outrage done by the Pope. They said that, after their master had received such an affront as to be condemned and excommunicated by the Pope, it would not be honorable for them to be with the King as suppliants in the presence of the said Pope. They said, if they committed such a fault their lives would be in danger ; and, but for the assurance of the bishop of Paris, that this sentence, which he supposed had been given for contumacy, could be repaired by order of law at the interview, and a kind of protest he made against them if they departed so suddenly, by which protest they might protect themselves from their master's displeasure, they would have broken off at once. The reason which had induced the Pope to give this sentence was, among other things, the news that the king of England, in spite of his promise not to innovate, had caused scandalous farces to be played, and men in masks arrayed as cardinals went about the streets, "qui portoyent en crouppe des putains et des baudoiches (?)," things which the Pope interpreted as innovations, and took in great displeasure. Cardinals Tournon and Grammont did all they could to prevent the sentence, which the Pope showed that he had no wish to give ; but he could not refuse, to the proctors of the old Queen, or rather to the agents of the Emperor and Cardinals, to let it be heard in Consistory, telling the French cardinals that nothing would come of it. Nevertheless, he was very glad to let the die be cast, and shut his eyes while the greater part of the Cardinals were irritated, for he knew quite well that, by bringing the matter into Consistory, sentence would be given ; and, moreover, wished it to be so from a feeling that his side was injured, and that affairs would take a better turn for him at Marseilles if the injury was not overlooked. Such was the idea of Pope Clement, who sent to the King to excuse what he had done, saying the sentence had not been given by his wish, but that he had not been able to refuse audience to the parties after so many delays, especially at his departure from Rome, as the Imperialists would have cried out against his injustice, and this would have deprived him of the power of doing any good at the interview. The King received, or professed to receive, the arguments on both sides as plausible, begging that neither party would break off till the return of the Queen's brother, who at last came, bringing the most grievous complaints by which [Henry] would, if possible, have drawn the King over to his side against the Pope. But at last he and his colleagues took leave of the King, alleging that it would not be honorable for them to remain, for the above reasons ; but that they would leave the bishop of Winchester, the ordinary ambassador, and some others, furnished with powers, since the King was so pleased, to see if he could still mediate in the matters. The delegates came to take leave of the King at Montpellier, and returned to their master, the duke of Norfolk making post-haste, lest, in his absence, others should cause his master to take the leap (ne feissent faire le sault son maistre), for he felt there were many about him who only sought occasion to make him break off irrevocably, while he and some other of the chief people of the land wanted to prevent a rupture. (fn. 5)
And in fact he could not make too great diligence, for at his arrival (fn. 6) matters had come close to a rupture, and the Parliament had begun, &c. But his coming, together with the messages he brought from the King, arrested matters yet awhile, and caused the conclusion of this Parliament to be put off for some time, awaiting the conclusion of what had been done at Marseilles.
I presume you know how every thing went at Marseilles, and how the King swore not to hear the Pope on any subject, public or private, until the affair of England was decided ; and how, after all conversations, when the King was on the point of taking resolution about it with the Pope, he met the English ambassadors, who had just signified to the Pope the appeal to the future Council, how he found the Pope very angry, and how he, &c. The Pope then made great complaints that the king of England had not only mocked them both by this innovation, but had grossly abused the King's protection ; for, by reason that the Pope was his guest, these doctors had insinuated themselves into his presence, without asking leave of usher, chamberlain, or other, and had done a thing which at Rome would have been capital ; viz., signified this appeal, which, in truth, the doctors confessed they had done for this reason, knowing that they would not have been permitted to do it elsewhere. "Concluoyt la dessuz le Pape sestant de son cost tout voulu mectre en son devoir ;" and the king of England insisting, on the contrary, that the King ought to regard him as an enemy, and set himself against him with the Holy See. The King, who could not deny or excuse the error these deputies had made, and saw that the chief occasion of his journey had thus been frustrated, was very much displeased ; for in fact he could not deny that the Pope had good reason for saying what he did ; and, after talking with the English ambassador, (fn. 7) and seeing the little ground they had on their side, he could not but promise to the Pope not to speak to him any more of this matter, but to treat of the other things which till then he had always [kept] close from every one. This he promised the Pope, in order the better to get at his aims, and still try to patch up matters again, as will be shown hereafter. But as to declaring against the king of England, he showed the injury it would do to public affairs, and especially to the Holy See ; for matters might take such a turn that a mediator would be of great service, and no other could be found but himself ; whereas this declaration would drive the king of England to despair, and make him throw himself into the arms of those whose alliance might be injurious, not only to the Pope and Francis, but to all Christendom. Moreover the king of England had said to some one that, if the King his brother failed him, he could, in the last resort, take back his wife to the satisfaction of the Emperor, and keep the other as his mistress, and that he was making some such proposal to the Emperor against the King, towards whom he had a secret grudge, that they would both renounce him together (quilz le renierroyent eulx deux ensemble) ; and in fact he had held this language secretly with some of his most familiar counsellors. Thereupon they began to treat of the marriage of Mons. d'Orlans, and other matters. After all which the King, finding himself assured that the Pope conceived no ill opinion of him for his remonstrances, began to recommend him not to break off with the king of England ; and in the end it was agreed between them that the Pope should allow the King to send of himself to the said king of England to complain of the outrage that his men had done, making friendly remonstrances as he thought fit in this matter, "et a la fin venir dextrement a tomber la dessuz de renouer les choses." The Pope, seeing the danger of losing that kingdom entirely, and the little chance he had of reducing it by force, gladly agreed that the King should undertake the matter, promising that if he would send immediately towards the said King, he would temporise, even if he arrived at Rome before the answer came from England, so that the great fulminations should not be issued, whatever urgency the parties made. For this the bishop of Paris was chosen ; who, as already said, had several communications with the said King, and was very agreeable to him, and he was charged to leave nothing undone which might tend to bring that King to reason. He set about it with great diligence, and met by the way the bailly of Troyes, who, returning from being ambassador there, was coming in post to inform the King that affairs there were desperate, and that the last irrevocable sentence of the Parliament against the Holy See was expected every day, as it was afterwards given. And in fact it would have been so, but that the King, perceiving the urgency of the matters, had persuaded Bryant to go with diligence, and stop everything till the arrival of the bishop of Paris, giving him hope that he would bring a satisfactory message. And in fact, both through his Ambassador and otherwise, he warned those who possessed authority from the said King, and also the partisans of the Church of Rome, to wait for the coming of the said Bishop ;a thing which only could be obtained with very great difficulty, because, among other reasons, the said King's ambassadors, who had precipitated the appeal, and put everything in flames, were carrying everything according to their inclination, fearing that if matters came to be heard without passion, they would be rebuked. Moreover, the new Queen feared always that some arrangement would be made at her expence. (In margin : Castillon will speak about all this.) Also those who had lately come into credit, such as the Chancellor and Cromwell, were deadly enemies of the Church of Rome ; and, more than all, the alliance the King had made with the Pope laid him under suspicion with this King, and made him more subject to calumny from those who wished no good to the amity. Nevertheless, he waited, and after the aforesaid Bishop had communicated his charge to him, and mitigated his anger as well as he could, they began to discuss matters. (fn. 8) The King complained that the French king, who was joined to him in so great amity, and had been succoured by him in adversity, had made a secret treaty with his deadly enemy, and had contracted the marriage of his son to a niece of the other. What trust could he ever repose in him, seeing that the affairs of the one would be henceforth like those of the other? He also complained about the promise he had made to him not to contract any alliance whatever until his affair was settled, and that the King's servants and councillors were present and consenting when the sentence was given by the Pope, adding as many complaints as an exasperated man could make ; for, in truth, nothing troubled him more than this affinity, fearing that it would incline the King in future more to the Pope's side than his own.
(At the bottom of this page is added, that the great regret he felt was not at anything done, but at the "recrudation de l'amytie," and want of correspondence shown by Francis.)
To all this the Bishop answered with proper modesty, reminding him that the first mention of this marriage had come from Henry to prevent the Pope's niece being disposed of in another quarter, which would have thrown the Pope into the hands of the Emperor. And though at first he only made this suggestion to break off the other match, yet when he saw that the Pope meant something more than words, and required an explicit answer, Yes or No, he advised the King to take the former. Moreover, he had given the Pope, at Henry's request, that one of his sons, who was most fit to be a mediator between the said King and Pope, being nephew by alliance of the one, and godson of the other. It was irrelevant to say that before the marriage was made, he had sent to pray him not to do it, and that it was enough that he should have the daughter in his hands, and make the treaty between the kinsmen, then procrastinate on pretence of the ages, and afterwards do as he pleased. For if the friendship of the king of England might have commanded him to bind his word to the Pope in a matter so little to his own advantage, or that of his son, it could not command him to break the promise made at his instance. The King would do everything for Henry, except hazard his honor and conscience. The same reason fully answered what Henry had said, that the King, having the Pope in his hands, ought not to let him go until he had got him to do in a matter so reasonable that which his friend demanded (viz., the declaration of the divorce), and that having such an occasion to gratify him in a matter so important, he ought not to have failed him ; for whether the matter was reasonable or not, he was no judge to condemn or absolve the Pope ; and even if he were so, he would not use power or jurisdiction towards him, who, in the confidence of friendship, had placed himself in his hands, or violate hospitality towards a Pope who is regarded as the common father of Christendom, and has done him no injury. He would not act so to an infidel, or an enemy, even receiving a good reward for it ; he would not commit such an act of disloyalty for all the wealth in the world. The Bishop, however, made allowance for the extreme passion of the King, considering the injuries he said he had received from the Pope, as in truth he had received some, but thought it was his passion that spoke, and not his natural judgment. "I know not," said the King, "what another time I should think of you, for whoever fails in his promise towards one may do so towards another." "Laissast donc le Roy d'Angleterre de refreschir ces propoz ; et ne usast de reproches envers le Roy, qui a luy mesmes ne seroyent gueres honnestes, et lesquelles il desplairoyt an Roy estre divulguees pour avoir l'honneur de son frere en reh . . . . comme le sien mesmes. Et aussi que l ou il y continueroyt, il feroyt que le Roy estimeroyt desormais son amytie moins qu'il navoyt faict par le passe, car le premier poinct et regle d'amytie, mesmement entre grans princes, c'est d'avoir foy, honneur et parolle l ou cela deffault ne se peult nommer ce poinct non d'amytie qui ne merite estre comptee sinon entres les bons."
These things the said Bishop replied on the part of the King ; not as in answer to language recently held to him by the said king of England, but because that King had made such remarks to the King's ambassador, and also to the King himself by his Ambassadors. For this reason the said Bishop said, "I am commissioned to reply to you upon these subjects."
As to the promise he (Henry?) said had been made, never to enter any treaty or affair of consequence till the affair of the said King was settled, it was a thing he had voluntarily promised, without obligation, and also without request ; and he had faithfully executed it, and called all the world to witness that he never wished to speak of any matters, general or particular, even though there was much to settle besides the point in question, until [the English] agents, showing an express commission from him, put an end to the whole business, without informing either him or his men.
As to the reproach of Henry, that he had broken his promise never to make this marriage without his express consent, Francis might pardon a good deal as due to the passion and anger of his good brother ; but there was no man in the world who should impute to him that he had gone a hair's breadth beyond his honor. Du Bellay therefore begged of his friendship that if he had used such language he would withdraw it, for he knew how Francis usually replied to such attacks.
From a copy lent to the Editor by Mr. Friedmann, pp. 21. The original is in Du Bellay's hand.
28 Dec.
R. O.
1573. Dr. John London to Cromwell.
I send you, as a poor token, a trotting gelding, which is light and able to carry a man through the world. It is the best I could get. Oxford, Innocents' Day.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Of the King's Council.
28 Dec.
R. O.
1574. Christopher Hales to Cromwell.
If possibility may be in me to acquit your many kindnesses, it shall never fail. To the other part of your letter concerning your servant Brygenden, let me make a plain answer. Whereas ye impute to me an injury done to him in keeping his lands, I have explained it already. When you cause me to be convented before a competent judge, or he shall list to do so, I trust to make it appear that it was not my merit to be reputed a wrongdoer. As to your assertion that you see in me a vehement and insatiate appetite of covetousness, I am sure, if ye knew as well the value of my treasures as ye do of your own, you would find it but slender. If any other but yourself had imputed this vice to me, I should have rejoiced thereof as a man converted from prodigality judged in him by most of his friends. De victu honesto non despero. Et superflua non quro. Pardon me, therefore, if I think your judgment of others is more correct than of myself. On reading your letters I have fallen into the presumption, when I see any vice in you, to give you such amicable admonition as you have done to me. The terms of your letters have many times caused me, sitting at the cards, not able now to use other recreation, "to forslewe and oversee my play and lose my money ;" and then, somewhat like a covetous man, I give your said honest servant, causer thereof, my blessing, secretly to myself, feigning that my grief stingeth me. As to your statement that I promised you he should enter his land a year and a half ago, at this Michaelmas, you are not well remembered. I never promised that, but to enter at Michaelmas last ; and if he had not acted lewdly, I would have suffered him ; but I must indent with him for divers reasonable things ; and I hope he will not end in evil thrift, as his father did before him. I have received the will and inventory of the lord Dacres. Canterbury, Innocents' Day.
Recommend me to my lord elect of Chester.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Councillor and Master of the Jewels.
28 Dec.
R. O.
1575. By Sir Will. Poulet and Thomas Cromwell.
Warrant for the sale of the underwood of the coppice called Boyley Copyes in Grafton Woods. 28 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Signed.
P. 1.
28 Dec.
R. O.
1576. Whytelwoodde.
Warrant for wood sales in the forest of Whytelwodde. of which one coppice in Wakefield, called the Low Quarter, and part of Fernelce, containing 30 acres, are to be sold. 28 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.
Signed : William PouletThomas Crumwell.
P. 1.
28 Dec.
R. O.
1577. Calais.
Payments for the new fortifications and reparations at Calais, for 28 days, from 1 to 28 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.
Wagis of a clerke, carpenters, sawers, tylers, laborers, longe cartes, short cartes, tumbrellis, and empchons, for the newe fortifications and reparations made at the towne and scunage of Calais, see banckes in Dycklond, the West Juttye, and the castell of Guysnes. 1 clerke. One of the overseers. 7 carpenters out of England workyng wyth the carpenters of the ordinary wagys, as makyng of brydges, heresys (hearses), halpasys, and doyng other necessaries for the fortification of the towne. 6 carpenters strangers working wyth the carpenters of the ordinary wagis as makyng of mowntes of tymber, and reparyng of the Kynges howses agaynst the Kinges exchequer. 8 sawers sawyng of braysis, joistes, postes, planckes, quarters, for the hedde of the West Juttye, and also sawyng of tymber for newe hersis, halpasis, and meny other necessaries for the workes. 2 pavyars workyng. A tyler workyng (2 names). 4 laborers servyng the sayd tylars. 2 thackers workyng. A laborer servyng the sayde thackers. 7 dayly laborers. 34 laborers workyng wythin the towne of Calais upon dyverse necessaryes, as fyllyng of tumbrelles wyth erth and rubbiysh for the mowntes, and also workyng upon the hyther slwce on the see-banckes. 4 laborers workyng in the Kinges howsys over ageynst the Kinges excheker. 24 laborers workyng upon the see-banckes in Dyckland as repayryng of the same wyth see-turffe and see-claye for deffending of the se. 54 laborers working at the West Juttye of the havyn, as fyllyng the sayde juttye with harde stone and chawlke, and also settyng up of packes of wodde alongest the see-bankes on Rysebancke syde. Longe cartes caryng of see-turffe from the Flomarsh in Dyckland for mendyng of the see-banckes there (10 laborers). Longe cartes caryng of see chawlke from Scalys clevys to the West Juttye for fylling of the same (14 laborers). Short cartes caryng to the Mylk Gate for makyng of a halpas, a herse, a newe brydge, and caryng out of brasis, joistes, and planckes to the slwce wythout the Lantern Gate, and caryng of stone and lyme from the Masons Lodge to the Fotemans ynne wythout Bullyn Gate for makyng of a brydge there, and out of the Kynges carpentre to the sayde brydge, and caryng of dyverse necessaries into the towne and out of the towne (30 laborers at 2d. the load). Short cartes caryng of packes, plates, joistes, brasys, and dyverse other necessaries out of the Kynges carpentree to the Rysebancke for makyng a pece of worke in the West Juttye, and caryng olde timber from thens to the Kynges carpentre (14 laborers). Short cartes carying of bryckes from the Kinges bryckerye at Newname Brydge to the Maysons Lodge and to the brydge at Fotemans ynn (6 laborers). Short cartes caryng of tymber for making of and caryng tyles out of the Armytage to the Ordynans Howse, and for fortifying of the Kinges howsis ageynst the Excheker, and caryng of dyverse other necessaries wythin the towne (21 laborers). Short cartes caryng of whyte borde and oken borde, joistes, tyles, lathes, sparres, lyme, and dyverse other necessaryes from the Kynges storehowses wythin the towne of Caleis to the watersyde at Newname Brydge for the castell of Hampnes and Guysnes (14 laborers). Tumbrellis caryng of rubbyshe at the brayes of the Mylgate, and at the slwce upon the see-bancke (26 laborers). Longe cartes carrying of tymber, bordes, justeis, from the Kinges carpentre to the castell of Hampnes for makyng of a new loofte for corne and other necessaryes (9 laborers). Payde to 2 laborers working with the carpenters of the ordinary wagis at the castell of Hampnes, by the space of 12 dayes, ether of theym apece at 6d gr. the pece. To John Dossen, the Kynges smyth, for boltes of ieron, forelockes, kayes, barrells, plates of ieron, barres, staples, nayle, &c.
ii. Empchons. To John Dossen, for hanging lockes, hoopys of ieron, barres, boltes, &c. To Lawrens Chawndler for grene mawndes, doble whyte bordes, &c. Payment to William Dyaw, smyth, for makyng of a newe crosse of ieron, and for batteryng of masons ierons. To John Atwell for smale spykes and syngle brydge nayles. Payment to John Tacke, glasyar, for taking downe of panes of olde glas. Payments for quarellis of newe glas, colord glas, and takyng downe of a pane of olde glas. To Raffe Churchyarde for gutter tyles. To Antony More for gutter and corner tyles and for Evys borde.
iii. Workes doon at Guysnes (1 laborer at 6d. gr.) 4 tylers. 5 laborers servyng the sayde tylers. 2 laborers workyng in the Southe Brayes of Guysnes. A mason mendyng certeyne necessaries in the sayde castell. A laborer servyng the sayde mayson. A longe carte caryng of justys, bordes, tyles, and other necessares from the Havyn syde to the castell of Guysnes (1 laborer). Fraughttes of botes caryng bordes, justes, and artificers from the fery of Saynt Peters to the castell of Guysnes (4 laborers). Caryage of tyles from Newname Brydge by water to the castell of Guysnes (1 laborer). To Wyllm. Smyth, smyth of Guysnes, for mendyng and sockettyng newe Cressytts. To a carpenter for makyng of a brydge in the South Brayes. To Lawrens Chawndler for oken borde.
iv. Works doon upon the Kinges ordinance. 2 carpenters strangers makyng of truckells for goon stockes, and also makyng of goon stocks. To Wyllm Serot, whelemaker, for exeltres for serpentynes, and for 11 payres of whelys for serpentynes. To Olyver de Brwne, whele maker, for his wagis workyng on the fore sayd ordinans, &c. To Harry Dyke, smyth, for boltys, bandes, longe barres, and a brech for a serpentyne lyyng in Mylk Gate, and for a 1,000 of ieron dysye makyng to be cast in ledde. To Harry Dyke for grete hammers for the ordynance, also pykeaxes and sledges of ieron. To Loye de Sowter and his company for cuttyng of roddes and stakes in Guysnes wodde for to make erthe mawndes for the ordynances of the towne of Caleis. Cariages of the sayde roddes and stakes from Guysnes woode to Caleis (4 laborers). 2 mawnde makers makyng of grete mawndes to stande upon the mownttes for to be fyllyde wyth erth there. Payment to Joys de Grave of Saynt Thomas for ropys for the ordinances. Total, 191l. 0s. 4d. Signed : Edmund Howard.
Pp. 28.
29 Dec.
R. O.
1578. Thomas Prior of Christchurch, Canterbury, to Cromwell.
Thanks him for his continual goodness to himself and his church. Has received his letter by John Antony, desiring him to admit Dr. Thornedon, warden of Canterbury College, Oxford, as warden of their manors when next void. Will do his best to effect Cromwell's wishes, but the warden of Canterbury College is appointed, and can be removed, only by the Archbishop. Sends by his servant a New Year's gift for the King, which Cromwell may instruct him when to deliver. Canterbury, Monday, St. Thomas' Day. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : Councillor. Sealed.
29 Dec.
R. O.
1579. Richard Strete and others to the Bishop Elect of Coventry and Lichfield.
On receipt of the King's letters to both your chapters, they have fixed the day of election for Friday next after Epiphany, i.e. 9 Jan., at Coventry. Your friend Mr. Dean of the Arches is here, and we have examined the precedents, all of which are under the Great Seal, as the King is founder of both churches. If these are not followed, great objections will be made. The Dean of the Arches will stay here till the election is over. Lichfield, the Feast of St. Thomas. Signed : Richard StreteDavid PoleWilliam ThomsonEdmund Streteham.
P. 1. Add. : My lord [el]ect of Coventry and Lichfield.
29 Dec.
R. O.
1580. Mary Tomlynson to Cromwell.
I beg your favor as a poor widow by the death of my husband, Rob. Tomlynson, late merchant of the Staple of Calais, who died St. Andrew's Day last. Eight days before he died he received a letter from you, showing the kindness you had done him in moving the mayor of the Staple in his matter. By your means he hoped that his unreasonable assessment would be mitigated. I hope you will have pity on me and my poor children. Boston, 29 Dec.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Of the Council.
29 Dec. 1581. John Lord Scrope of Bolton.
See Grants in December, No. 27.
30 Dec.
R. O.
1582. [Moryson to Cranmer.]
It is not safe to congratulate people on their advancement, considering the temptations to which they are exposed. I had long since congratulated you, "optime prsul," had I not now for the first time heard that you were created a bishop. I am but a young man, and have seen little of the world, but yet enough to discover how much men are changed by honors. But why should I write this to you, since religion expects her restoration only from you and Latimer? You have a prince such as you could scarcely have expected from Heaven. The whole nobility is opposed to superstition, and supports religion, being well aware that ceremonies once instituted for a good purpose have now degenerated into lucre. The people favor you, and only one thing is wanting, that you should not be behind the opportunity. If you wish to know who I am, poverty will drive me from study, except for the liberality of some good man. If you can confer upon me some "beneficium," you will not find me ungrateful. Five years ago I left the Cardinal's service for the sake of visiting Latimer at Cambridge. Gonell inspired me with love for you ; with him I visited you once or twice, and once I dined with you. Venice, 3o calendas Januarias.
Hol., Lat., pp. 3.
Extracts printed in Arch. XXXIII. 2.
1583. The Earl of Northumberland.
Extracts from a draft indenture made at Greenwich, December, 25 Hen. VIII., between the King and Henry earl of Northumberland, granting to the Earl the sheriffwick of Northumberland for seven years, at the annual rent of 40l. At the end of the term an account to be delivered into the Exchequer of all the rents, profits, &c. of the office. The grant to be then renewable for a like term, and so on during the Earl's life.
The original document is in the possession of J. P. Collier, Esq.

R. O.
1584. The Earl of Angus.
"The erle of Angwishe rekenyng."
1. His pension given him 7 Sept. 21 Hen. VIII., at the rate of 1,000 marks per annum, for four years ending 7 Sept. 25 Hen.VIII., 4,000 marks = 2,666l. 13s. 4d. Of which there was paid on 7 Sept. and in Jan. 21 Hen. VIII., in Aug. and Feb. 22 Hen.VIII., in Aug. and Feb. 23 Hen. VIII., in July and March 24 Hen. VIII., 500 marks each time ; and in Dec. 25 Hen. VIII., 100l. So that he is fully paid to 7 Sept. 25 Hen. VIII., and 100l. over. And if the King wish him to be paid for the half year ended Sept. 25 Hen. VIII. at the rate of 1,000l., there is due to him 100 marks ; but if he is to be paid at that rate for the whole year ending 7 Sept. [last] (fn. 9), 25 Hen. VIII., there is due to him at that date 233l. 6s. 8d.
Pp. 2.

R. O.
1585. [Lord Lisle] to the Lord Chancellor.
I and the Council here beg you to consider the following points, and that a remedy may be found in all haste. The King has ordained that no wood shall be carried out of Kent and Sussex but to this town ; yet such impediments have been raised that we are in danger of being quite destitute of fuel ; first, because the owners of woods, fearing they will not have sufficient utterance of their woods, forbear to sell as much as they were wont to do ; secondly, Sir Edw. Guildford, warden of the Cinque Ports, has obtained of the King a licence to export a great quantity to strange countries ; thirdly, no ship can be laden with wood for this town without finding surety to the customers that it shall be conveyed hither, and not elsewhere ; and they cannot recover their bonds on bringing back certificates from hence, because the customers say they are ordered by you and my lord Treasurer to receive no certificates or deliver bonds as they used to do, but that every man must convey his certificate to your Lordship and my lord Treasurer ;which is so troublesome and expensive that they refuse to do it.
Pp. 2. Endd. : Copy of a letter sent to my Lord Chancellor and to my lord Norf. touching a remedy for wood.

Lamb. MS. 603, f. 66. St. P. II. 162.
1586. Ireland.
Instructions by the Council in Ireland to John Alen, Master of the Rolls, to be declared to the King.
1. The land is brought into such ruin that neither the English order, tongue, nor habit is used, nor the King's laws obeyed, more than 20 miles in compass, and that part is likely to be brought into the same state as the rest. 2. The cause of the decay of the land is the immoderate taking of coyne and livery, "cuddees, gartie, taking of caanes for felonies, murdours, and all other offences, alterages, biengis, saultes, and slauntiaghes," and other oppressions. 3. Another cause is the decay of English inhabitants. The inheritors of the land of the Englishry admit Irishmen to be their tenants, and have expelled their English tenants, that they may have coyne and livery, &c. 4. In times past the English lords and gentlemen kept retinues of English yeomen, but now they keep horsemen and knaves, who live upon the King's subjects, and not in their houses. 5. By means of the liberties of the temporal lords, the King has lost the due obedience of the inhabitants, and his regalities and revenues. 6. The black rents and tributes which the Irish violently obtain from the King's subjects are a great mischief ; but when the Deputies attack the Irish for redress of their robberies, they keep what they get to their own use, and restore nothing to the poor. 7. Another evil is the committing of the rule to native lords, and the often change of Deputies. 8. By reason of the negligent keeping of the King's records ; and because the King and the Deputies grant clerks' offices in the Four Courts to unlearned persons, the courts and revenues are decayed, and the records embezzled. 9. The King has lost and given away his manors, customs, &c., so that he has not whereof to maintain a Deputy for the defence of his subjects. Signed : G. ArmachanJohn DubliEdward MidenJ. Rawson, prior of Kilm~ Walterus DareJeneco viscount of Gorm~James abbot of S. T. Courte W. abbot of S. M. Abbay by DublynR. P[rior] of LowthSir J. Barnwall, lord of TrymlettistonP. Fynglas, BaronCristofer Delahide, justice P. White, Baron.
ii. Articles for reformation.
1. That there be captains in every march as in old times, and that the inhabitants attend the Deputy under their captains, and none other. 2. No English lord or captain is to make any covenant with any Irishman for bearing of men of war or termons. Any lord who has such a covenant must renounce it to the King. 3. The King must take order with the Deputy for exonerating his subjects from black rents. 4. No person must take "caanes" for felony or murder among the King's subjects. 5. In consequence of the dissension of those of this land, the default of execution of the laws, and other mischiefs, especially coyne and livery, all will be brought to be Irish unless redress is had. 6. The dissension between the earls of Kildare and Ossory is so rooted, that it is not likely they will be brought to good conformity, especially if either of them be Deputy, or aspire to that room. 7. They will not assist or obey any other of the land. An English deputy should be sent, who, they trust, will in three years bring Leinster and Munster to good purpose, so that the King's subsidy may run there. 8. There must be a resumption of the King's revenues. By that, the subsidy, and what the Deputy will get of Irishmen, it is likely there will be sufficient to maintain him without further charge to the King. 9. The Deputy should be one with experience of the land, and knowledge of the people. 10. If the King has war with any outward prince, he ought to take good order for this land. 17. All the King's castles are in utter ruin. 18. The Scots, who daily increase in Ulster, must be repressed ; order must be taken for keeping the King's records ; the revenues must appear in the Chancery and Exchequer, and be let to farm under the King's seal, and not privately by the Deputy ; no clerks' offices should be granted but by advice of the Judge. 19. The instructions sent by the present Chancellor should be observed as near as possible by the Deputy, and all the lords and gentlemen in Dublin, Kildare, Meath, and Uriell be compelled to obey the King's laws. Signed as above.
Contemporary copy.

R. O. St. P. II. 166.
1587. to Henry VIII.
Knows the King's ardent desire to have a reformation in Ireland, which was never further from the same than now, without the King's assistance. Has had some little experience in Ireland, having been born there ; his father being an Englishman, who hitherto has had his preferment for the more part from the King. Doubts not the King will accept his goodwill, and not the simplicity and slenderness of the work.
ii. Causes of the misorder and debate in Ireland.
1. The lack of the Sovereign's personal presence. Most of the Deputies lean more to their own gain than to the King's honor, or the subjects' common weal. 2. When a nobleman there is Deputy, he uses his office as a cloak to cover his cruel persecutions, intending to extinguish the fame and honor of every other nobleman in the land. 3. When those who have served the King earnestly and faithfully are removed, and their adversaries put in their place, they think their good service is forgotten, which causes them and others, from fear, and for their own safety, to "aduere" to the earl of Kyldare, omitting nearly their whole duty to the King.
Other noblemen murmur thereat, and are often driven, in their own defence, to resist the King's Deputy, and "mawgre their heads" to encroach in disobedience. Unless hasty redress ensue, the authority of the King's deputation will be wholly extinguished. Those who most aided the duke of Norfolk and Sir Wm. Skeffington are now most persecuted, and their enemies who warred upon the King's subjects are favored and maintained. The present Chancellor is of great unskilfulness. He dreads the noblemen there so much, that he is more like their chaplain or parish priest than the King's chancellor. In consequence of his partiality in the earl of Kildare's proceedings, many people prefer to put their rights in suspense rather than jeopard them before him. There has been more war and robbery committed by the Irish on the King's subjects than any man can remember before.
The murder of Thos. Butler, son of the earl of Ossory, was not all done by the Irish. Not long after, Kildare was shot through with a gnn, and nearly killed. The house in which his three brethren, James, Richard, and Walter, were, was burned by the Tooles. Another brother, John, was wounded, and 30 of his men slain by the McMahons. Thomas, Kildare's son, was driven back when on a "roode" upon O'Reyly ; and Sir Walter Delahide's son was taken prisoner, and Edward Nugent and others slain. Edmund Ooge O'Brynne has committed infinite spoils, and within this five weeks entered Dublin Castle at night, taking away prisoners and cattle. This has more discouraged the King's subjects than the loss of 2,000l. of their goods. Last summer O'Nele was plundering for three or four weeks in Uriel among the Englishry, without resistance from the Deputy. These misadventures have lifted up the hearts of the Irish, and, unless they are with speed driven into their dens, much destruction will not fail to ensue.
iii. The remedy for the pacifying of the debate and misorder premised.
Some sage indifferent person must be sent as Deputy from England. The King's revenues are treble what they were when Skeffington was here, by reason of a subsidy for three years lately granted. The Banne and other lordships which Thos. FitzGerot had for life are now reverted to the King. There will soon be enongh to bear the Deputy's charges, and yet give a profit to the King. The office must be held for a certain term of years ; for if the people know he thinks of going back, they will be afraid to "aduere" much to him, fearing always a new change. Suggests the duke of Norfolk as the best man for the office, and Skeffington as next. The earl of Ossory, who is most true and humble to the King, is now repairing to him. The acceptance of his good acquittal will be the means to encourage others to like flexibility.
The most necessary thing is to increase English order, habit, and manner, and put away Irish rule, habit, and manner. The earl of Ossory, who is now here, should be bound to cause persons within his dominion to conform thereunto, and that those who are of ability should put their heirs to school to learn English at borough towns, such as Waterford, Kylkeny, or Clomell. Tenants and servants will then imitate their superiors. The King's English subjects must first be brought to obedience. In Munster, there is no difference between them and mere Irishmen, except in name. Thinks that the heirs of lord Barry, of lord Roche, of James the son of Sir John of Desmond, of lord FitzMores, of Theobald Burke, beside Limerick, and of the earl of Desmond should be brought up in the Deputy's house. Gerald FitzJohn of Desmond's son and heir is already at Waterford. Thinks the lords and captains would be very glad to humble themselves thereto. Cormoke Ooge's son is too old, but his grandson is not ; and that lordship goes always by lineal descent. The grudge between the Geraldynes of Munster and Cormoke Ooge must be pacified. McGyllipatrik, who has married one of the daughters of the earl of Ossory, will be conformable. Obrene's elder son has married another of the daughters. The Karrolles are in great division for the name of O'Karroyll. If the Deputy will take the matter up they will be ordered accordingly, but they will never abide by any trial of the earls of Kildare or Ossory. Being assured of them, and also of O'More and McMorgho, the Deputy may set substantially upon O'Nele, keeping amity with O'Donyll, O'Reyly, Nelmore, Nelconylagh, and MacMahon. The Deputy may free the King's subjects from a tribute of 100 marks which they pay him. If the Burkes in Conaght are then put in order, the land will be in greater quietness than for 200 winters.
The bridge made by the Brenes over the Water of Shenyn must be destroyed. The Scotch are busily inhabiting a great part of Ulster, and must be driven away. It would do very well to send a man of high degree like the duke of Richmond, and a man of experience, as his councillor.
Many places, such as Kilkenny, Tipperary, Waterford, Cork, and Limerick, would be obedient enough to the King's laws if they could resort to Dublin without danger of being robbed or slain by the Irish. Advises that persons there should be appointed as the King's Council, with one of them as President, as the earl of Ossory, or the Lord Treasurer his son, and the archbishop of Cashel ; with them the bishops of Waterford, Limerick, and Ossory, and the mayor of Waterford, with the two resident commissioners or justices. When this device takes effect, it may be devised how to put away coyne and livery, and other exactions, and then to enterprise a general reformation.
Pp. 7. Headed : To, &c. Master Thos. Cromewell, of the King's most honorable Council, to be presented to the King's most excellent Highness.
Endd. : A reputation for misorder in Ireland to be reformed.
R. O. St. P. II. 173. 2. An addition to my former book.
The King and his predecessors have often been advised that money spent in Ireland is wasted, judging from the experience of the duke of Norfolk, Sir Edw. Poynengis, and Sir Wm. Skeffington. The soil universally is comparable with that of England, and the people would be as civil and politic as any others if justice were used amongst them. The cost done there these fifty years has been vainly consumed ; and yet the King was forced thereto, unless he would have been expelled from his dominion by the Geraldynes. Strongly disapproves of giving authority to Irishmen who have rebelled. States that when Sir Thos. Fitzgerald, second brother to the earl of Kildare and heir to the lady St. Johns, (fn. 10) refused to join an invasion of the King's dominions, Sir Gerald Shaneson told him that to take part against the King was the way to be esteemed in Ireland, and that Sir Thomas's father was not set by until he crowned a King (fn. 11) here, took Garthe the King's captain prisoner, hanged his son, resisted Ponengis and all Deputies, and killed those of Dublin upon Oxmantown Green ; and then the King made him Deputy. Refers to the better state of Ireland in the days of Henry VI. and Edward IV. as an argument against Irish Deputies. The earl of Kildare and his father have tried to have the land in such trouble that the King should have small affection or regard to it, and would withstand any Englishman in authority, so that the King must depend upon his pleasure, and not he upon the King's. The King lost the Englishry of Mounster, because the earls of Desmond, being Deputies successively, brought the English lords under their rule, and then rebelled. Fears the four shires remaining will be brought to like case. One reason for preferring an Irish Deputy is economy ; but this is like a man preferring to risk 20s. rather than spend 4d. Kildare's advice to the King that the castles and lands offered him by O'Donell were not worth having, as the King could not keep them, was from policy. He wishes the King to have the whole land in little estimation, that he may convert the commodity thereof to himself. Although he said the King could not win nor keep anything there, he has obtained a grant of all he can take from the Irish, and gained largely thereby. It would be to his advantage to suffer the Irish to conquer the King's land and others, for so might he in conclusion have the whole. Doubts not that with an English Deputy the King will have 3,000 or 4,000 marks more than now, with 2,000 men, and above, for defence of his right. Considers the Council of Ireland to be partly corrupted with affection toward Kildare, and partly in dread of him. Some of them study how to keep out of his danger, rather than the reformation of the land. Knows some of their secrets in this behalf, and could show their writings.
Pp. 6. Endorsement pasted on : A discription of Irelonde.

R. O.
1588. Ireland.
"The answer of John archbishop of Dublin and primate of [Ireland to the] demand of 100l. st., and one hundr[ed] ... whereof the earl of Kildare, deputy unto the King's lient[enant] ... Ireland and others of the King's honourable Council, dem[and] for the same account of him, according to the King's grace's instru[ctions]."
Pleads the King's letters patent, dated 7 Feb. 23 Hen. VIII., remitting all debts, &c.
P. 1, mutilated.

R. O.
1589. "Remembrances."
First, concerning the diets of the Commissioners on the Borders. Concerning "them of Garnesay, what the King's pleasure shall be to be done with them." Touching the stranger that is taken for suspicion of clipping of gold. Touching a letter from my lord of Northumberland for the redemption of Ponynges. Touching the translating, changing, and selling of certain plate out of the Jewell-house, to be converted into other fashion to the King's use. For the 500 marks forfeited to the King by recognizance and verdict in the county of Bedford. For the sending of young Doctor Lee into Denmark. A letter to be sent to the vicar-general of the bishop of Bangor, and another letter to the executor of the same Bishop. To remember the signing of Pynto's letter. For the Queen's NewYear's gift[s], and what they shall be ; which, as Cornelis reporteth, is palfreys and saddles for her ladies. For the escape of a convict and two felons out of the prison of Ely. To remember that Dr. Bokking did put unto Skotte all the Nun's book to print, and had five hundred of them when they were printed, and the printer two hundred. To take Hackett's letters with me to the court. Of the finding out 560 crowns of the Garnesey men. For the marsh at Lyesnes to be measured and allotted. To have a book made of the King's obligations that shall be sued this term. To know what obligations remain in Mr. Attorney's hands and in Skotte's hands. Touching the confession of the printer that printed the Nun's book. "Of one that hath counterfeited the King's warrant with these words,'Serve this.'" To remember the examination of Doctor Bokking and "Bacheler" Hadley, and of the falsehood of the said Doctor Bokking. To take with me the estimate of the account for the Princess Dowager. To take with me my lord of Northumberland's last letters, and the letters of Geo. Lauson. The book containing the will of lord Dacres of the South. To remember Doffelde, the yeoman of the Crown's matter touching the Lord Chancellor. To remember the money paid to Geo. Taylor for the Queen. For the 1,604l. paid for my lord of Northumberland's lands. The friar Observant's letters sent to the Nun. To remember what answer shall be made to Rob. Fowler's letters. A letter to the prior and convent of Ely to permit such persons as the King shall appoint to be receivers of the revenues of the bishopric of Ely. Answer to be made to Rob. Fowler to detain money, according to the effect of his letters. To remember the declaration of the ships in the fleet of "Islande." To remember lord Wentworth. A letter to be directed to my lord of Bath for the prebend of Lytton. A letter to my lord of York for the prebend of Northmuscam. A letter to the abbot of Glastonbury for the parsonage of Blakemore. A letter to the abbot of Reading for the parsonage of Assheton. A letter to the abbot of Chertsey for the parsonage of Hutton. Answer to be made to the letters from the North. To remember letters of answer to be sent to Stephen Vaughan. A warrant to be made and directed to the abbot of St. Mary's for money to pay the King's garrison. To remember to cause books to be made for the staplers, and conclusions to be concluded between them and the King.
Pp. 3.

R. O.
1590. Lord Dacre Of The South.
The yearly value of his lands is 1,042l. 17s. 1d. Deductions for fees and annuities 100l., and lady Fenys' jointure, 110l. 14s. 10d. Total value at his death, 832l. 3s. 3d.
Further deductions :The manors of Burgham and Nassheall, willed to John Fenys, one of his younger sons, the manor of Horsford and all his lands in Norfolk, willed to Thos. Fenys, another of his younger sons, and the manor of Cowham, appointed by his feoffees for lady Fenys' jointure, 121l. 3s. 7d. Residue, 711l.
Further deductions :The manor of Wrentham and all the lands in Suffolk, the manors of Ewhurst, Bukholt, South Berwyke, Dolhams, Knyghtes, and Peny Landez, Sussex, the manor of Compton Mounceux, Hampshire, assigned for the performance of his will, 214l. 12s. 8d. The residue, which the executors should have till the heir comes to the age of 24 years, whereof there is 500 mks. willed to Anne Fenys, lord Dacre's niece, 497l. 0s. 4d.
The manor of Hurstmonceux for one year after his decease is for the finding of the household there.
P. 1. Endd.

R. O.
1591. James Griffith Ap Howell.
The confession of David Wyllyams.
1. That about Whitsuntide last Jas. Gryffith ap Howell "received a letter from the Queen's Grace, as the said Gryffith said," to provide hobbies for her in Ireland ; for which purpose he took a ship, and sailed towards Ireland, having in his company Alice his wife, Sache his daughter, his kinsman John a Morgan, Henry Ellington, Lewes, a mariner, John a Pen "Breere," John Beau Teaw, John Owen, a gunner, and the said David Willyams. The ship was of 15 or 16 tons, laden with beans ; the crew, a master and five mariners. Griffith and others were first conveyed in a coal boat to Uphill in Somersetshire, where they joined the ship, and sailed to Youghal, in Ireland. There they landed, stayed a se'nnight, and sold the beans to the owners of the ship ; then sailed to Scotland, and arrived at St. Tronyan's (St. Ninian's) the Sunday before the Nativity of St. John Baptist last, where Gryffith lodged in a widow's house. Three days later the king of Scots arrived at St. Tronyans. Griffith had sent to lord Fleming, brother to the abbot of St. Tronyan, and had a conference with him in the abbey ; on which Lord Fleming repaired to the Scottish king, who came and remained three or four days. Griffith then repaired to Edinburgh, where he remained a month, lodged in the house of Ric. Lundell, servant to the Scotch king's secretary. He spoke several times with the Chancellor and Treasurer, and also with the Secretary in the Chancellor's house, who gave him about 160 cr. He had also much communication with one Loyd, [who has since] departed to Denmark. He asked the Chancellor for 3,000 men to go with him into Wales, alleging himself to be the greatest man in Wales, and prince of Wales by descent, and that he, with the Lyon of Scotland, would subdue all England. He obtained of the Council of Scotland a passport to go into Flanders, and we departed from Edinburgh to Newbotell, where he remained a se'nnight, feigning himself sick ; during which time two merchants came to him from Edinburgh. From Newbotell he went to Davykythe (Dalkeith) where he remained a fortnight, and from that to Lygth (Leith), from which he sent Henry Ellington into Flanders, for what purpose he knows not.
Thos. ap Rother of the Krengarth was a great friend to Griffith, and offered him 300 men ; and David Vaughan, of Kydwellys land, brought him to the waterside when he left Wales. David Meridith of Kydwellys land was also a great friend of Griffith's, and Rether ap Davyd ap Jankyn, in whose house he lodged in South Gare. Griffith often made much moan that he had no way to convey letters into England to one Fras. Nevile. Walter ap John also kept company much with Griffith in Wales long before he went to Scotland.
Pp. 3. Endd.
R. O. 2. "A remembrance to Master Richard Cromewell to examine the servant of James Griffith Powell."
1. What day his master left the realm ; how many, and who, were privy to it, and who owned [the ship that] brought him to Ireland? 2. What [part of] Ireland he landed, what comfort he had to land, and how he was received there, and by whom? 3. How he departed out of Ireland to Scotland, and who helped his passage? 4. What part of Scotland he landed, and to what man he applied to be introduced to the king of Scots, and how he had comfort to apply to that man? 5. How he was retained there, and who kept him company? 6. What aid he had out of this realm to the support of himself, his wife and servants? 7. What manner of man did he profess to be to the king of Scots, and what service did he offer to do him? 8. Why he came from his master now, and what letters or tokens he had to his master's friends in England or Wales? 9. How long he had been in Thos. Lewes' house before he was taken, and what communication had he with Lewes about his master? 10. Whether Lewes did not speak with him secretly since he was taken, and what communication he had with him?
P. 1, large paper.

R. O.
1592. Dame Margaret Marson.
Fragment of a petition of Dame Margaret Marzen, widow of Richard Audeley, complaining of having been forcibly expelled from her house after her husband's death by his father, Sir John Audeley. Will. Willoughby, knt., lord of Willoughby and Eresby, and Thos. Bonham, were parties to the marriage contract, which was dated 5 Oct. 14 Hen. VIII.
Pp. 2, broad sheet, in Wriothesley's hand. Endd. : My lady Marson.

R. O.
1593. John Estgate.
"The examination of Joan Estgate, late wife of John Estgate."
1. She deposes that on 4 Nov. 25 Hen. VIII. "the said John Estgate, after his belly was brosten," called neighbours to witness what he should say, and told them that Swyft, his uncle, late dwelling in Goderston, in his life-time showed him a brass pot containing half a bushel, standing in the ground under a pair of stairs in a house of the said Swyft's in Barton Bendych, in which pot were five great bags full of money. After Swift's decease, he showed Thomas Burston, of Goderston, where the said money was, having obtained from him a promise of half the money for doing so ; but Burston carried it all away, and refused to give him any ; and when he showed openly that Burston had found the money, Burston called him to his house at Goderstone, and gave him a drink which caused his belly to burst.
The said Joan also says that at the assizes at Thetford in 25 Hen. VIII. a servant of Mr. Bedyngfeld put in her hand three angel nobles, and in her brother's hand one angel noble, desiring them to make no business against Burston for the death of her husband.
Robert Frost, of Necton, confirms her depositions.
Pp. 2. Endd.

R. O.
1594. Promotions.
Dr. [S]h[u]rl[e]y ... wall, 47l. pensionary to the Dean of the chapel, 20l., = 27l. de claro.
Mr. Curwen, (fn. 12) the parsonage of Wasshington, 18l. Dr. Goodryke, the prebend of Scharowe, in Rypon, 20l. To Mr. Almoner, the deanery of Salisbury and archdeaconry of Dorset. (fn. 13) Mr. Bedyll, the prebend of Lyttn, in the church of Wells, 18l. (The King hath the seal.) Mr. Wyllyams, (fn. 14) the prebend of North Muskeham in Southwell church, 32l. To Dr. Kerne, [a prebend in London, (fn. 15) ] 3l. 6s. 8d. To Dr. Kerne, the rectory of Blakmore, Wells dioc., in the patronage of the abbot of Glastonbury, 31l. (The King hath the presentation.) Chr. Welfed, the rectory of Asheton, Leic. dioc., in the patronage of the abbey of Reading, 20l. To Mr. Bedell, a mastership in Chancery. To Dr. Aldryge, the rectory of Sutton, near London (prope London ad septem miliaria), 13l. 13s. 4d. (It is gone to Dr. Insent.) * * * Chr. Welfed, the prebend in Morton, 4l. 13s. 4d. (Not given). To Mr. Gutryche, a prebend in St. Stephens, of 40s. in absentia. Krantok prebend in Exeter, 6l.
Pp. 2, mutilated. Corrections and notes by Cromwell. Endd. : "The benefices of Dr. Lee."
Dec./Grants. 1595. Grants in December 1533.
1. Anth. Knyvett, Matt. Smyth, [Edw. ,] (fn. 16) Humph. Raynold, and Rob. Good. Next presentation to the canonry and prebend of Bercleswyth or Berkyswych in the cathedral church of Lichfield. Del. Westm., 1 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.,S.B.
2. Lincolnshire : Sir John Thymbleby, Sir Tho. Tempest, Ric. Ogle, and Augustine Porter. Commission to make inquisition p. m. on the lands and heir of Maurice Barkeley. Westm., 1 Dec.Pat. 25 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 26d.
3. Nich. Dery of Rochester, Kent, clk., alias chaplain. Pardon. Del. Westm., 2 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 34.
4. John Dunstone of Apuldore, Kent, "tyler," alias of Canterbury, bricklayer. Pardon for the death of Tho. Nye. Del. Westm., 2 Dec. (fn. 17) Hen. VIII.S.B. Pat. 25 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 35.
5. Thos. Goodric, the King's chaplain, Grant of a canonry and prebend in the collegiate church of St. Stephen, Westm., vice John Maltby, deceased. Greenwich, 4 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 5 Dec. P.S.
6. Urian Brereton, one of the pages of the King's Privy Chamber, and Edward Hopton, one of the gentlemen-ushers of the King's Chamber. Grant, in survivorship, of the office of forester and keeper of the forest or chase of Brengewod, and outer woods to the said forest or chase adjoining ; and the office of steward of the lordship or manor of Orleton, Heref., in the King's hands by the death of Sir Ric. Cornewall ; with the usual profits and fees of 6l. 2s. 6d. a year, as forester of Brengewod, 18s. a year for the custody of Prestwod forest, 30s. 5d. a year for "le pokership," &c. Greenwich, 3 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 8 Dec.P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 36.
7. John Gravy, a native of Almain, and priest, of the Order of Crutched Friars. Denization. Del. Westm., 8 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. S.B.
8. Tho. earl of Rutland. Grant, in reversion, of the offices of steward of the town and lordship of Wakefeld, constable of Sandale castle, master of the hunt of the old and new parks of Sandale, and of the old and new parks of Wakefeld, and of all woods there, with the usual fees out of the issues of the town and lordship of Wakefeld ; which offices were granted by patent 20 July 13 Hen. VIII. to Sir Ric. Tempest, knight of the Royal Body, in reversion on the death or surrender of Sir Tho. Lovell, now deceased. Del. Westm., 10 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 11.
9. Mons. Marke Megier, gentleman, of Germany. Licence to leave the realm and go beyond the sea, with his servants, six horses, and baggage. Greenwich, 8 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 10 Dec.S.B.
10. Mons. Dinteville, ambassador of the French king. Licence to import 30 tuns of Gascon wine, in a ship called the Edmund, of Lynn, John Duke master. Palace of Westminster, 16 Feb. 24 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 12 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.S.B.
11. Geo. Cotton. Annuity of 10 marks out of the manor of Thornebury, Glouc. Del. Westm., 12 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 32.
12. Sir John Shore, parson of Harston, Leic. Licence to absent himself from his benefice, according to the law spiritual and the discretion of his ordinary, notwithstanding the statute of 21 Hen. VIII. Greenwich, 23 Nov. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 13 Dec. P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 36.
13. Rob. Ryngold of Melton Magna, Norfolk, laborer. Pardon for having, along with others, on 30 March 24 Hen. VIII., feloniously broken the close and houses of Hen. Florye at Wymondham, and stolen therefrom certain money and other articles belonging to the said Henry. Del. Westm., 14 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 38.
14. Thos. Whateley of Stratford-on-Avon, Warw., innholder. Licence to bake and to sell "horsbred." Greenwich, 28 Jan. 14 (sic) Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 15 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.S.B.
15. Monastery of Malmesbury. Restitution of the temporalities on the election of Rob. Frampton as abbot, confirmed by Ric. Hilley, LL.D., vicar-general of Laurence bp. of Salisbury. The abbot's fealty ordered to be taken by the prior of Bradstok and Sir Walter Hungerford. Del. Westm., 16 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 29.
ii. Certificate of Dr. Hilley, annexed to the S.B., dated Salisbury, 6 Aug. 1533.
16. Rob. Knyvett. Livery of lands, as kinsman and heir of the body of Sir Will. Knyvett and Joan his wife, viz., s. and h. of Charles Knyvett, deceased, s. and h. of the said Sir Will. and Joan ; and also as kinsman and heir of Sir Edw. Knyvett, lately deceased ; on possessions in Bokenham, Tybenham, Old Bokenham, and Cathe, Norf., New Bokenham, Wilby, and Banham ; a meadow called Wadletons, and a pasture called Handicroft, in Tybenham and Carleton ; the site, and certain lands, rents, &c. in Tybenham excepted, which were assigned to the lady Anne Knyvett, late wife of the said Edward ; which possessions, on the death of the said Edward, should come to the said Robert, by reason of a grant made thereof by a certain Rob. Southwell and others, to the said Sir William and the heirs of his body. Greenwich, 1 Nov. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 16 Dec.P.S. Pat. p. 2. m. 22.
17. Thos. Horsey of London. Pardon for having, along with John Heron of London, John Anwike of Rumford, Essex, yeoman, and Thos. Harris of Downhamney, Glouc., yeoman, on the 24 Feb. 22 Hen. VIII., broken and entered the house of William prior of the new hospital of St. Mary, without Bisshopsgate, London, at Byknacre, Essex, and stolen therefrom certain goods and money of the said Prior, in the custody of Ric. Cressall, his canon, whereof they were indicted before Sir Roger Wentworth, Humphrey Browne, serjeant-at-law, Thos. Audeley, Wm. Bradbury, John Edmondes, John Pylbarough, and Bartholomew Prouz, justices of the peace, at Chelmsford, Essex. Del. Westm., 17 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 38.
18. Thos. Hayward or Heyward. Presentation to the parish church of Clonygonford, Cov. and Lich. dioc., void by death, and in the King's gift by reason of the minority of John Litleton. Hamptoncourte, 14 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 17 Dec.P.S.There is also an undated S.B. for the same, addressed to Chas. bp. of Hereford, and giving the name of the deceased incumbent as Will. Hampstwaite.
19. John Harpar. Licence to export 60 beefes, 300 muttons, 60 lambs, 20 porkes, 40 flitches of bacon, 100 couple of ling, 200 couple of haberdyn, 100 couple stockfish, "a thousand weight" of tallow, 6 barrels of butter, and 4 "wey" of cheese, for the victualling of the household of the lord Lisle, deputy of Calais ; to be shipped at the ports of Southampton, Portsmouth, Hide, Foliston, Sandwiche, Colchester, Yarmouth, and elsewhere, in the cos. of Sussex, Hants, Kent, Essex, and Suff. Greenwich, 13 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 17 Dec. S.B.
20. Rouland Lee, LL.D., the King's chaplain. Custody of the temporalities of the bpric. of Coventry and Lichfield from the death of Geoffrey the last bp., so long as the said temporalities shall remain in the King's hands. Del. Westm., 18 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 37. Rym. XIV. p. 481.
21. John bishop of London. Pardon for the escape of Lawrence Williams of London, yeoman, an attainted clerk, who, having abjured the kingdom and returned, was committed to the Bishop's prison at Storteford, Herts, where he had remained three years in irons, when he was released upon a warrant, dated Greenwich, 26 April 25 Hen. VIII., which it appears is insufficient in law. Del. Westm., 20 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. S.B. (Mutilated.)
22. Ric. Rawson, clk., archdeacon of Essex, in St. Paul's, London. Licence to absent himself from his said archdeaconry, and go over and dwell in Ireland for the space of two years. Hampton Court, 12 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 20 Dec.P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 37.
23. John Bolton of London, carter. Pardon for having killed Wm. Rugby of Cranbroke, Essex, by a blow given in selfdefence in "le Vintre," London, 3 Feb. 24 Hen. VIII., of which he died on the following morning, in the parish of St. Martin, ward of Vintry, London, as appears by an inquisition taken at London in the said parish and ward, 4 Feb. 24 Hen. VIII., before John Wilford, coroner, and Richard Reynolds and Nicholas Pynchon, late sheriffs of London. Westm., 22 Dec. Pat. 25 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 33.
24. Thos. duke of Norfolk, treasurer of England. Licence to import 60 tuns of French or Gascon wine. Del. Westm., 28 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.S.B.
25. Jasper Culpeper, Thos. Culpeper, and Ric. White, yeoman. Next presentation to the rectory of Middleton, Durham dioc. Greenwich, 18 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 28 Dec.P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 33.
26. Thos. Budde of Bathe, Somers. weaver. Pardon for having, with others, on the 1st Jan. 23 Hen. VIII., broken the prison of the bp. of Bath and Wells, at Wellys, Somers., and stolen therefrom certain goods of Wm. Jerveys, keeper of the prison, whereof he was indicted before the justices of peace in the said co. ; and also for having, on the 2nd May 25 Hen. VIII., broken loose from Yevilchester gaol, where he and others were confined, having been committed to the custody of Sir Thos. More, then sheriff of cos. Dorset and Somers., whereof they were indicted on Thursday after the Feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist, 25 Hen. VIII., at the session of peace at Yevilchester before Wm. Vowell and others. Hampton Court, 14 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 28 Dec.P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 36.
27. John lord Scrope of Bolton. Livery of lands as s. and h. of Sir Hen. Scrope, late lord Scrope deceased. Hampton Court, 17 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., (fn. 18) [ ... ] P.S. Pat. 29 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 19.
28. Nich. Vanbroke of Southchurch, alias Southkyrke, in Artoys, alias of Marke, yeoman, a native of the Emperor's dominions. Denization. Del. [Westm.,] 29 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 37.


  • 1. Leonard Horsman. See Vol. V., No. 1212.
  • 2. A bell and Barker. See No. 1541.
  • 3. John de Athequa, bishop of Llandaff. See No. 1541.
  • 4. In margin : "Nota, si voulse nommer Jehan Joachin, Morette, Largerie, &c."
  • 5. Here occurs a note in the original MS. to the following effect :Thinks it will be well to make some protest why it is this matter will be treated at so great length, lest hereafter it should not be clearly understood, and for a warning, lest affairs take a similar turn in future. Mem.Although the English deputies had the above commission, they nevertheless began, first, by all means to break off the interview with the Pope, and spared no kind of offers, by alliances, treaties, remission of debts, &c., to prevent the King from having a conference with his enemy, "comme il disoyt declarer." But the King thought it would not be right in him, after having gone so far, to break promise with the Pope ; especially as, when the King despatched from Amiens the French cardinals (Tournon and Grammont) after the interview at Boulogne, the king of England, who had secretly desired the despatch, had, among other reasons for it, suggested to the King to get the Pope to come to Avignon, if possible, so as to make him consent to some reasonable proposal.
  • 6. In the margin : "Nota, scavoir de Castillon."
  • 7. Here in margin occurs the note : "Je croy que ce fut par vous."
  • 8. Marginal note : "Nota, de savoir s'il fault inserer ce que je lui diz."
  • 9. The word "last" is struck out, and "ao xxvto" is interlined.
  • 10. Eliz. daughter of Oliver St. John, second wife of Gerald eighth earl of Kildare.
  • 11. Lambert Simnel.
  • 12. This name is written in place of "Crumwell kinsman" struck out. Hugh Curwen afterwards archbishop of Dublin.
  • 13. Edw. Foxe was collated to the archdeaconry of Dorset 25 Nov. 1533, on the death of Bennet.
  • 14. Hen. Williams, S.T.P., was admitted to this prebend 18 Dec. 1533, on the death of Bennet.
  • 15. This entry is struck out.
  • 16. An Edward is named in the repeating clause, but not at the beginning of the grant.
  • 17. Year omitted.
  • 18. Date illegible.