Henry VIII: May 1535, 21-25

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 8, January-July 1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1885.

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, 'Henry VIII: May 1535, 21-25', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 8, January-July 1535, (London, 1885) pp. 277-287. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol8/pp277-287 [accessed 26 May 2024].

. "Henry VIII: May 1535, 21-25", in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 8, January-July 1535, (London, 1885) 277-287. British History Online, accessed May 26, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol8/pp277-287.

. "Henry VIII: May 1535, 21-25", Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 8, January-July 1535, (London, 1885). 277-287. British History Online. Web. 26 May 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol8/pp277-287.


May 1535, 21-25

21 May.
Add. MS. 6,416, f. 8.
B. M.
743. Cromwell to the Prior of Trewardreth, in Cornwall.
The King hears that the town of Fowey is sore decayed, partly because there is no order of justice there, as the liberties granted by the King and his progenitors to the Prior and his predecessors, and by them to the inhabitants of the town, remain in his hands. Requires him, therefore, to agree with the said inhabitants, so that he may receive his duties, and that they may have their liberties to be used for the increase of good order. Desires an answer in writing by the bearer, Thos. Treffry. The King thinks that Fowey ought to be his, and holden of him, and intends that it shall be provided with good governance and for defence against foreign enemies; to which the Prior has had little regard, nor yet to the good rule of himself and his monastery. The King thinks that he is very unworthy to have rule of any town, that cannot well rule himself. London, 21 May. Signed.
P. 1. Add.
R. O. 2. Corrected draft of the preceding, undated.
21 May.
Vesp. C. vii. 64.
B. M.
744. T. Batcock to Crumwell.
Has had nothing to write since he wrote by Philip Hoby until this day, the 16th April, when Capt. Martin de le Renteria departed from the Passage with his great galleon of 800 tons, as captain-general with 700 soldiers and marines in 27 ships and savras. News has come that the fleet has arrived at Calis (Cadiz) in Andolozia. The ships and men taken up in Andaluzia have gone to Malaga to receive their victuals; and this fleet must do like-wise, and then go to the Isle of Sardinia, where there are said to be 10,000 Swiss, 5,000 Spaniards, and 8,000 Italians waiting for the fleet. A chaplain of the Emperor's has written all this to his brother here, and also that the king of Portugal has sent to the Emperor 30 Latynes, of which two are great ships, and one a great galleon of 800 tons, with 100 brass guns. There is no ship like this going upon the water. He writes also that Andre Ory (Doria) has come to Barsalona with 15 galleys and 2 carracks, and that the Emperor's galleys are almost all ready, "and tarryeth but for the coming that this ship that ladeth in Malaga were past to Sardeyna." The Emperor with his galleys, and 12 galleys that the Pope sent him, will go to Sardinia, and show them whither they shall go. The common saying is that they are going to besiege Tonys, where Barba Roche is. In the fleet of the king of Portugal the sails are made with one "kelle" red, and one white, that they may be known. This chaplain has the rule of the Emperor's "monycion," and is an old friend of Batcok's. Desired him to be familiar with Master Pattes, the King's ambassador, who has written to Badcok to acknowledge his kindness. The chaplain says that when the fleet is united, it will number 300 sail and 50,000 men. The Rendre, 8 May 1535.
"Continued to this, the xxi. of this present." A correo has come to the corregidor here, commanding him to convey 200 Lutheran prisoners who came to the Passage in a hulk of Flanders; 6,000 Tudiscos have come to Cysille (Sicily) to serve the Emperor. The king of Portugal has sent a great sum to his captain of the army, saying he will maintain them at his cost as long as the Emperor keeps war in this voyage. The "corey" declares also that the "masters of money" of Spain, Navarre, and Aragon are coining crowns day and night to the number of four or five millions.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. as Secretary. Endd.
R. O. 745. "Nichlas" Daniel to Thos. Batcok.
Is in much distress, and has no one to apply to but Batcok. His landlord says he has got him a messenger to the Court, but he does not know who he is. Begs Batcock to provide him with one who can convey letters to the English ambassadors. Has written a letter to them in Castilian, which he requests Batcok to translate into English. Begs to be commended to the English gentlemen. Signed.
Sp., p. 1. Add.: Ami senor Tomas Batcoc en la Renteria. Endd.: This is the lettre that Nycolas Danyell dud send un to Thomas Batcok.
ii. On the back of the above letter is written in Batcock's hand:—
"This is the lettre that Nycolas Danyell dud send to me Thomas Batcok frome San Sabastiaunce wer he is in prisson, the we for fawtt off space I had no leyzar to trasladat in to Englishe. You canot lak one or othir, the we will avertesy you the intent off this lettre.
"Sir, hit were good aftur that thes men had ther disspache, that you procure to have aprovizion off the Emperrowre comaundyng the corigedor that frome hence forth he inbrace none off our nacion that we be off Lutere is sect, or Erytickes, as John Young causith the corigedor to declare us. Wee were [never?] soe evill intreatyd in this contrey as wee be now, the we hath causyd this sympyll felaw John Young, thoes off San Sabastians or in there towem. Ht is our forteyne that our nacion is all ways trobelyd, &c.
                                                                                                           T. Batcoc."
21 May.
Add. MS. 28,587, f. 304.
B. M.
746. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
Lately there came hither a servant of the earl of Tildaria (Kildare), who has lately taken from the king of England all the land he had in Ireland, except a city called Dubilia (Dublin), on the plea that as the King does not obey the Holy See, he ought not to be obeyed. Previously, the King put to death (avie muerto) the Earl's father in a tower, because he favoured the Queen.
After giving the Earl's letter to the Pope, the messenger said the Earl had sent him to say, on behalf of himself, the lords of his party in Ireland, and their confederates in England, that they were astonished at his Holiness's negligence in permitting so many souls to perish, and not concluding the process against so wicked a King by declaring him deprived of his kingdom, and his subjects absolved from their obedience and oath of fidelity, since he persecutes the Catholics, favours heretics, exacts an oath from every one not to obey the Holy See, and allows no one to pray to God for the Pope. The people were indignant with the King, and much inclined to punish him. The messenger gave the Pope a printed copy of the heresies which are being sown in England against the Pope, and a writing about the acknowledgment of the Pope's supremacy by king John, and his payment of 1,000l. sterling annually. The Earl asked also for absolution for killing the archbp. of Dublin, who favored the king of England, had caused his father's death, and was compassing his own. The Pope expressed pleasure at what had been said, excused his delay in the past from his anxiety to see whether the King would acknowledge his error, and as to the future he would do his duty. He absolved the Earl.
Has urged the Pope not to hinder the despatch of the executorials, which were decreed so long ago in Consistory by pope Clement. They have hitherto been refused in consequence of the expected interview between the kings of England and France, and, now that the interview has been given up, they are refused until the result of the duke of Norfolk's embassy is known, which is expected this month. It was reported lately that the Pope stated in the Consistory that the French king was treating of a marriage between his third son, the duke of Angoulême, and the daughter of "la Ana." If it is so, it is showing favor to all the schisms and heresies of the king of England.
The princess of England has lately been very ill, and twice the physicians despaired of her life. The ambassador now writes that she is better, and that her illness came from grief. Her governess is an aunt of "la Ana." The King was at the house where she lives for many hours, but did not visit her. The ambassador cannot obtain leave for her to be with her mother.
Hears that, in addition to other heresies in England, they now deny purgatory and prayers to the saints, and discuss whether our Lord is in the sacrament of the Eucharist. All these were the opinions of an English heresiarch, named Wicleph, whose teaching was condemned by the Council of Constance, and his bones burnt.
Since writing the above, has received a letter from Eustachio Chapuys, dated London, 25 April, saying that the Princess was then in good health. Rome, 21 May 1535.
Sp., pp. 7. Modern copy.
21 May.
Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS. Fr. 19,571, f. 117.
747. Sir Gregory da Casale to Card du Bellay.
Congratulates him on his nomination. Is very sorry for that of Rochester. Fears that in England it will be imputed to him, and wishes the French ambassador with Henry to rectify this. This nomination of Rochester will completely ruin him.
P.S.—Very much annoyed by this affair of Rochester. Francis ought to tell Henry that the Pope did not know that Rochester was in prison, and found guilty of treason. Rochester, in order to be allowed to go to Rome, might perhaps submit. The king of England ought to be glad of it, and to profit by it.
Copy, Ital. Abstract by Mr. Friedmunn.
21 May.
Paris, Bibl. Nat.
MSS. Fr. 19,577.
748. Nicolas Raince to Cardinal du Bellay.
The Pope recommends the cardinal of Rochester to him.
Copy. Fr. Abstract by Mr. Friedmann.
22 May.
R. O.
749. Wm. [Walle] Abbot of Kenilworth to Cromwell.
We beg your support against the false presumption that our perjured brother surmises, and advertise you of the authority that my predecessors have always exercised. I send you the muniments and the seniors of my house. As concerning the accounts connected with the said house of Broke and the Prior there, it will be seen that it is but a seal of office allowed him by the masters of Kenilworth for a term of years, that they need not have occasion to run for every grant to the masters of this house. In this matter I submit to the King and you, trusting I shall have more favor than a perjured canon. The bishop of Lichfield would write for me, but I trust it needs not. Kenilworth, 22 May.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.
23 May.
Vienna Archives.
750. Chapuys to Charles V.
Since my last, Cromwell has several times sent to excuse himself for not coming to talk with me on the matters under consideration, he has been so busy; but when disengaged he will tell me something to my satisfaction. Finding him occupied so long, I went to see him four or five days ago. He told me, in the first place, that he would not, for any money, have been so much occupied as he has been since he has been with me, as this had occasioned him to commit an error as regards me, at which the King, his master, had been displeased, and called him a fool to his face. The error was that in sending into France about other things, he had despatched an answer to their ambassador without first showing it to me, as the King had commanded him. The answer was to the effect that nothing must be said of submission to the Council, or of revoking or innovating anything done here; and that Your Majesty being pleased to leave things as they are, the King, although you had not kept your promise to him, not to discontinue making war upon the French king until he was crowned king of France, (of which he wished to remind Your Majesty, and also of the favours he had done you, both in the promotion of the Empire and otherwise, not by way of reproach but for the renewal of friendship,) would be ready to listen to all agreements possible and honourable to him. By this restriction it appeared to me that they would agree no further on the matter of the preceding treaties, because he several times said incidentally that they had no need of new treaties, and that former treaties were quite sufficient, provided pains were taken to remove obstacles to their fulfilment, which meant simply the matter of the good ladies; and he let out that if the said matter were settled to the satisfaction of Your Majesty and the King, his master, the said King would hold the helm of Christendom without tying himself to one or other prince.
I said I should have been well enough pleased that the answer had been despatched into France as made to myself, provided it had been as sufficient and reasonable as the case required; but being such as he reported to me, but for the considerations which I had formerly mentioned, I should have suspected that it was all intended to gain time and await the issue of the diet of Calais; which is the truth. He tried to produce reasons to make me believe the contrary, but this only increases my suspicion. At last, in the course of conversation, he said they would soon have news of their ambassador in France, and then he would talk with me more particularly. I then said to him that by the said news he might almost perceive to what the diet of Calais tended; which he could not deny, although after some other conversation he said that for that it was not necessary to await the diet, for he thought it certain they would conclude nothing good, and that it would rather give rise to discord and rupture of friendship than otherwise. In discussing these matters he could only allege that it would be very shameful in his master to show such inconstancy as to revoke what he had done. I replied, besides adducing the example of the emperor Clothair and of two kings of France, that the question was not about revoking anything, but considering whether it was well and rightly done, and that it would be no shame to him, even if some of his statutes were revoked, for even the constitutions of some Councils General had been revoked; and that he would be more accused of inconstancy, besides the suspicion of injustice, if he refused to acknowledge the said Council, seeing that he had interposed an appeal to it, and that to restrain the tongues of those who defamed him in Flanders, France, and Spain as a heretic and schismatic (of which he bitterly complained), there was no better way than to submit to its decisions; otherwise he would give greater occasion to the world to speak and even write of it, to his perpetual infamy. Moreover, I was sure that if your Majesty did not see clearly that his submission would be to the King's honor, besides being necessary for the discharge of his conscience and the peace of his kingdom, you would never have proposed it; and that the King ought not to attach so much weight in such a case to the judicial proceedings (á la justice), or to the statutes of this realm, which only depended on the prince's wish, as might be seen by the Acts of king Richard, who, not content with having declared by sentence that the sons and daughters of king Edward were illegitimate, caused king Edward himself to be declared a bastard, and, to prove it, called his own mother to bear witness (il en fist testiffier sa propre mere en jugement), and caused it to be continually preached so. He confessed that was true of king Richard; but the said King was a tyrant and a bad man, and he had been paid off for it (et quil en avait eu son payemment). Moreover, I told him that there would be no obstacle from your Majesty to the King making his submission in the most honorable fashion with whatever ceremony he pleased, as you wished to accommodate him as much as you possibly could; at which Cromwell was very much pleased. As Cromwell appeared to be afraid that on the King's submission not only the statutes concerning the-Queen and Princess would be revoked, but also the others, by which the King received inestimable profit from churchmen, I gave him to understand that that might be confirmed to some extent; and that since the principal cause of gathering so much money was to prevent the rebellions of his neighbours, he need not be afraid of that, when once the case of the Queen had been settled, and the amity thereby confirmed with your Majesty. Moreover, that if he took back the Queen, this kingdom would give him as much as he could ask, and he should be the more induced to do so because it is probable he would sooner have male issue from the Queen than from this woman, as I am informed by physicians and others,—this being one of the principal points alleged by the King in favour of his second marriage, that the Queen was not capable of bearing children, being already past 48. I mentioned to him some ladies even of this country who had had children at 51. He said that her mother was 52 when she conceived her; and thereupon said a thousand good things of the Queen, cursing, nevertheless, those who had ever made the marriage which had been the cause of innumerable troubles, and made the King spend three millions of gold. I asked if he meant what the King had spent on the wars of France and Navarre. He said, "No." I shall not fail, the first time we are together, to question him on what the said sum was employed. But I only answered that he who had made the marriage, (fn. 1) knew not only how to conquer kingdoms, but also to keep (fn. 2) them; and that I thought the alliance of the said marriage, together with the holiness and devout prayers of the Queen, had hitherto preserved this kingdom from danger. After several discussions, Cromwell acknowledged to me that many of the arguments I had used were indisputable; nevertheless, it was not in his power, nor in that of any man, to alter the King's mind; nevertheless he would try, at all hazards, what he could do. I said, if they persisted in these general terms, no progress could be made. He answered that at present he could make no overture except that which he had made before of the Princess and the little one; and on asking him to show me how the King, his master, wished the matter of the Queen to be dealt with in any new treaty with Your Majesty, and whether he thought you would expressly or tacitly ratify this second marriage, a thing so repugnant to honour and reason, or that the matter could be passed over by dissimulation without any mention whatever, he said he did not know what to reply until he had spoken with the King as he would do shortly. I told Cromwell they showed no great appearance of desiring to come to the amity, and that, besides refusing the said submission, they were continually intriguing with the French, and nothing was done to improve the treatment of the Queen and Princess. He said their negociations with the French would bear such fruit as he had always declared; and as to the treatment of the ladies, the King intended to treat them most favorably whenever he saw (dont quil verroit) any appearance of reconfirmation of amity with your Majesty. Cromwell told me that this Pope, when he was cardinal, had written with his own band to the King that he had good cause to sue for a divorce, and that pope Clement did him great wrong; and although I gave as much faith to those words as to what he told me lately (viz., that if the cardinal of Bourges had been at Rome at the time of the sentence he would by no means have consented to it), I only said to him that it was so much the better, and he had so much the less cause to refuse the submission. I forgot to write the reply I made to Cromwell when he said your Majesty had treated with the king of France contrary to your promise to the King, his master; which was that, as far as I understood, your Majesty had had most reason to complain, seeing that the said King, during the siege of Pavia, had treated with the French, and for this Johan Jocquin and the chancellor D'Alençon had been here secretly. To which he only answered that he did not know what to say about it, for then he had nothing to do with affairs.
There lately arrived here one of those sent by the King into Denmark with the brother of the count of Hoy, and along with him a German gentleman with five or six servants, among whom, I am told, is a secretary of Lubeck. I thought, as he was said to be the brother-in-law of the king of Sweden, that it was the same count of Hoy, but I am told he is a fugitive from the country of the duke of Holstein, called Herr Berne Fron (?) vander Mellent. It is said that though he has married the king of Sweden's sister, he is his enemy. I enquired lately of Cromwell who he was, and whether he came to solicit aid for the Lubeckers. To which he only answered that he was a German, who, hearing of the King's liberality, came to make trial of it; and that he knew nothing of the affairs of Lubeck except that the Lubeckers were endeavouring to restore king Christiern. He added that the doctor of Lubeck who had come here before had already removed with a view to his return. But it is not true, for the said doctor is continually with the aforesaid gentleman. Cromwell told me the French were very glad, expecting that your Majesty's going into Italy would be broken oft because certain captains who had been charged to levy men [in] Germany had been countermanded.
Four days ago, the good old lord of whom I formerly wrote, sent to me an old man, a relation of his, of more virtue and zeal than appears externally, who told me that the said lord had sent him, both to ascertain my news and to let me know his intention, which was that, not being able to remain in this kingdom on account of the great heresies prevailing here, which every one was compelled by force to accept to the great injury of their souls, besides being continually pillaged and eaten up, he had determined to cross the sea in order to unfold to your Majesty the urgent necessity of remedying matters, and some of the ways in which it might be done if your Majesty would undertake it; and, if not, that he might inform those in England, that they might not be deluded by waiting longer, so that they might act for themselves, as, failing other means, they are resolved to do. I told him that if he went he would put the said lord and his other friends in great danger. He said he would not leave this till the said lord had got to his own house, where he would be very soon, and then the said lord would not care a button for all the suspicions entertained of him. He is to return to me, as soon as the said lord has left, to arrange with me. I was sorry I could not talk with him longer to get at his ideas about the means of the enterprise. A long time ago the younger brother of him (fn. 3) about whom your Majesty once received letters from Venice, told me he wished to go to Spain; which I dissuaded, as the service he could do to your Majesty was less than nothing, at the cost of the injury he would bring upon himself and his friends, especially as the matter could not be kept secret, as was written to you at the time. London, 23 May 1535.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 6.
23 May.
Vienna Archives.
751. Chapuys to [Granvelle].
Does not write to the Emperor the fourth part of the remonstrances he has made to Cromwell, and they are quite useless. Fears that medicine or words will not cure these maladies, and that cautery will be necessary. Will not cease, however, so that at least the Emperor's good intentions to this King may be visible.
The English deputies to the assembly at Calais, who left before the Feast, are accompanied by two doctors of law, who have with them all the processes in the King's matrimonial case. They are the same doctors as went to Marseilles when the Pope was there. Hears that the King was not at the execution, as he was told, and that he was very angry with the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Wiltshire for not replying to one of the monks, who made a very fine sermon.
They have taken three more Carthusians; the others are in their convent, where they are guarded by the King's servants, in whose custody are all the goods of the monasteries of the Order. It is thought the King will suppress them (deffera) as they are rich, and there is no hope of making the religious change their opinion. London, 23 May.
Fr., from a modern copy, p. 1.
23 May.
R. O.
752. Stephen Vaughan to [Lord Lisle].
In behalf of the bearer, Thos. Higon, who now repairs to your Lordship to desire that, in consideration of his extreme poverty occasioned by the loss of a ship of Andalusia, wrecked upon the coast of France, you would appoint him a victualler of Calais, and give him a protection.
I showed your letter touching Mr. Hacquett's legacy to Mr. Secretary, who seemed to take it unkindly, thinking you suspected he would not fulfil the will. I assure you he will. He is only waiting the end of a process instituted at Brussels by Bernardo de Pigly, a Florentine, against him and the other executors. London, 23 May 1535.
Hol., pp. 2.
23 May.
Add. MS. 8,715, f. 59.
B. M.
753. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.
Reports an interview with Francis I., who spoke highly of the Pope. Is sure that if the Emperor allows the conference proposed by M. Latinus (parlamento che portò M. Latino) to be talked of, that His Holiness will command here for the rest, and that the French will make another treaty against England without any concealment, which the Bishop has already mentioned to the King; and though he put it off, he hinted that they would do what the Pope wished.
Spoke of the unfortunate conduct of the king of England, which would displease even Turks, and condoled with Francis for being united to him by friendship, as these horrible cruelties do not agree with his mild nature and rare goodness. He heartily expressed his disapproval of them.
The Admiral ought to be at Calais, but there is no news of him yet. Hears that the bp. of Taibes, nephew of cardinal Grammont, accompanies him, and will go on to England as ambassador. He is about 30 years of age, a doctor of laws, and a councillor.
Ital., pp. 7. Copy. Headed: 1535. Al Sig. Mons. Ambrogio, da Minival alli 23 di Maggio, &c.
24 May.
Cleop. E. iv. 308. B. M.
754. Edw. Lee, Abp. of York, and Others, to [Cromwell].
Would have been ready to make certificate of the yearly value of spiritual promotions, according to the King's commission. if we could have had the auditors who were joined to us. Some of them are sick, some have not come, and some are appointed in other places. All the books came in, but some were not written "in partishement" for lack of auditors, and others were not in due form after the auditors' fashion. For these reasons we cannot certify at the day appointed, Octavis Trinitatis, and doubt whether we can certify during this term. As Mr. Blitheman is coming up to know your mind about certain doubts, we will wait for his return, desiring you to see that we run in no danger in the exchequer, and that we have a new commission for a further day. York, 24 May 1535. Signed: Edouarde Ebor'—Willm. Wryght, mayr off York—George Darcy—T. Magnus—Brian Hastings—Roger Cholmeley—George Lawson—Robert Bowes—Robt. Chaloner—Th. Grice.
Pp. 2.
24 May.
Lansd. MS. 602, f. 96. St. P. ii. 243.
755. Agard to [Cromwell].
Arrived with the treasure at Dublin on May 19. The treasurer Aylmer, and the Master of the Rolls, had ridden to survey the late earl of Kildare's lands, and have not returned. The Deputy is at Mavnewthe, Sir Ryce Mawnxell at Trym, Mr. Salsburye at Dundalke, Mr. Brewerton at the Castle, and Sir John Saynctlow at Conwey. Pawlett will go by the next wind, with Thomas the traitor's wife. (fn. 4) He will try to come again, though few here desire it. "He came hither with a small male, but he cometh home with his trussing coffers." He has got more than the Treasurer would if he were here seven years. The earl of Ossory, Sir James, his son, O'Donell, and baron Aylmer, are true servants to the King. Has given the Deputy the letters of the King and Cromwell. Asks him to be good to the prior of Kylmaynam, who is an honest man. He offers Cromwell 20 mks. a year. Dublin, 24 May.
Suggests to Cromwell that Serjeant Whitt should be examined about the Chancellor's having advised him to surrender Dublin Castle to Lord Thomas.
Has made an inventory of Talbot's goods, who is in the Fleet.
Hol., pp. 4. Endd.
[24 May.]
R. O.
756. Thomas Cusack.
Draft patent granting to Thos. Cusak (fn. 5) the office of Secondary Justice of Common Pleas in Ireland, with 20l. per ann., as held before by Gerald Aylmer.
P. 1, large paper, with corrections in Cromwell's hand.
24 May.
R. O.
757. Sir Edw. Ryngeley to Lord Lisle.
I and my wife heartily recommend us unto you. I have received your letter, and am contented that I shall have my money before Whitsuntide. I have been very sick, and am not able to ride, but when I can go to the Court I will speak to the Council about Mr. Wingfeld's marsh, according to the Commissioners' and your letters. It would be well for you and all the commission to write to the King and Council about it. I thank you for saying that you are not a little sorry at my leaving Calais, but I was never sorry myself. My blunt fashion has served me well enough hitherto, and I trust it will as long as I live. If I have been blunt to you at any time, it has been for your honor, for I never meant worse to you than to myself. I never "think to desire" another room in Calais, but I thank you for your offer to give me and my wife one week's board. Sandwich, 24 May. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd.
25 May.
R. O.
Letters, 306.
758. Cranmer to Cromwell.
I send you such things as were noticed unto me this Tuesday, which I cannot keep undisclosed. Make them known to the King. Sir John, (fn. 6) parish priest of Wytesham, is imprisoned at Maidstone. Otford, 25 May. Signed.
Add.: Secretary. Endd.
25 May.
Vit. B. xxi. 105. B. M.
759. Henry VIII. to the Consuls and Senate of [Lubeck].
Depends on their friendship. The confirmation of the articles proposed to him by their envoys, and sent back by him, has been delayed, as it appears by their letters, for a more formal ratification. Having received their letters of 27 March, is surprised that it has been put off so long,—longer than he would have done in a similar case. Complains that their confirmation is not mentioned in the said letters. Desires to know what the Senate has determined. Promises his assistance whenever necessary.
Will answer briefly their letters of 10 April. "Quod enim suspicamini Ill. Holsaciæ principem tum ........... tum etiam misso nuncio nomen causamque vestram suis .............. [gra]uiter læsisse, vel actiones vestras parum æques, seu forsan ............. reddidisse, re vera, ut de istis vestris controversiis, multis rat ............... apud nos egit, ita nobiscum ineundæ amicitiæ, et conjunctionis ....... conditiones sui ipsius respectu, et a generoso principe profectas ........ contemuendas obtulit." Assures them that he is tenacious of old friendship, and that he gave him such an answer as a king careful of their welfare should do. But as events have not justified their promises, and the intended benefits do not result from his loan to them, asks for its repayment according to agreement. Is grieved to hear of their dissensions, which have resulted in the removal from office of men who have deserved so well of their State. Advises them to replace them. Greenwich, 25 May 1535.
Lat., draft, mutilated, pp. 4.
25 May.
R. O.
760. Sir Will. Fitzwilliam to Cromwell.
I met this day my lord Rocheford by the way, who showed me part of his charge. I cannot a little marvel that the Admiral arrived at Calais on Saturday, and was ready to leave upon Monday, making so light of the matter; still more, that he should in effect answer all our charge, for we had instructions to proceed with him by degrees, and when we had brought him to the point of desperation, devised the best remedy we could, declaring the King's pleasure in the second degree. But these matters I refer to your judgment. Still, if the French persevere in this manner, one of three things is the reason:—Either they think we cannot do without them, and therefore we must do whatever they would have us; or they are vainglorious from the wealth they have gotten since their King's deliverance,—the pride of their children and their new men of war, forgetting the aid our king gave them. When Frenchmen are aloft, they are the highest men in the world, and the soonest forget their benefactors: when they are a little under foot they are the humblest. The third is, they are in some hope to accommodate themselves with the Emperor, and therefore crow so high; but he would rather have our amity than theirs. I like not their fashion. But though they cannot be brought to the King's purpose by coldness, let us use all gentleness at parting, for I would not break with them until we hear more from the Emperor. I write but blindly now, but when I have been among them three or four days, I shall guess more. Show so much of my letter to the King as you deem convenient.
Lord Rochford wished me to tarry here till his return; but as the weather is fair, and I love to take to sea at the tail of a storm, but chiefly as the King commanded me to tell my lord Norfolk that he and I were to take a view of Calais, its ordnance, &c., I have resolved to take my passage tomorrow.
This morning I received a letter from my brother, by which I perceive that the King was informed that there are certain rovers at sea. I have spoken to Mr. Wingfield, of Sandwich, and the mayor and bailiffs of the town; also with Edw. Waters, captain of the King's ship, and Adrian Dogan, just come from Calais, who say there are no such rovers, but they hear of a rumour that the Lubeckers are fitting out ships against the Hollanders Dover, Tuesday night, 25 May. Signed.
Pp. 3. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
Poli Epp.
i. 422.
761. Pole to Aloysius Priolus.
Sent remembrances to him today of himself and his companions here by Priolus's cousin Franciscus, who was to leave Padua after dinner. Thought it better, however, to write of the arrival here last night of himself with Sigismund and Donatus. We are much pleased with everything, and only regret your absence: but, knowing how agreeably you commonly live at Pavia, we bear it the better. Hope, however, we shall see you sometimes. Means to give up writing during the hot summer, but cannot forbear thinking of the thing he is to write about. Will imitate the ant in collecting during summer for winter use. Would be glad if he had Sadolet's book on Philosophy to read. Desires him to ask Lazarus to send the Commentaries of Proclus on Euclid's first book, with MS. notes; which he may give to Pole's countryman, who promised to come to him as soon as he heard Pole had reached this villa. Cannot write more, as dinner is waiting. Compliments to the Bishop and Lazarus. "Ex villa tua." As you know the hour I need not write the day.


  • 1. Ferdinand of Arragon.
  • 2. de le consterner in transcript; qu., "de les conserver"?
  • 3. Of Reginald Pole. See Vol. VII., No. 1368. The younger brother was Sir Geoffrey Pole.
  • 4. Frances, daughter of Sir Adrian Fortescue.
  • 5. It appears that the date of his appointment was 24 May 1535. See Lascclles' "Liber Hiberniæ, Part. ii. 37.
  • 6. John Hastings, of Wyttrisham, near Tenterden.