Richard II: October 1386

Parliament Rolls of Medieval England. Originally published by Boydell, Woodbridge, 2005.

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1386 October

Introduction October 1386


1 October - 28 November 1386 (The 'Wonderful Parliament')

(C 65/45. RP , III.215-224. SR , II.39-43)

C 65/45 is a roll of six membranes, each approximately 315mm in width, sewn together in chancery style and numbered in a later hand. The condition of the roll is good, though membranes 5 and 4 are stained with gallic acid. The lower half of membrane 4 and the top half of membrane 3 are blank. The Arabic numerals are of a later date. The text, written in the official chancery script of several scribes, occupies the rectos of the membranes only. The dorses are blank apart from a later heading, 'Parliamentum de anno decimo Ricardi secundi', and later notes where the membranes are joined, 'Parl' anno x R. 2 pars unica apud Westm''. The roll appears to be complete.

The parliament of October 1385 had in effect presented Richard II and his chancellor, Michael de la Pole, earl of Suffolk, with an ultimatum: it had appointed a commission to reform the operation of the entire royal administration (and especially its finances), including the royal household; it had rejected various of the king's proposed promotions to the topmost ranks of the nobility, and advised him in no uncertain terms both to temper his generosity to his friends and to seek the advice of more judicious counsellors. Unwisely, the king and his chancellor chose to ignore these warnings. There is very little to suggest that during the first nine months of 1386 they heeded the advice of the 1385 commission at all. Unfortunately, a series of other events combined to produce an atmosphere of political crisis during the summer and autumn of 1386. After six years in rebellion, Ghent was finally reduced to submission by the French crown in December 1385, whereupon King Charles VI and his uncles, growing in confidence, set their sights on an invasion of England. From March onwards, and throughout the summer, an enormous French fleet was assembled at Sluys in Flanders, and by August and September it was feared that an attack might occur at any moment. Meanwhile John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, the king's senior uncle, had finally left for Iberia - he sailed from Plymouth on 9 July - in order to pursue his claim to the throne of Castile, taking with him several of the realm's more notable war-captains. Gaunt would not return to England for more than three years, and it is no coincidence that these three years witnessed a political crisis in England such as had not been seen since the reign of Edward II, the leading role in which was taken by Gaunt's younger brother (and the king's youngest uncle), Thomas of Woodstock, earl of Buckingham and now also duke of Gloucester.

A month after Gaunt's departure, with the French invasion scare at its height, a royal council was summoned to meet at Osney abbey, Oxford, and it was from here, on 8 August, that writs were issued summoning what came to be known as the 'Wonderful Parliament' to meet at Westminster on 1 October. (fn. int1386-1) The sees of Bath and Wells, Coventry and Lichfield, and Llandaff were vacant, but the other eighteen English and Welsh bishops were all summoned. The list of abbots and priors summoned included the abbot of Eynsham, who had not been summoned in 1385, but excluded the abbot of Cirencester, who had been. Since John of Gaunt was abroad, he was not included in the list of temporal lords summoned, but Richard II's new peerage creations of 1385 were all summoned by their new titles: Robert de Vere as marquis of Dublin, Michael de la Pole as earl of Suffolk, and the king's two younger uncles, Edmund of Langley and Thomas of Woodstock, as duke of York and Gloucester respectively. Nicholas Audley of Heleigh and John Roos of Helmsley, both of whose fathers had been summoned, were attending their first parliaments. The names of 252 members of the commons (74 knights and 178 burgesses) are also known. (fn. int1386-2)

Parliament opened as planned on Monday 1 October, with de la Pole as chancellor making the opening speech to the assembled lords and commons - the fifth and last time that he would do so. It had been agreed at the council held at Oxford, so he declared, that the king would shortly go abroad in person in order to vindicate his claim to the throne of France. In part, this was doubtless a way of trying to wring a generous grant of taxation from the commons, who had been suggesting for some years now that the king ought to campaign in France. It was also, however, as de la Pole explained, an attempt to scotch rumours that Richard was unwilling to go to France in person (Item 1). Such public acknowledgement of the aspersions being cast on the king's exercise of military leadership smacks of defensiveness on the part of the government, but worse was soon to come. Barely had de la Pole concluded his address by expressing the hope that the commons would loosen the nation's purse-strings, when those same commons came before the king and the lords and 'with one mind' presented a series of oral charges 'complaining grievously' about the chancellor's conduct. With the exception of the grant of the subsidy and the common petitions, the whole of the rest of the roll is taken up with the charges against de la Pole, his replies to his accusers, and the judgment eventually passed on him (Items 6-17) - so that, had we nothing but the official record to go on, the road from his initial accusation by the commons to his dismissal from the chancellorship on 23 October might appear to have been a simple and direct one. In fact, as the chroniclers make clear, it was far from either simple or direct.

Much the fullest and most illuminating account of the parliament of 1386 is that to be found in the chronicle of Henry Knighton. (fn. int1386-3) According to Knighton, who employed a variety of written sources, some of which clearly emanated from the circle of the king's opponents, de la Pole let it be known more or less at the outset of the session that the sum required by way of taxation was no less than four fifteenths and tenths (approximately £155,000), an unprecedentedly large request, to which the lords and commons responded by demanding, 'with one assent', the dismissal of both the chancellor and the treasurer, 'because they had matters to resolve with Michael de la Pole which they could not pursue while he held the office of chancellor' - in other words, his impeachment. Richard, in a fury, retired to his manor of Eltham, to the south-east of London, where he remained 'for the greater part of the parliament', declaring as he went that 'he would not dismiss the meanest scullion from his kitchen at their behest'. According to the author of the Eulogium Historiarum , the king, 'on the advice of Michael', actually decreed the dissolution of parliament at this point, but the members, at considerable danger to themselves, resolved to remain in session. According to Knighton, the lords and commons informed the king that they could make no further progress until he returned to Westminster, whereupon Richard sent a messenger telling them to send a deputation of forty of the 'more experienced and better qualified of the commons' to parley with him at Eltham. This the commons were reluctant to do, for they had apparently been warned by the mayor of London, Nicholas de Exton, that the king and his supporters were planning to ambush and kill the delegates (a point confirmed by the St Albans chronicler, Thomas Walsingham). Instead, they deputed the duke of Gloucester and Bishop Thomas Arundel of Ely to speak with the king on their behalf.

Having arrived at Eltham, these two began by warning the king that under an 'ancient law', if the king absented himself from parliament without good reason for more than forty days, it was permissible for all the members simply to return to their homes - without, of course, granting the taxation so desperately sought by the government. In that case, replied Richard, if his own people refused to help him, he would be obliged to turn to his cousin the king of France, 'and seek his support and aid against our enemies'. That, replied the duke and the bishop, would not be wise: the king of France was the realm's greatest enemy, against whom generations of Englishmen had fought and given their lives; and they went on to point out that it was because of the intolerable burden of taxation and the incompetence of the king's ministers that matters had now come to a head. What is more, they continued, there was in England another 'ancient law', which, regrettably, had had to be invoked in the not too distant past: namely, that if a king by his folly and injustice alienated himself from his people and refused to adhere to the laws of the land, 'then it would be lawful with the common assent and agreement of the people of the realm to depose the king from his throne and raise another member of the royal dynasty in his place'.

This clear reference to the fate of Edward II seems to have had the desired effect. The author of the Eulogium Historiarum confirms that the king's opponents among the lords of parliament 'sent for the statute by which Edward [II] had been adjudged', and that it was this that compelled Richard to return to Westminster. According to Knighton, Richard promised Gloucester and Arundel that he would return to parliament within three days, and apparently did so, whereupon he was immediately forced to sanction the dismissal of de la Pole from the chancellorship and John Fordham, bishop of Durham, from the treasurership. How long he had remained at Eltham is not clear, although it was certainly not the six weeks or more that Knighton implies. De la Pole and Fordham were replaced (by Thomas Arundel, bishop of Ely, and John Gilbert, bishop of Hereford, respectively) on 23-24 October, so the maximum amount of time that Richard can have spent at Eltham is three weeks. His behaviour had, however, clearly infuriated many people, and his decision in the meantime to promote Robert de Vere from marquis of Dublin to duke of Ireland can only have made things worse. De Vere's elevation occurred on 13 October. (fn. int1386-4) The fact that it finds no mention whatsoever on the parliament roll suggests, firstly, that it was done at Eltham rather than at Westminster, and secondly, that it was as unwelcome to most people as a number of the chroniclers imply. According to one late and not necessarily reliable source, the commons at one point even proposed to proceed against de Vere rather than against de la Pole, but subsequently changed their minds, perhaps because they were in a position to bring more specific charges against the chancellor, perhaps because, being socially inferior to de Vere, he presented an easier target. (fn. int1386-5)

John Fordham may have been unlucky. Walsingham certainly thought so, commenting that he 'had worked hard and had incurred expenses because of love of the office he held', whereas the new treasurer, John Gilbert, was 'a man more given to talking than telling the truth'. (fn. int1386-6) The dismissal of de la Pole, on the other hand, seems to have gone largely unlamented, and was immediately followed by his impeachment on a list of charges which are set out at some length not only on the parliamentary roll but also (with barely-disguised pleasure) by several of the chroniclers. These charges have been discussed many times, and the circumstances in which they were framed investigated in great detail. (fn. int1386-7) They were essentially of two types: firstly, those which related to the chancellor's alleged sins of omission in the public sphere, such as his failure to implement the terms of the commission set up in the parliament of 1385, his misappropriation of the subsidies granted for the defence of the seas, and his failure to relieve Ghent, thereby contributing to its reduction by the French; secondly, those which accused him of using his tenure of the chancellorship for his private profit - peculation, in other words. He defended himself strenuously (Items 7, 10-11), and to some degree successfully, at least as far as the charges relating to his public conduct were concerned. Broadly speaking, the conclusion of the lords was that de la Pole alone could not be blamed for these governmental failures, since they followed from decisions made by the king's counsellors acting in unison. On three of the four charges accusing him of abusing his position for personal profit, however, he was held to be culpable. Walsingham said that he was initially sentenced to death, (fn. int1386-8) but this is clearly incorrect. In fact, although he was sentenced to imprisonment, (fn. int1386-9) to forfeiture of certain sources of income which he was deemed to have acquired through undue influence, and to pay a fine to the king, he was not deprived of his earldom of Suffolk, nor did he remain in prison for long. Within less than a month of the dissolution of parliament, he was apparently spending Christmas at Windsor with the king.

De la Pole's impeachment must have taken place during the last week of October and perhaps the early days of November: he was referred to in the list of charges as the 'former chancellor', and although it is quite possible, as the roll states, that the commons' complaints against him were initially presented orally, by the time his formal impeachment began they must have been set down in writing. The remainder of the parliament, until its dissolution on 28 November, seems to have been devoted to consideration of the amount of taxation to be granted and the conditions under which it was to be granted. That this was a hotly-debated question there can be little doubt, although the details of the debate are not recorded. The outcome, however, is well-known: by 19 November, the king had been obliged to concede the establishment of what has come to be known as the Commission of Government, whereby power was granted to a committee of fourteen lords to control the royal administration and govern the country for a period of one year. This was the fifth time in seven years that the commons had attempted to impose a committee of reform upon the king and his counsellors. So far, they had been thwarted on each occasion - most recently, of course, in 1385 - but this time they were determined to force Richard to comply. The composition of the Commission - which included one or two of the king's friends, such as the archbishop of York, but was mainly filled by lords known to be eager for reform, such as Gloucester, Warwick and the two Arundels - can have done little to allay the king's suspicions; in addition, all the lords appointed to it were obliged to swear publicly in parliament upon the gospels to uphold its terms; (fn. int1386-10) the powers granted to them were all-encompassing, including full authority to supervise the royal administration, the right to investigate and reform the king's household, and the right to receive and disburse all forms of crown income; and the commons' grant of a tenth and fifteenth (to be levied in two stages), the wool subsidy, and tunnage and poundage at an increased rate were all made conditional upon the Commission's undisturbed exercise of executive power for a full year from the date of appointment. Anyone who attempted to undermine or hinder the work of the commissioners was to be regarded as a traitor and dealt with accordingly. (fn. int1386-11)

Richard was furious, and not surprisingly: at the age of nineteen, he was in effect being placed back in tutelage. When, in a petition which must have been submitted at some point during the last days of the assembly, the commons asked that the Commission's powers be extended until the next parliament should that not be held within a year, he replied firmly that it would endure for one year and no longer; to a similar request that all his chief officers be appointed in parliament, he retorted that he would appoint the steward of his household by advice of his council (Item 20); and, shortly before the parliament ended, he registered his personal protest at the proceedings, insisting that nothing which had been done during the session should prejudice him or his crown, but that the liberties and prerogatives of his crown remained intact (Item 35).

While parliament remained in session, this was about as much as Richard could do. Once it had been dissolved, however, on 28 November, (fn. int1386-12) he lost little time in making it clear that he proposed to co-operate with the Commission only insofar as he was unable to avoid doing so. Michael de la Pole, as already noted, was soon set at liberty. On 5 February 1387, Richard appointed the curialist John Beauchamp of Holt as steward of his household, and four days later the king left London and set off on what has sometimes been described as his 'gyration' - a prolonged tour of the midlands, one of the chief objects of which seems to have been to remove the royal household from the scrutiny of the Commission. (fn. int1386-13) Early in August 1387, as the end of the commissioners' term of power began to approach, he summoned the royal justices to Shrewsbury and put to them the infamous 'Questions to the Judges', the effect of which was to raise the charge of treason against all those who had been involved in either the impeachment of de la Pole or the setting up of the Commission of Government. (fn. int1386-14) Although it was, nominally, the judges who declared these acts to be treasonable, there can be little doubt that they were reflecting - and may well have been coerced into reflecting - the thinking of the king himself. Later, in the parliament of September 1397, when he declared the Commission to be annulled, Richard described it as 'a thing done traitorously'. (fn. int1386-15) It is difficult not to see Richard's reaction to the parliament of 1386 as an act of political folly; what is certain is that it led directly to the battle of Radcot Bridge in December 1387, and to the altogether more bloody and humiliating 'Merciless Parliament' of February 1388.

Text and translation

[p. iii-215]
[col. a]
[memb. 6]
1. Fait a remembrer qe cest parlement feust somons et tenuz a Westm' le primer jour d'Octobre, l'an du regne le roi Richard second disme. Quel jour, esteant le roi mesmes en plein parlement, monsire Michel de la Pole, count de Suff' et chanceller d'Engleterre, par comandement du roi prononcea la cause del somons du dit parlement: endisant qe la principale cause du dit somons estoit, purce qe le roi nadgairs de sa propre mocione et corage avoit pris purpos de passer la meer en propre < persone, > ove son roiale poair, a grever et guerroier ses enemys es parties de dela. Et surce fist assembler son grant counseille a Oxenford, et y monstra as seigneurs et autres sages de son dit counseille illoeqes assemblez son dit purpos. Et par encheson qe les seigneurs et autres sages suisditz n'oserent assentir al aler du roi sanz meillour avys et greindre counseille, le roi, par avys des seigneurs et autres sages avantditz, fist somondre cest present parlement, a fyn de savoir l'avys et l'entente des seigneurs et communes de la matire avantdite. Et si par cas le dit purpos se deveroit tenir, d'ordeiner coment, et de quoy, et coment aussint le roialme purroit meutz estre governez en absence du roi. Et outre rehercea quatre enchesons qe moeveront le roi a tiel purpos prendre: c'estassavoir, primerement, purce q'il serroit a mout meyndre damage et costage du poeple par plusours voirs si le roi guerroie ses enemys as parties de dela, qe faire defense encontre les ditz enemys deinz le roialme. Secondement, purce qe l'en avoit dit devant ces hures qe le roi ne vorroit travailler en propre persone, le roi, pur eschuire tielle esclandre, et par cause q'il est a present plus a sa governance demesne q'estre ne soleit, si ad pris le purpos avantdit. La tierce encheson est, a pursuire son droit q'il ad al corone et roialme de France. La quarte enchesone et la darrein, pur conquerre honour et humanite. Et disoit outre qe considerez duement les periles iminentz, y faut de necessite qe ascun sufficeante aide soit ordeine et grante a cest parlement, pur defense et salvacion du roialme encontre les enemys, qe s'afforcent de jour en jour ove tout lour poair de venir en Engleterre, a destruire le roialme. Et qe le roi voet qe la paix de sa terre soit bien garde, et droit et justice fait au poeple. Et qe s'il y a riens qe ne poet bonement estre amendez ne redressez sinoun par parlement, le roi < ad > assigne certeines clerks de sa chancellerie a resceivre les peticions de compleignantz, et certeins seigneurs pur trier les peticions avantditz; et qe les nouns des ditz seigneurs et clerks serroient lews overtement par le clerk de parlement. Et qe ceux qe voillent liverer lour peticions les baillent avant parentre cy et meskerdy proschein au soir. 1. Be it remembered that this parliament was summoned and held at Westminster on 1 October, in the tenth year of the reign of King Richard the second [1386]. On which day, the king himself being in full parliament, Sir Michael de la Pole, earl of Suffolk and chancellor of England, at the king's command announced the reason for summoning the said parliament: saying that the principal cause of the said summons was that the king had lately, of his own accord, bravely undertaken to cross the sea in person with his royal power to injure and assail his enemies in the parts overseas. Wherefore he caused his great council to be assembled at Oxford, and there explained his said purpose to the lords and other wise men of his said council there assembled. And because the aforesaid lords and other wise men dared not agree to the king's going without better advice and weightier counsel, the king, by the advice of the aforesaid lords and other wise men, caused this present parliament to be summoned, to obtain the advice and counsel of the lords and commons upon the aforesaid matter. And, if it should happen that the plan were to be executed, to ordain how and by what means, and also how the kingdom might be governed in the king's absence. Moreover, he cited four reasons which had induced the king to make the plan: that is to say, firstly, because it would entail much less injury and expense to the people in many ways if the king were to fight his enemies overseas than if he were to resist them within the kingdom. Secondly, because it has been said in the past that the king would not strive in his own person, the king, to disprove such slander, and because he is presently more engaged in his own governance than ever before, undertook the aforesaid purpose. The third reason was to pursue the right which he had to the crown and kingdom of France. The fourth and final reason was to prevail and conquer honourably and humanely. And he said further that, duly considering the imminent perils, it would be necessary for sufficient aid to be ordained and granted in this parliament for the defence and keeping of the kingdom against the enemy, who strove daily with all their power to invade England and destroy the kingdom. And that the king willed that the peace of his land be well protected, and right and justice done to all people. And if there were anything which could not be well amended nor redressed except by parliament, the king had assigned certain clerks of his chancery to receive the petitions of plaintiffs, and certain lords to try the aforesaid petitions; and that the names of the said lords and clerks were to be read aloud by the clerk of parliament. And that those who wished to submit petitions hand them in between now and next Wednesday evening [3 October 1386].
The above sentence from 'Et qe ce' as far as 'au soir' is written in a different contemporary hand.
[col. b]
2. Receivours des peticions d'Engleterre, Irland, Gales et Escoce:

  • Sire Johan de Waltham
  • Sire Thomas de Newenham
  • Sire Robert de Faryngton'
  • Sire Johan de Scarle, clerke de parlement.
2. Receivers of petitions from England, Ireland, Wales and Scotland:

  • Sir John Waltham
  • Sir Thomas Newenham
  • Sir Robert Farington
  • Sir John Scarle, clerk of parliament.
3. Receivours des peticions de Gascoign', et d'autres terres et paiis depar dela la meer, et les Isles:

  • Sire Robert Manfeld
  • Sire Piers de Barton'
  • Sire Johan Bouland'.
3. Receivers of petitions from Gascony and from other lands and countries overseas, and from the Channel Islands:

  • Sir Robert Manfield
  • Sir Piers Barton
  • Sir John Bouland.
Et ceux qi voillent liverer lour peticions les baillent avant parentre cy et meskerdy proschein au soir. And those who wish to submit their petitions should hand them in between now and next Wednesday evening [3 October 1386].
Part of the above sentence from 'Et ceux qi' as far as 'proschein au soir' is written in a different contemporary hand.
4. Et sont assignez triours des peticions d'Engleterre, Irland, Gales et Escoce:

  • L'ercevesqe de Canterbirs
  • Le duk d'Everwyk
  • L'evesqe de Londres
  • L'evesqe de Wyncestre
  • L'evesqe de Ely
  • L'evesqe de Salesbirs
  • L'abbe de Seint Austyn de Canterbirs
  • L'abbe de Waltham
  • Le count de Kent
  • Le count d'Arundell'
  • Le count de Warr'
  • Le count de Northumbr'
  • Le sire de Nevill'
  • Monsire Richard le Scrop'
  • Monsire Guy de Brien
  • Monsire Robert Tresilian
  • Monsire Robert Bealknap'
  • Monsire William Skypwyth
  • Monsire Johan Holt
4. The following are assigned to be triers of petitions from England, Ireland, Wales and Scotland:

  • The archbishop of Canterbury
  • The duke of York
  • The bishop of London
  • The bishop of Winchester
  • The bishop of Ely
  • The bishop of Salisbury
  • The abbot of St Augustine's, Canterbury
  • The abbot of Waltham
  • The earl of Kent
  • The earl of Arundel
  • The earl of Warwick
  • The earl of Northumberland
  • Lord Neville
  • Sir Richard le Scrope
  • Sir Guy Bryan
  • Sir Robert Tresilian
  • Sir Robert Bealknap
  • Sir William Skipwith
  • Sir John Holt
- touz ensemble, ou .vi. des < prelatz > et seigneurs avantditz au meins; appellez a eux chanceller, tresorer, seneschalle et chamberleyn, et auxint les sergeantz le roy quant il busoignera. Et tendront lour place en la chaumbre de chaumberleyn, pres de la chaumbre depeint. - to act all together, or at least six of the aforesaid prelates and lords; consulting with the chancellor, treasurer, steward and chamberlain, and also the king's serjeants when necessary. And they will hold their session in the chamberlain's room, near the Painted Chamber.
[p. iii-216]
[col. a]
5. Et sont assignez triours des peticions de Gascoign', et d'autres terres et paiis dela la meer, et des Isles:

  • L'ercevesqe d'Everwyk
  • Le duk de Gloucestr'
  • L'evesqe d'Excestre
  • L'evesqe de Hereford'
  • L'abbe de Westm'
  • L'abbe de Glastingbirs
  • Le count de Salesbirs
  • Monsire Johan de Cobeham de Kent
  • Monsire Roger de Fulthorp'
  • Monsire David Hannemere
  • Monsire William Burgh'
5. The following are assigned to be triers of petitions from Gascony and from other lands and countries overseas, and from the Channel Islands:

  • The archbishop of York
  • The duke of Gloucester
  • The bishop of Exeter
  • The bishop of Hereford
  • The abbot of Westminster
  • The abbot of Gloucester
  • The earl of Salisbury
  • Sir John Cobham of Kent
  • Sir Roger Fulthorpe
  • Sir David Hanmer
  • Sir William Burgh
- touz ensemble, ou .vi. des prelatz et seigneurs avantditz; appellez a eux chanceller, tresorer, seneschall, chaumberleyn et les sergeantz le roi quant il busoignera. Et tendront lour place en la chaumbre marcolf. - to act all together, or at least six of the aforesaid prelates and lords; consulting with the chancellor, treasurer, steward, chamberlain and the king's serjeants when necessary. And they will hold their session in the Marcolf Chamber.
The rest of m.6 has been left blank.
[memb. 5]
En ycest parlement, touz les communes d'un accord et unement assemblez viendrent devant le roi, prelatz et seigneurs, en la chambre de parlement, compleignantz griefment de Michel de la Pole, count de Suff', darrein chanceller d'Engleterre, lors esteant present, et lui accuserent par demonstrance de bouche en manere ensuant, c'estassavoir: In this parliament, the commons, assembled together and of one mind, came before the king, bishops and lords, in the parliament chamber, complaining grievously of Michael de la Pole, earl of Suffolk, lately chancellor of England, then present, and they accused him in an oral charge in the following manner, namely:
6. Primerement, qe le dit count, esteant chanceller et jurrez de faire le profit du roi, purchacea de nostre seigneur le roy terres, tenementz, et rentes, a graunt value, come piert par record es rolles de la chancellerie, encontre son serement, la ou il ne l'avoit tant deservi, considerez la graunt necessite du roi et du roialme: et outre ce, a cause qe le dit count feust chanceller au temps du dit purchace faite, les ditz terres et tenementz feurent extenduz a meyndre value q'ils ne vaillent par an par grante somme, en deceit du roi. 6. First, that the said earl, being chancellor and sworn to bring the king profit, bought of our lord the king lands, tenements and rents to a great value, as appears on record in the rolls of the chancery, contrary to his oath, even though he did not deserve as much, considering the great need of the king and the kingdom: and furthermore, because the said earl was chancellor at the time when the said purchase was made, the said lands and tenements were valued at less than they were worth each year by a great sum, to the deceit of the king.
Item, la ou .ix. seigneurs feurent assignez au darrein parlement pur veer et examiner l'estat du roi et du roialme, et dire lour avys coment il purra meuz estre amendez, et mys en meliour governance et disposicion; (fn. iii-215-29-1) et sur ce examinement fait, et le report sur ce fait au roi, sibien par bouche, come en escript, le dit nadgairs chanceller disoit en plein parlement qe les ditz advisement et ordinance deussent estre mys en due execucion; et ce ne feust fait, et en defaut de lui q'alors feust principal officer. Also, whereas nine lords were appointed at the last parliament to inspect and examine the state of the king and the kingdom, and to give advice on how it might best be reformed, governed and organized; (fn. iii-215-29-1) and thereupon, the inquiry completed, and the report having been made to the king, by word of mouth and in writing, the said former chancellor said in full parliament that the said advice and ordinance should be duly executed; yet it was not done, through the fault of him who was then principal officer.
Item, la ou la charge feust grantez par les communes au darrein parlement pur estre despenduz en certeine forme demande par les communes, et assentuz par le roi et les seigneurs, et nounpas autrement, (fn. iii-215-31-1) les deniers ent provenantz feurent despenduz en autre manere, siqe la meer n'estoit gardez en manere come feust ordeinez; paront plusours meschiefs sont avenuz au roialme, et vray semblable est d'avenir, et ce en defaut du dit nadgairs chanceller. Also, whereas the tax was granted by the commons at the last parliament to be spent in a certain manner requested by the commons and agreed by the king and the lords, and not in any other, (fn. iii-215-31-1) the money arising therefrom was spent in a different way, so that the sea was not kept as had been ordained; wherefore many troubles have befallen the kingdom, and are most likely to reoccur, and that through the fault of the former chancellor.
Item, par la ou un Tydeman de Lymborgh', q'avoit a lui et ses heirs de doun le roi l'aiel par an de la custume de Kyngeston' sur Hull', le quele Tydeman forsfist devers le roi, et auxint le paiement des ditz annueles feust discontinue par .xx. ou .xxx. ans, le dit nadgairs chanceller ce sachant, purchacea a lui et ses heirs du dit Tydeman les ditz annueles, et fist tant qe le roi lui conferma la dite purchace, la ou le roi deust avoir eue le profit. Also, whereas one Tideman of Limburg, who had for himself and his heirs by gift of the king the grandfather [Edward III], £50 a year from the custom of Kingston-upon-Hull, which Tideman forfeited to the king, and the payment of the said £50 a year was also discontinued for twenty or thirty years; the said former chancellor knowing that, purchased for himself and his heirs from the said Tideman the said £50 a year, and arranged it so that the king confirmed the said purchase to him, even though the king ought to have had the profit.
Item, par la ou le haut mestre de Seint Antoign' est sismatik, et par celle cause le roi deust avoir le profit q'a lui appertenoit en le roialme d'Engleterre, le dit nadgairs chanceller, qe deust avoir avancez et procurez [col. b] le profit du roi, prist a ferme le dit profit du roi pur .xx. marcz par an, et ent prist a son oeps propre bien entour mille marcz, et al heure qe le mestre de Seint Antoign' en Engleterre q'ore est deust avoir possession et livere du dit profit, il ne le poast avoir, avant q'il, et deux persones ovesqe lui, s'avoient obligez par recognissance en la chancellarie, et par instrumentz, en trois mille livers, de paier annuelement a dit nadgairs chanceller, et a Johan son fitz, par an, a terme de lour deux vies. Also, whereas the high master of St Anthony's is schismatic, wherefore the king ought to have the profit which pertains to him in the kingdom of England, the said former chancellor, who ought to have advanced and procured [col. b] the profit of the king, took the said profit at farm from the king for twenty marks a year, and took to his own use some thousand marks, and at the time when the present master of St Anthony's in England should have had possession and delivery of the said profit, he could not have it before he and two persons with him had bound themselves by recognizance in chancery, and by instruments, for three thousand pounds to be paid to the said former chancellor and to John his son, at the rate of £100 a year, for the term of their two lives.
Item, q'en le temps du dit nadgairs chanceller feurent grantez et faitz diverses chartres et patentes des murdres, tresons, felonies, rasures des roules, vente des lois: et en especial, puis le comencement de cest parlement, feust faite et enseale une chartre de certeines franchises grantez au chastel de Dovorr', en desheritisone de la corone, et subversione des toutes les places et courtes du roi, et de ses lois. Also, that in the time of the said former chancellor various charters and patents of murders, treasons, felonies, erasure of rolls and sale of laws were granted and made: and in particular, after the beginning of this parliament, a charter of certain franchises granted at the castle of Dover was made and sealed, to the disheritance of the crown and the subversion of all the places and courts of the king and of his laws.
Item, par la ou ordinance feust faite au darrein parlement pur la ville de Gant, qe dys mille marcz deussent estre cheviz, et pur celle chevance deussent estre perduz .iij. mille marcz, (fn. iii-215-39-1) la en defaut et negligence du dit nadgairs chanceller la dite ville feust perduz; et nientmeyns les .x. mille marcz paiez, et les ditz .iij. mille marcz pur la chevance perduz, come desuis est dit. Also, whereas an ordinance was made at the last parliament for the town of Ghent, (fn. iii-215-39-1) that ten thousand marks should be lent and three thousand marks deducted for the loan, through the fault and negligence of the said former chancellor the said town was lost; yet nevertheless the ten thousand marks were paid and the said three thousand marks deducted for the loan, as said above.
De toutz les queux articles les dites communes demandent juggement du parlement. Upon all the which articles the said commons demand the judgment of parliament.
A quoi le dit count fist ses respons en manere q'ensuit: To which the said earl replied as follows:
7. Primerement, le dit count disoit as seigneurs du parlement, coment il estoit chanceller d'Engleterre, et pur le temps representa la persone du roi en sa absence, et demanda s'il deveroit respondre sanz presence du roi, depuis q'il feust empesche des faitz en temps q'il estoit chanceller. Secondement, le dit cont avoit ordeine par l'avys de son conseille qe monsire Richard le Scrope, son frere en loi, aueroit les paroles de sa response des ditz empeschementz. A quele chose les seigneurs disoient qe feust honest pur lui de respondre par sa bouche demesne. Et sur ce il fesoit protestacion q'il purroit < adder > ou diminuer a sa response ceo qe a lui purroit estre honurable et profitable par avys de son conseille; la quele chose lui estoit grante. 7. First, the earl said to the lords of parliament that he was chancellor of England, and at the time represented the person of the king in his absence, and he asked whether he had to answer in the king's absence, since he had been impeached of things done during the time when he was chancellor. Second, the said earl had ordained by the advice of his council that Sir Richard Scrope, his brother-in-law, should reply on his behalf to the said accusations. To which the lords said that it would be more appropriate if he answered himself. Whereupon he protested that he should be allowed by the advice of his counsel to add or take away from his answer whatever might be honourable and profitable to him, which was granted to him.
Et quant al primer article de son empechement, c'estassavoir depuis q'il estoit chanceller q'il deust purchacer certeines terres [...] du roi, etc. Le dit count respount qe depuis q'il feust chanceller il ne purchacea unqes nulles terres ne tenementz du roi, ne le roi lui dona, ne a nully de soens, nulles terres ne tenementz, tanqe au temps qe le roi lui fist prendre l'estat du count, mes par voie de verroie eschange; c'estassavoir, qe come le dit count avoit .cccc. marcz annuels sur la custume de Kyngeston' sur Hull, par descent d'eritage, pur queux il pluist au roi d'assigner au dit count terres et tenementz a la value, et assigna et dona partie devant q'il feust chanceller, et partie depuis. Et ce au profit du roi, sibien annuelment, come par cause d'une summe de mille marcz paie au roi par le dit count pur celle cause. Et outre dist qe le roi a son primer viage en Escoce il lui pleust de faire duks, banerettz et chivalers al honour de lui et de son roialme, il pleust a lui, sanz desir ou coveitise du dit count, de sa propre mocione, de lui faire count, et lui comanda de prendre l'estat et noune de counte de Suff', en lieu de cellui qe nadgairs morust. (fn. iii-215-47-1) Et apres ceo noma la quantite de ceo q'il aueroit pur meyntenir celle estat. Et outre ceo disoit q'il voilloit assigner mesme la quantite de les terres qe estoient au dit [p. iii-217][col. a] count de Suff' qe darrein morust. Et purce qe le dit count disoit au roi qe madame la roigne, et la dame de Suff', avoit toutz celles terres a terme de lour vies en lour meyns, nostre dit seigneur le roi disoit q'il ordeigneroit aillours pur lui a la value tanqe mesmes les terres lui feurent descenduz. Et quant a la desert, etc., le dit count respount qe a nomer sa desert ne gist en sa propre bouche honurablement a dire: mes une chose dist il qe qeconqe persone qe ce soit qe prent ascune charge sur lui, tantost il ad deservi ce q'appertient a mesme la charge. Et outre dist q'il avoit este pris deux foitz de guerre, et un foitz en Alemayne quant il estoit messager pur la mariage du roi. Et avoit a mesme le temps tant de damage et peril < en > son corps, et perde de ses biens, q'il ne vorroit pur atantz des terres avoir tieux meschiefs s'il ne quidoit meulz eschaper q'il ne savoit a mesme le temps. Autres choses il ne voet nomer mesmes, mes si plest au roi ascuns choses recorder bien soit, etc., mes le dit monsire Richard le Scrop' disoit pur le dit cont qe le dit count avoit travaille a baner par .xxx. ans et plus sanz deshonur ou reproeve, loiez ent soit Dieux, et ad este capitayn de Calays, et admiralle, et envoie en diverses foitz en message et tretees du roi. Et auxint este chanceller d'Engleterre par grande temps, et du conseille du roi, et ne feust mye treit de petit estat a cest honour du count, mes endowez honurablement et sufficeantement pur l'estat q'est plus pres l'estat du cont, les queles choses purront estre causes de desert, ovesqe mesmes les causes qe le dit count ad nome devant, pur lui mettre a tiel estat et honour. And as to the first article of his impeachment, namely that after he became chancellor he supposedly purchased certain lands.....of the king, etc., the said earl replied that after he became chancellor he did not purchase any lands or tenements of the king, nor did the king give him, nor any of his sons, any lands or tenements, before the time when the king caused him to accept the title of earl, except by way of honest exchange; that is to say, whereas the said earl had four hundred marks a year on the custom of Kingston-upon-Hull by hereditary descent, for which it pleased the king to assign to the said earl lands and tenements to that value, and he assigned and gave him part before he became chancellor and part afterwards. And this profited the king both annually and in respect of a sum of a thousand marks paid to the king by the said earl for that reason. Moreover, that on his first expedition to Scotland it had pleased the king to create dukes, bannerets and knights to the honour of himself and his realm, and it had pleased him of his own accord, without any desire or greed on the part of the said earl, to make him earl, and he ordered him to accept the estate and title of earl of Suffolk in place of him who had lately died. (fn. iii-215-47-1) And afterwards he named the sum he would have to maintain his estate, and beyond that he said that he would assign the same amount of land which the said [p. iii-217][col. a] earl of Suffolk had had, who had lately died. And because the said earl told the king that my lady the queen and the lady of Suffolk had all those lands in their hands for the term of their lives, our said lord the king said that he would ordain elsewhere for him to the value of the lands which should descend to him. And as to his deserts, etc., the said earl answered that it would not be honourable for he himself to name his deserts: but he said one thing, namely that whosoever had accused him thereby deserved that which pertained to that same accusation. And he also said that he had been captured twice in war, and once in Germany when he was an envoy for the king's marriage. And at that time he had suffered so much injury and danger to his person and loss of his goods that he would not suffer such troubles for as many lands if he did not know better how to escape them than he knew at that time. Of other matters he would not speak himself, but if it pleased the king to record other things, all well and good, etc.; but the said Richard le Scrope said on behalf of the earl that the said earl had served as a banneret for thirty years of more without dishonour or reproof, God be praised, and had been captain at Calais, and admiral, and sent on various occasions with messages and to negotiate on behalf of the king. And further, he had been chancellor of England for a long time, and of the king's council, and had not been promoted from a low estate to this honour of earl but endowed honourably and fittingly in accordance with the estate which is closest to the estate of earl; which things might be deserving of reward, together with the reasons which the said earl had named above, in investing him with such estate and honour.
Et quant a les empeschementz de les extentes qe feurent faitz en desceit du roi, etc., le dit count respount q'il pria au roi q'il lui plerra assigner ascuns en queux < il > s'affioit de veer qe les ditz extentes serroient resonablement faitz, et le roi disoit qe ce ne serroit mye honurable pur le dit count de faire novelles extentes du temps q'il estoit chanceller; qar serroit suspecions qe a cause de celle office les extentz serroient faitz plus favorablement. Mes la volunte du roi feust qe le dit count prendroit les extentes qe feurent faitz devant le < temps > q'il pensoit de lui faire count, ou qe le dit count quidoit d'avoir mesmes les terres: et de ce nully purroit parler mal. Et purce < le > dit count dist qe nulles extentes des ditz terres feurent faitz au temps q'il estoit fait chanceller, mes q'il ad pris a plus hautes extentes, et qe sont plus profitables au roi. Et outre ce le dit count dist qe son dit estat du count, ovesqe ce qe le roi lui dona pur mesme l'estat meyntenir, feust conferme en plein parlement, et sur ce fesoit son homage pur le dit estat, chargez de bouche de monsire d'Espaigne et duc de Lancastre. Et sur ce le roi lui dona les patentes ent faitz en ses mayns propres, en noun de possessione, comandant le clerc du parlement de les mettre en la rolle du parlement, et sont enrollez. And as for the accusations concerning the valuations made in deceit of the king, etc., the said earl replied that he prayed that it might please the king to assign persons in whom he trusted to assess whether the said extents had been reasonably made, and yet the king had said it would not be honourable to the said earl to make new valuations from the time when he was chancellor, since there would be suspicion that because of that office the valuations would be made the more favourably. But the king's will was that the said earl should accept the valuations which had been made before the time when he thought to make him earl, or the said earl thought to accept the same lands: and of that no one could speak ill. And so the said earl stated that no extents of the said lands had been made at the time when he was made chancellor, but that he had taken the higher extents, which were more profitable to the king. And further, the said earl said that his said status of earl, together with that which the king gave him to maintain that estate, were confirmed in full parliament, whereupon he did homage for the said estate, commanded by the words of my lord of Spain, the duke of Lancaster; thereupon the king gave him patents made thereon in his own hand, by way of seisin, ordering the clerk of parliament to copy them into the roll of parliament, and so they were enrolled.
Item, quant al second article, voir est qe les .ix. seignours assignez firent report de lour avys au roi, et le dit count par commandement de roi disoit qe la volunte du roi estoit qe serroient mys en execucione; quele chose les officers et autres du conseille le roi et lui firent en partie, come a Chirburgh' et Brest; c'estassavoir annuelment au profit du roi .v. mille marcz et plus. Et il fist sa diligence come il poiast qe tout le dit avys deust avoir este mys en execucione tanqe come en lui feust. Et purce qe les actes et l'execucione des ditz pointz touchent les faitz d'autres officers, et auxint en ascun manere autres du conseil du roi, le dit count respount q'il est avyse qe autres officers joyndrent a lui en cest respons. Et en cas qe eux ou nulle autere lui vorra assigner defaut en especial, il se excusera, si Dieu plest. Et en mesme la manere il respont a la tierce article, et a le derrein. Also, as for the second article, it is true that the nine lords appointed reported their advice to the king, and the said earl on the king's orders said that the king's will was that it be put into effect, which the officers and others of the king's council and he himself did in part, as at Cherbourg and Brest; that is to say, bringing the king an annual saving of five thousand marks or more. And he strove to ensure that all the said advice was acted upon as far as he could. And because the acts and the performance of the said points concerned the activities of other officers - and, in another way, others of the king's council - the said earl answered that he was advised that other officers should join him in this answer. And if they or any one of them wished to blame him in particular, that he might be excused, if it pleased God. And in a similar manner he answered to the third article, and to the last.
[col. b]
Item, quant al quart article, il dist qe le dit Tydeman avoit annuels sur l'ancienne custume de Kyngeston' sur Hull, a lui et ses heirs enheritablement a toutz jours, du grant [...] le roi Edward aiel le roi q'ore est, et feust paie de ycelle long temps, come piert par l'accompt des custumers de Kyngeston' sur Hull' en l'escheqer nostre seigneur le roi; quel Tydeman, pur mille marcz queux il devoit au dit count, < lui granta par son fait, long temps passe, en le temps le roi Edward aiel les avantditz, a avoir et > prendre au dit count et ses heirs a toutz jours. Et par cause qe le dit cont fist restitution del patent du dit Tydeman, et le roi deschargez des arrerages, le roi lui fist pardone de mesme la purchace, sanz ce qe le dit count lors conust, et unqore fait, ascune forfaiture ou dette envers le roi du dit Tydeman. Also, as to the fourth article, he said that the same Tideman had £50 a year from the ancient custom of Kingston-upon-Hull, to him and his heirs by hereditary right forever, by grant of King Edward [III], grandfather of the present king, and it had been paid from the same for a long time, as could be seen in the accounts of the customs officers of Kingston-upon-Hull in the exchequer of our lord the king; which Tideman, because of a thousand marks which he owed the said earl, granted him the aforesaid £50 by his deed a long time ago, in the time of King Edward [III], the grandfather, to be had and received by the said earl and his heirs forever. And because the said earl restored the patent to the said Tideman, and the king discharged the arrears, the king pardoned him the same purchase, without the said earl ever knowing of any forfeiture or debt of the said Tideman to the king.
Item, quant a le quynt article, le dit count, devant q'il feust chanceller, pria au roi de doner a Johan son fitz l'ospitalle ou la procuracie de Seint Antoign' en Engleterre, et le roi lui granta franchement sanz rien rendre ou autre condicione, et lui fist ent garrant au prive seal. Sur qoi le gardein du prive seal, pur ce q'il y avoit une esglise aproprie a mesme l'ospital ou procuracie, ne vorroit faire garrant du grant sanz une certeine ferme rendre au roi: et a cause de paiement d'ycelle il fist la garrant as ditz count et Johan, rendant vint marcz par an durrant la guerre, a quele temps le dit count ne savoit mye la value del dit hospital ou procuracie. Et a plus tost q'il savoit, il monstra au roi q'il feust de la value de quatre centz marcz par an; et le roi disoit q'il lui plerroit bien q'il l'aueroit tout, soit il de greindre value. Et le dit count disoit au roi qe le dit rent ne feust mye del possession de temporele ne spirituele, mes de coillett de pardone, et q'il ne voilleit mye prendre le profit a son oeps, mes emploier en almoigne s'il pleust au roi; quele chose il fait par assent du roi, etc. Et si appiert overtement qe le roi ne feust desceu, depuis qe la value lui feust clerement monstrez, et mys par assent du roi en almoigne, sanz profit temporel du dit count. Et outre il fist protestacione q'il n'est pas tenuz < de > respondre a la partie par ceste empeschement. Nientmeyns pur declaracione de soun estat, il dist qe a cause qe le benefice feust spirituel, il envoia al pape pur avoir ent collacion a son dit fitz, quele le pape lui ottroia, parissint qe son dit fitz feusse professe en l'ordre deinz certein temps. Et pur ce qe pur certeines causes son dit fitz ne poait estre professe deinz le dit temps, il remanda a la dite court pur avoir ent dispensacion. Et ceste chose issint pendant en delay, vient le mestre q'ore est, ove les bulles del apostoille de mesme la chose: et parla issint et treita ove le dit ore count q'il cesseroit de seure plus avant vers la dite court pur son dit fitz. Et issint de son bone gree, par celle enchesone, granta de rendre annuelment al dit count et son dit fitz les centz livers contenuz en le dit article. Also, as to the fifth article, the said earl, before he became chancellor, prayed of the king that he might give John his son the hospital or the proctorship of St Anthony in England, and the king granted it to him freely without any payment or other condition and made him a warrant of privy seal thereon. Whereupon the keeper of the privy seal, because there was a church attached to the same hospital or proctorship, did not wish to warrant the grant without a certain rent being paid to the king: and for the payment of the same he gave the warrant to the said earl and John for twenty marks a year for the duration of the war, at which time the said earl had no idea of the value of the said hospital or proctorship. Yet as soon as he discovered it, he showed the king that it was worth four hundred marks a year; and the king said that it would please him well if he were to have it all, were it worth even more. And the earl said to the king that the said rent was indeed not from the possession of temporalalities or spiritualities but from the collection of pardons, and that he did not wish to take the profit for his own use, but to use it in alms, if that pleased the king; which thing he did with the king's assent, etc. And so it plainly appeared that the king was not deceived, since the value was clearly shown to him and used for alms with the king's assent, without the said earl making any material profit. And he further protested that he was not obliged to answer this to the party upon this impeachment. Nevertheless, in defence of his position, he said that because the benefice was spiritual he sent to the pope to obtain collation thereof for his said son, which the pope granted him provided that his said son be professed in the order within a certain time. And because for certain reasons his said son could not be professed within the said time, he wrote again to the said court to obtain a dispensation. And while the matter was thus pending, the present master appeared with papal bulls for the same purpose: and he discussed and negotiated with the said present earl that he cease to further his son's interests at the said court. And thus of his good grace, for that reason, he agreed to pay the said earl and his said son the hundred pounds a year contained in the said article.
Item, quant al sisme article, en quele est especifie d'une chartre grante a Dovorr', il dist qe garrant lui vient de le faire. Et pur ce qe ce feust a chastel et al profit le roi, sanz male entent du dit count, elle passa le seal legerement sanz grande avys, nient entendant lors qe feust encontre loies. Et si ascun vorroit avoir declare ou enforme le dit count qe ce eust este prejudicial au roi ou ses lois, il n'eust point < este > enseale. Et tout feust elle enseale, il la voilloit avoir repelle, et dont nulle damage n'est unqore avenuz, etc. Et quant as autres chartres especifiez en mesme l'article, il les fist par garrant, sanz male entencion ou covyne de lui en nulle point. Et outre il prie qe nulle novellerie soit mys sur lui autrement qe n'ad este avant ces heures sur tieux officers; entendant qe si chanceller [p. iii-218][col. a] face patente encontre resone, ou jugge rende juggement encontre la loi, qe tiel patente serra repelle, et tiel juggement reversez, sanz autre punissement affaire a tiel officer ou jugge. Also, as for the sixth article, which dealt specifically with a charter granted at Dover, he said that he had had a warrant to make it. And because it concerned the castle and the profit of the king, without any evil intent on the part of the said earl, it readily passed the seal without great discussion, no one realizing that it was contrary to the law. And if anyone had told or informed the said earl that it was prejudicial to the king or his laws, it would never have been sealed. And if it had been sealed he would have repealed it, and thus no harm would ever have arisen, etc. And as for the other charters specified in the same article, he issued them by warrant, without any evil intent or conspiracy on his part in any respect. Moreover, he prayed that nothing new be imposed on him which had not been imposed on such officers in the past; on the understanding that if the chancellor [p. iii-218][col. a] should make a patent contrary to reason, or a judge should make a judgment contrary to the law, that such a patent would be repealed, and such a judgment reversed, without any other punishment being inflicted on such an officer or judge.
8. Et les communes repliantz al response du dit count del primer article, monstrerent as seigneurs la copie de son serment fait quant il feust creez chanceller, en manere q'ensuit: 'Vous jurrez qe bien et loialment servirez a nostre seigneur le roi et a son poeple en l'office de < chanceller, > et droit ferrez as toutes gentes, poveres et riches, solonc les lois et usages du roialme; et loialment conseillerez le roi, et son conseil celerez; et qe vous ne saverez ne sufferez le damage ne desheritisone le roi; ne qe les droitures de la corone soient descruz par nulle voie si avant come vous le poez desturber, et si vous ne poiez desturber, vous le ferrez savoir clerement et expressement au roi, ensemblement ove vostre loial avys et conseil: et qe vous ferrez et purchacerez le profit le roi par tout ou vous le purrez faire resonablement, si Dieu vous eide, et les seintz evangiels;' priantz qe ce lieu et bien entendu, et considerez les circumstances de son dit respons, sibien c'estassavoir de ce qe n'ad pas dedit q'il ne resceut du doun le roi puis q'il estoit fait count, esteant en l'office du chanceller, diverses terres et tenementz, come contenuz est en l'empechement, come q'il ad conuz overtement q'il resceut du roi autres terres et tenementz qe sont certeines et seures, a la value de quatre centz marcz par an, en eschange de quatre centz marcz annuels quels il avoit sur la custume de Kyngeston' sur Hull, qe sont casuels, et nemye si seures, nient enformant le roi clerement de son damage celle partie. Et coment q'il ad dit q'il resceut partie des ditz terres et tenemenz issint pris en eschange devant q'il estoit chanceller; les communes dient q'il estoit lors du prive conseil du roi, et a ce jurrez: et puis en la creacion del office du chanceller astrict de novelle par serement, et il en celle office agreant as eschanges par lui devant suppliez, prist et resceust du roi le remenant des ditz terres et tenementz en pleine perfournissement des eschanges suisditz. Et demandent juggement du parlement sur tout son respons desusdit. 8. And the commons, replying to the answer of the said earl to the first article, showed the lords a copy of his oath made when he was created chancellor, in the following manner - You shall swear that you will serve our lord the king and his people in the office of chancellor loyally and well and do right to all men, rich and poor, according to the laws and customs of the realm; and that you will loyally advise the king and keep his counsel; and that you will neither countenance nor allow injury to nor disinheritance of the king, and that the rights of the crown shall not be diminished by any means if you can prevent it, and if you cannot prevent it you will clearly and expressly make it known to the king, together with your loyal advice and counsel; and that you will bring about and procure profit for the king wherever you can reasonably do so, as God and the Holy Evangelists lend you aid. - praying that when it had been read and fully understood, and considering the circumstances of his said answer, namely concerning both that which he had not denied, that he received by gift of the king after he had been made earl, being in the office of chancellor, various lands and tenements, as contained in the impeachment, and that he had openly acknowledged that he had received from the king other lands and tenements, which were certain and secure, to the value of four hundred marks a year, in exchange for four hundred marks a year which he had from the customs of Kingston upon Hull, which were casual and not secure, not informing the king clearly of his loss in that respect. And although he had said that he received part of the said lands and tenements thus taken in exchange before he was chancellor; the commons said that he was then of the king's privy council, and sworn thereto: and that when he was created chancellor he was newly bound by oath, and in that office, agreeing to the exchanges previously requested by him, he took and received from the king the remainder of the said lands and tenements in full settlement of the aforesaid exchanges. And they requested the judgment of parliament on all his aforesaid answer.
Et al respons del seconde article, les communes repliantz disoient qe depuis q'il conust en sa primere protestacione, q'il representa l'estat du roi tancome il estoit tiel officer, et issint s'estendy son poair sur toutz les autres. Par qoi covient qe defaut estoit en les autres, il ne poast par tant estre excusez; et par especial ce qe le roi lui comanda a dire en parlement, come il ad dit, il estoit le plus tenuz de mettre la chose en execucion. Et desicome il ne < de > dist point qe les damages ne sont avenuz come ils surmettont, ils priont juggement de parlement. And to the answer to the second article, the commons replied saying that he had acknowledged in his first protestation that he represented the estate of the king as long as he was such an officer, and thus his power extended over all others. So that even if fault lay with the others, he could not be excused for that reason, and especially given that the king had ordered him to say in parliament what he had said, he was the more obliged to put it into effect. And as he nowhere denied that the losses arose as they claimed, they prayed the judgment of parliament.
Et al respons del quart article, les communes repliantz disoient q'il serra trove de record en l'escheqer, l'avantdit Tydman estre dettour au roi en grantz summes, come ils supposent; et par celle cause appertient au roi le dit rente, tout n'eust il autrement forfait, et issint fuist le roi desceu: et prient qe les recordes soient examinetz. Et dient < outre > qe un neel hakeneye fuist occis par sa femme et sa servant et le dit Tydman: pur quele felonie les ditz femme et servant fuerent ars, et le dit Tydman s'enfuy. And to his answer to the fourth article, the commons replied saying that it would be found on record in the exchequer that the aforesaid Tideman was in debt to the king for great sums, as they supposed; and for that reason the said rent pertained to the king, even if he had not otherwise forfeited it, and so the king was deceived: and they prayed that the records be examined. And they also said that a black hackney was killed by his wife and his servant and the said Tideman, for which felony the said wife and servant were burned, and the said Tideman fled.
9. Et al respons del quynt article, les communes replierent, purposantz ensamples d'une William de Thorp', nadgairs < chief > justice du bank le roi, qe mort est, surmettantz q'il prist d'une partie q'avoit affaire < en plee > devant lui; et par tant vendy la loi. [col. b] Pur quele cause il estoit ajugge a la mort, et forfaiture de ses terres et chateux. Et disoient q'en ce qe le dit count, esteant issint chanceller, prist les ditz centz livers du dit provisour devant q'il fist la livere al dit provisour hors des mayns du roi des ditz profitz, quele livere il deust avoir fait solonc le comandement du roi franchement sanz riens prendre, lour semble q'il vendy la loi: et prierent juggement. 9. And to the answer to the fifth article, the commons replied, giving as an example one William Thorpe, late chief justice of the King's Bench, who is dead, alleging that he took £20 from one party who had business in a plea before him; and that way he sold the law. [col. b] For which reason he was sentenced to death, and forfeited his lands and chattels. And they said that inasmuch as the said earl, thus being chancellor, took the said hundred pounds from the said provisor before he made delivery of the said profits to the said provisor out of the king's hands, which delivery he ought to have made according to the king's command, freely and without receiving anything, it seemed to them that he had sold the law: and they prayed for judgment.
[memb. 4]
10. Et al respons del sisme article, les communes repliantz disoient q'il appertenoit a lui, si sage come il est, d'estre bien avyse et bien conseile, qe n'assenteroit ne ferroit tiele chose qe cherroit en desherison du roi et oppression de son poeple, desicome il poiast avoir eu sufficeantie de conseille des justices et des autres a sa volunte: et prient juggement de parlement. 10. And to the answer to the sixth article, the commons replied saying that it pertained to him, wise as he was, to be well advised and well counselled, so that he would neither assent to nor do anything which resulted in the disinheritance of the king and the oppression of his people, since he could have obtained plentiful advice from the justices and others at his will: and they prayed for the judgment of parliament.
Et sur ce le dit count repliant a la replication des communes touchant son serement disoit, qe prendre les paroles du dit serement generalment sanz autre especial entendement, null chanceller ensealleroit jammes nulles choses de doun ou graunte du roi a nulle persone, des terres et tenemenz, ou autre biens, saunz offense de son serement. Mes qe le dit count dist qe n'est pas compris en le dit serement, ne defenduz a luy, de prendre a luy mesmes de douns du roi nient plus q'a nulle autre persone. Et depuis qe les douns donez as autre persones en le dit voiage des diverses estatz, ne as autres devant, ne sont empechez, ne tenuz encontre le serement du chanceller, il semble a luy qe ne plus il doit estre empeschez pur douns donez a luy pur son estat, depuis q'en le dit serement n'est defenduz, ne restreint a lui plus q'as autres; et plus especialment, pur ce qe le dit estat et les douns donez sont confermez par plein parlement. Et outre dist q'il accepta le serement du chanceller a l'entent q'il le tendroit solonc son seu, sa conscience, et poair; et pur les causes devant expressez il dist qe < devant > Dieu a respondre q'il ne pense rien avoir fait en les choses susditz encontre son serement et sa conscience. Et n'entende mye, si le chanceller enseallant douns du roi as seigneurs pur lour estat meyntener, ou pur autre cause resonable, par garant du roi qe luy vient, soit encontre son serement, etc. Et dist qe ce q'est compris en le serement, 'Q'il ne soeffrera damage ne desheritesone du roi', etc., ce est a entendre, a ce q'il entende, des matiers dont le roi n'ad conissance. Et ce appiert par la clause compris en le serement q'il 'ferra savoir au roi clerement et expressement'; et apres qe le roi est enforme en tiele manere, le chanceller purra faire le comandement du roi sanz offense du dit serement. Et dist qe de son estat, et de ce qe le roi luy dona fust expressement fait par le comandement, conissance, et volente du roi; et issint nient encontre son serement. Et n'entende mye qe de celle matiere ne doit estre empesche. Whereupon the said earl, replying to the answer of the commons touching his oath, said that if the words of the said oath were taken generally without any particular application, no chancellor would ever seal anything by gift or grant of the king to anyone, in lands, tenements nor other goods, without breaking his oath. But the said earl said that it was not contained in the said oath, nor forbidden to him, to take the king's gifts for himself any more than it was for anyone else. And since the gifts given on the said expedition to other persons of divers estates, or to others previously, had not been attacked, nor considered contrary to the oath of the chancellor, it seemed to him that he should not be further impeached for gifts given to him to maintain his estate, since in the said oath it was neither forbidden nor denied him any more than anyone else; and the more particularly because the said estate and gifts given were confirmed by full parliament. He also said that he accepted the chancellor's oath and intended to keep it to the best of his knowledge, conscience and ability; and for the reasons given above he said that, in answering before God, he did not think that he had done anything in the aforesaid business contrary to his oath and conscience. And he did not understand how a chancellor sealing the king's gifts to lords to maintain their estate, or for any other just cause, by warrant of the king which came to him, could be contrary to his oath, etc. And he said of that which was contained in the oath (That he suffer not the injury nor disinheritance of the king, etc.) applied, as he understood it, to matters of which the king had no knowledge. And that appears from the clause contained in the oath that he inform the king clearly and expressly; and after the king had been informed in such a manner, the chancellor might act on the king's orders without breaking his said oath. And he said that his estate and that which the king had given him had been expressly at the order, and with the kings knowledge and will, and thus was not contrary to his oath. And he did not understand how he could be accused in the matter.
Item, qant a ce qe les communes disoient qe le dit count avoit deceu le roy, a cause q'il avoit pris de roy le manoir de Faxflete en value de .l. livres, quel manoir vaut .cc. livres par an, etc., le dit count respount qe monsire William de Morrers luy disoit q'il avoit owe les deux parties du dit manoir, ove le rent en North Dalton', a ferme par .vij. ans pur .l. marcz par an; et q'il avoit perduz de celle ferme en le dit temps .c. marcz. Et outre dist qe le dit manoir, ove les dis marcz de rent en Dalton, tout ensemble sont estenduz, come piert en la chancellerie, forsqe a .xli. livres .ix. souldz .iij. deniers obole. Et pur ce qe le dit count avoit entenduz qe le count de Kent avoit les ditz deux parties du dit manoir ensemblement ove les dis marcz de rent suisditz, en value de .l. marcz; si qe tout entier le manoir [p. iii-219][col. a] feust de value de .l. livres, il les prist de value de mesme les .l. livres. Et outre dist qe le dit manoir, ove les dis marcz suisditz, ne valent pluis et a paine atant. Et dist qe qeconqe persone qe voet sustenir les charges du dit manoir sufficialment, et luy paier pur les deux parties .l. marcz par an, et qant la tierce partie soit eschue de luy adonqes paier pur le dit manoir ove les .x. marcz de rent .l. livres par an, q'il le ferra de bone coer. Also, as for the commons' assertion that the said earl had deceived the king because he took the manor of Faxfleet at the value of £50, which manor was worth £200 a year, etc., the said earl replied that Sir William Morrers told him that he had held two parts of the said manor, with the rent in North Dalton, at farm for seven years for fifty marks a year, and that he had lost by the same farm in the said time a hundred marks. He also said that the said manor, together with the ten marks' worth of rent in Dalton, were assessed together, as appeared in the chancery, at no more than £41 9s. 3d. halfpenny. And because the said earl had heard that the earl of Kent had the said two parts of the said manor together with the aforesaid ten marks' worth of rent, to the value of fifty marks, so that the whole manor [p. iii-219][col. a] was worth £50, he took them at the same value of £50. And he also said that the said manor, with the aforesaid ten marks, were not worth more and were scarcely worth as much. And he said that anyone who was willing to sustain the charges of the said manor adequately, and pay him fifty marks a year for the said two parts, and when the third part was released by him to then pay £50 a year for the said manor with the ten marks' worth of rent, would be welcome to do so.
11. Item, quant a l'empechement des communes de de la pension del provisour de Seynt Antoyne, et qe le dit count deveroit vendre les lois, et misteront ensample de monsire William de Thorp', etc., le dit count respont qe les cases ne sont rien semblables. Qar les parties plederent devant le dit monsire William come devant lour jugge par les lois d'Engleterre; en quele cas nulle jugge ne doit prendre de nulle partie de lour faire droit. Mes en le cas du dit provisour, nulles parties pledereunt devant le dit count come chanceller, mes le dit provisour vient a luy ove bulles de nostre seint pier le pape, et nemye come a chanceller n'a jugge en celle cas, mes come pier et amy a Johan son fitz. A quele heure homme ne savoit si le dit Johan avoit esploite de sa grace du pape, ou nemye. Et auxint defautes feurent trovez par le conseil du dit count en les bulles du dit provisour, et par mesme la cause le dit provisour par ses amys de sa bone gree profrist une enpensione de, pur lesser sa suite en la court de Rome pur son dit fitz, et pur ceo qe n'enpecheroit ses bulles. Siqe les choses susditz ne feurent faitz come devant jugge mes par amyable composicion, come poet estre prove par instrument, et par tesmoignes en ceste ville. Et issint ceste matiere ne touche mye les loies d'Engleterre; et touz jours le dit count n'entende mye q'il serra tenuz de respondre a la partie en ceste cas. 11. Item, as for the impeachment of the commons concerning the £100 pension from the provisor of St Anthony's, and their claim that the said earl had sold the law, giving as their example Sir William Thorpe, etc., the said earl answered that the cases were not at all alike. For the parties pleaded before the said Sir William as before their judge by the laws of England, when no judge ought to take anything from any party to do justice. But with the said provisor, no parties pleaded before the said earl as chancellor, but the said provisor came to him with bulls of our holy father the pope, and not as to a chancellor or judge in this case, but as father and friend of John his son. At which time no one knew whether the said John had made use of his papal grace or not. And moreover, defects were found by the council of the said earl in the bulls of the said provisor, and for that reason the said provisor, through his friends and of his good grace, offered a pension of £100 for the earl to abandon his suit on behalf of his son in the court of Rome and not obstruct his bulls. So that the aforesaid matters were not conducted as before a judge but by amicable arrangement, as can be proven by document and by witnesses in this town. And thus this matter did not concern the laws of England; and so the said earl still did not think that he should be obliged to answer to the party in this case.
12. Et sur ce, apres les respons du dit count donez as accusementz des dites communes, et les replicacions a yceux faites d'une partie et d'autre, le dit count, a la requeste des dites communes, pur la grandesse des defautes a lui issint surmises, estoit arestu par commandement du roi, et commys en la garde de conestable d'Engleterre, et puis lesse a maynprise. 12. And thereupon, after the said earl had replied to the accusations of the said commons, and replies had been made by both parties, the said earl, at the request of the said commons, because of the magnitude of the delicts alleged against him, was arrested at the king's command, and placed under the guard of the constable of England, and then released on sureties.
< Juggement. > Judgment.
13. Et pur ce qe le dit count n'aleggea point en son respons q'il observa l'effect de son serement, en ce q'il jurast, 'Q'il ne saveroit ne ne soeffreroit le damage ne la desheritesone du roi, ne qe les droitures de la corone feussent destrutz par nulle voie si avant come il les poiast destourber, et s'il ne le poast destourber il le ferroit savoir clerement et expressement au roi, ensemblement ove son loial avys et conseille, et q'il ferroit et purchaceroit le profit le roy par tout ou il le purroit faire resonablement;' et il, tancome il estoit ensy principal officer du roi, sachant l'estat et necessite du roi et du roialme, prist du roi tielx terres et tenemenz, come < est > suppose par l'empechement a luy en le dit primer article surmys. Et coment q'il alleggea en son respons qe les douns a luy issint faitz feurent confermez par plein parlement, il y a nulle tiel record en roulle de parlement. Par quoi agarde est qe toutz les manoirs, terres, tenementz, rentes, services, fees, advoesons, reversions et profitz, ove lour appurtenances, par lui issint receuz du roi, soient reseisez et reprises en les mayns du roi, a avoir et tenir a nostre dit seigneur le roi et ses heires, si pleinement et enheritablement come il les avoit et tient devant le doun ent fait al dit count. Et qe toutz les issues et profitz ent receuz ou eues al oeps du dit count en le mesne [col. b] temps, soient levez al oeps nostre seigneur le roy des terres et chatelx du dit count illoeqes et aillours. Mes n'est pas l'entencione du roy, ne des seigneurs, qe celle juggement s'estende de lui faire perdre le noun et le title de count, ne les .xx. livres annuels queux le roi lui graunta aprendre des issues du countee de Suff' pur le noun et title avantditz. Et outre, pur ce qe le dit count n'ad pas dedit q'il n'estoit du prive conseille du roi, et a lui jurre, quant il demanda primes du roi la dit eschange estre faite; et ad conuz qe devant les ditz eschanges perfournez il feust fait chanceller, en quel office il feust astrict par son serement fait en la fourme avantdite. 13. And because the said earl gave no assurances in his answer that he had observed the tenor of his oath - inasmuch as he swore that he would neither condone nor suffer the injury or disinheritance of the king, nor that the rights of the crown be undermined in any way as long as he could prevent it, and if he could not prevent it he would clearly and expressly notify the king, giving him also his loyal advice and counsel, and that he would work for and procure the profit of the king in every reasonable way that he could - and he, while he was thus a principal officer of the king, knowing the state and need of the king and kingdom, took from the king the lands and tenements alleged in his impeachment made of him in the said first article. And whereas he claimed in his answer that the gifts thus made to him had been confirmed by full parliament, there is no such record in the roll of parliament. Wherefore it is adjudged that all the manors, lands, tenements, rents, services, fees, advowsons, reversions, and profits, with their appurtenances, thus received by him from the king, be repossessed and taken back into the king's hands, to have and to hold to our said lord the king and his heirs as fully and heritably as he had and held them before the gift thereof made to the said earl. And that all the issues and profits received and had therefrom for the use of the said earl in the meantime, [col. b] be levied for the use of our lord the king from the lands and chattels of the said earl there and elsewhere. But it is not the intention of the king, nor of the lords, that this judgment should extend to his losing the name and title of earl, nor the £20 a year which the king grants that he take from the issues of Suffolk for the aforesaid name and title. And further, because the said earl did not deny that he was of the king's privy council, and sworn to him, when he first requested of the king that the said exchange were made; and acknowledged that before the said exchanges performed he had been made chancellor, in which office he was strictly bound by his oath made in the aforesaid form.
14. Et il esteant issint el dit office, prist du roi partie des ditz quatre centz marches de terre par reson du dite eschange, agreant al dite covenant d'eschange q'il fist ensy devant q'il feust chanceller, et n'alleggea point en son dit respons qe le roi feust distinctement enfourme de son damage celle partie, c'estassavoir, en ce qe le roi dona a luy manoirs, terres et rentes, qe sont certeignes et seures, et ne poont vraisemblablement estre destrutz ne adnullez, pur les avantditz quatre centz marcz annuels, qe sont en nouncertein, et levables et demandables des custumes, et ensy come casuels, et en diverses cas qe purroient aventurousement eschere. Agarde est qe touz les terres et tenementz issint prises par le dit count pur les eschanges susditz soient reprises es mayns nostre seigneur le roi, a tenir a lui et ses heires en manere come il les tient devant le doun ent fait en la dite eschange. Et qe les issues et profitz prises et eues des terres, tenementz, et profitz susditz puis les dites eschanges, remaignent al dit count, en recompensacion des dites quatrecentz marcz annuelles queux il avoit ensy enheritablement de la custume devant les eschanges susditz; horspris, qe si les ditz issues et profitz issint prises puis les dites eschanges s'estendent a greindre value qe les dites quatrecentz marcz annuelles, q'adonqes le roi eit celle surplus, a lever des terres et chateux du dit count illoeqes et aillours. 14. And being thus in the said office, he took from the king part of the said four hundred marks' worth of land by virtue of the said exchange, agreeing to the said covenant of exchange which he thus made before he was chancellor, and at no point in his reply did he show that the king had been clearly informed of his loss in thus matter, namely, in so far as the king gave him manors, lands and rents which were certain and secure, and in all probability could not be cancelled nor annulled, for the aforesaid four hundred marks a year, which were uncertain and to be levied and sought from customs, and thus casual, and in some cases they might be accidentally overlooked. It is determined that all the lands and tenements thus taken by the said earl for the aforesaid exchanges be taken back into the hands of our lord the king, to be held by him and his heirs as he held them before the gift made thereof in the said exchange. And that the issues and profits taken and had from the aforesaid lands, tenements and profits since the said exchanges remain with the said earl, as recompense for the said four hundred marks a year which he had thus heritably from the custom before the aforesaid exchanges; except that if the said issues and profits thus taken since the said exchanges amount to a sum greater than the said four hundred marks a year, then the king shall have the surplus, to be levied from the lands and chattels of the said earl there and elsewhere.
Et quant al article contenant qe le dit count deust avoir purchace cynkante liveres de rent de Tydman [de] Lymbergh, pur ce qe le dit Tydman avoit les avantditz cynkant liveres de rent par an a prendre tansoulement de la custume el port de Hull', et nemye aillours, la quele custume appertient al corone nostre seigneur le roy d'auncien temps: et le dit Tydman estoit alien, come bien < est > conuz, et < se > tient hors du roialme d'Engleterre par trent ans et plus, et desconuz est s'il soit en vie ou noun, et n'est pas allegge qe ascun de sa part le chalangea de long temps: et le dit Tydman ne poast en nulle manere translater le dit rent en autre persone par voie d'alienacion sanz la bone volunte du roy, pur ceo qe l'estat q'il avoit en le dit rent feust a lui et ses heires tantsoulement, et nonpas a ses assignes, come par la chartre du roi q'il ent avoit, et q'est de record, pleinement appiert; et le dit count ne monstra pas qe le dit rent feust purchace del dit Tydman en Engleterre; par quoi y ne poet estre conuz si la dite purchace fuist bone et legale, ou noun. Et le dit count n'aleggea point en son respons q'il, quant il purchacea pardone et confirmacione < du roy > del purchace du dit rent, monstra pleinement au roi q'il purroit avoir retenu le dit rent a son propre oeps, au meyns tanqe le dit Tydman, ou ses heires linealx neez deinz la ligeance et conuz, eussent demande la dit rent. Par qoi y semble par les ditz causes qe le roy, en la grant des ditz pardone et confirmacione qe demanderent par reson grant fyn, et estoient faitz sanz fyn, si fuist desceu. And as to the article relating how the said earl must have bought fifty pounds of rent from Tideman of Limburg, because the said Tideman had the aforesaid fifty pounds of annual rent to be taken solely from the custom in the port of Hull, and nowhere else, which custom has pertained to the crown of our lord the king since ancient times: and the said Tideman was a foreigner, as is well known, and has been out of the kingdom of England for thirty years or more, and it is not known whether he is alive or not, and it is not alleged that anyone has claimed the rent on his behalf for a long time: and the said Tideman could not in any way transfer the said rent to another person by alienation without the good will of the king, because his estate in the said rent was to him and his heirs alone, and not to his assigns, as plainly appears from the charter of the king which he had thereon, and which is of record; and the said earl does not show that the said rent was purchased from the said Tideman in England; wherefore it cannot be known whether the said purchase was good and lawful or not. And the said earl did not show anywhere in his answer that he, when he purchased pardon and confirmation of the king for buying the said rent, explained clearly to the king that he could have kept the said rent for his own use, at least until the said Tideman, or his right heirs born in the allegiance and acknowledged, had sought the said rent. Wherefore it seemed for the said reasons that the king, in granting the said pardon and confirmation which called by reason for a great fine, and was made without fine, was thus deceived.
[p. iii-220]
[col. a]
< Faxflete. > Faxfleet.
15. Et auxint come le dit count prist apres de doun le roi l'avantdit manoir de Faxflete, et dis marches de rent, qe furent certeynes et seures, en eschange pur les ditz cynkant livers de rent, qe furont casuels, pur ce qe le dit port de Hull' par possibilite estre adnulle par flotz de mere, ou la passage de layns illoeqes desturbe et anienty, et auxint par diverses autres causes. Et ensy mesqe le dit count eust bone et perfit estat en le dit rent, il n'aleggea point en son respons q'il fist pleinement son devoir envers le roi en la prise du manoir et dis marches de rent susditz, en eschange en la fourme avantdite. Et ensy son dit respons est meyns sufficeant de lui excuser del defaut a lui ent surmys. Et pur ceo agarde est qe si bien le dit manoir de Faxflete, et les dis marches de rent susditz, ove les appurtenances, soient reprises en mayn du roi, a tenir a lui et ses heires come il les tient devant le doun au dit count ent issint fait; come la chartre de pardone et confirmacione del purchace des ditz cynkante livers ensi faitz au dit count soit repelle, et outrement adnulle. Et qe les avantditz cynkante livers de rent soient retenuz es meyns du roi et ses heires, en fourme come ce estoit avant la purchace qe le dit count si dist a lui estre < ent > fait, si ascun y fuist, et qe les issues et profitz resceuz ou ewes al oeps du dit count, sibien du dit manoir de Faxflete et de les dis marchee de rent, come les issues et profitz des ditz cynkante livers de rent, s'il ascuns prist par reson del purchace avantdit, soient levez al oeps nostre seigneur e le roi des terres et chateux du dit count illoeqes et aillours. 15. And also, whereas the earl later took by gift of the king the aforesaid manor of Faxfleet, and the ten marks' worth of rent, which were certain and secure, in exchange for the said fifty pounds' worth of rent, which were casual, because the said port of Hull could be destroyed by the waves of the sea, or the passage of wool there disturbed and ruined, and also for various other reasons. And thus even though the said earl had a good and complete claim to the said rent, his answer nowhere showed that he had fully performed his duty towards the king in taking the aforesaid manor and ten marks' worth of rent by exchange in the aforesaid form. And thus his said answer is insufficient to excuse him from the fault alleged against him. And therefore it is adjudged that both the said manor of Faxfleet and the aforesaid ten marks' worth of rent, with their appurtenances, be taken back into the king's hands, to be held by him and his heirs as he held them before the gift thereof was thus made to the said earl; and the charter of pardon and confirmation of the purchase of the said fifty pounds thus made to the said earl be withdrawn and entirely annulled. And that the aforesaid fifty pounds' worth of rent be kept in the hands of the king and his heirs in the form in which they were before the purchase which the said earl thus claimed was made for him, if any there were, and that the issues and profits received or had for the use of the said earl, as well from the said manor of Faxfleet and the ten marks' worth of rent as from the issues and profits of the said fifty pounds' worth of rent, if he took any by reason of the aforesaid purchase, be levied for the use of our lord the king from the lands and chattels of the said earl there and elsewhere.
16. Et quant al article contiegnant le profit de Seynt Antoyne; pur ceo qe le mestre del meson de Seint Antoyne, a qi le dit profit provenant en Engleterre estoit due, a ce q'est dit, est sysmatik, et auxint del ennemite du roy et poair de France, et pur tielle repute adonqes et unqore est; par quoi tout le dit profit duist appertenir au roi sicome de sismatiks et aliens: quel chose ne deveroit de resone avoir este desconu au dit count avant q'il demandast du roi le dit profit; et il conust expressement q'il le demanda a son fitz come un hospital, et n'aleggea mye en son respons qe le roi quant il luy granta le profit estoit enfourmez duement des choses susditz; et auxint, en ce qe qant il fuist tiel officer come devant est dit, il envoia a la court de Rome pur mesme le profit avoir a son fitz de la collacion du pape come benefece de seinte esglise, et d'avoir ensy le dit profit hors du mayn du roi par collacion del apostoil. Et il ne dedist point q'il ne resceust des ditz profitz quatre centz marcz par an, nientaleggeant q'il les rendist au roi; et come apres le dit count conust q'il fist une bargayn ove le provisour, qe clama le dit profit du grant du pape, d'avoir du dit provisour cent livers par an a lui et Johan son fitz a terme de lour deux vies, pur deliverer le dit profit au dit provisour. Pur queux centz livers ensi apaiers a lui et son dit fitz, il prist seurete del provisour par reconissance et obligacions des diverses sommes; nient contreesteant qe le roi avoit comande par sa lettre de deliverer hors de ses meyns al dit provisour tout le profit avantdit; la ou y semble, pur riens qe unqore est monstre, qe tout le dit profit deust avoir demurre en la mayn du roi, pur les causes avantdites, au meyns tanqe il eust este discusse ou le dit profit feust benefice de seinte esglise grantable par le pape, ou appurtenant au roi par reson de sismacie et enemyte du dit mestre. Et il n'aleggea mye en son respons qe le roi feust clerement enfourmez des choses susditz. 16. And as to the article concerning the profit of St Anthony; because the master of the house of St Anthony, to whom the said profit arising in England was due, is reputedly schismatic, and also sided with our enemies, the king and power of France, and apparently still does; wherefore the said profit should pertain to the king as from schismatics and aliens: which could not surely have been unknown to the said earl when he asked the king for the said profit; and he expressly acknowledged that he requested it for his son as a hospital, and his reply gave no indication that the king, when he granted him the profit, was properly informed of the aforesaid matters; and also, because when he was such an officer as was said above, he sent to the court of Rome to obtain the same profit for his son by way of papal collation as a benefice of holy church, and thus to take the said profit from the king's hands by papal collation. And he never denied that he received from the said profits four hundred marks a year, not claiming that he paid them to the king; and as later the said earl acknowledged that he had made a bargain with the provisor, who claimed the said profit by grant of the pope, to receive from the said provisor one hundred pounds a year for himself and his son John for the term of their two lives, for delivering the said profit to the said provisor. For which hundred pounds thus to be paid to him and his said son, he took surety from the provisor by recognizance and obligations for various sums; notwithstanding that the king had ordered by his letter that he deliver all the aforesaid profit out of his hands to the said provisor; even though it seems, for a reason yet to be explained, that all the said profit should have remained in the king's hands, for the aforesaid reasons, at least until it had been considered whether the said profit was benefice of holy church grantable by the pope or pertained to the king by reason of schism and the enmity of the said master. And he did not claim in his response that the king had been clearly informed of the aforesaid matters.
Par qoi agarde est qe les avantditz quatre centz marcz par an, du temps qe le dit profit lui estoit issint grante par le roi tanqe au temps q'il delivera mesme le profit au dit provisour, come auxint les ditz centz livers annuels receuz [col. b] apres del dit provisour tanqe en cea, soient levez al oeps nostre seigneur le roi, de ses terres et chatelx. Et qe tout le profit qe deust desore appertenir au dit count, par resone du dit recoignissance ou d'autres obligacions ou convenances ensy faitz en seurte de la paiement des ditz centz livers, remaignent al oeps nostre dit seigneur le roy come forfait; et qe le dit provisour soit ent outrement descharge envers le dit count et soun fitz. Et pur les defautes et mesprisions susditz, des queux le dit count est ensy convict par nounsufficeantie de ses ditz respons, agarde est q'il < soit > commys a prisone du roy, a y demurrer a volunte du roi, et q'il ne soit delivere du dite prisone avant q'il eit fait fyn et ranceone a la volunte du roi. Et quant al mille marcz queux il ad allegge q'il ad paie au roi pur les ditz eschanges, agarde est qe les < ditz > mille marcz remeignent en les meyns du roi, come en partie du paiement del fyn et ranceone qe le dit count ensy ferra a roi, avant q'il soit delivere du prisone. Therefore it is adjudged that the aforesaid four hundred marks a year, from the time when the said profit was thus granted by the king until the time when he delivered the same profit to the said provisor, as well as the said hundred pounds a year received [col. b] afterwards from the said provisor until now, be levied for the use of our lord the king from his lands and chattels. And that all the profit which ought henceforth to pertain to the said earl by virtue of the said recognizance or other bonds or covenants thus made in guarantee of the payment of the said hundred pounds remain for the use of our said lord the king as forfeit; and that the said provisor be entirely discharged towards the said earl and his son. And for the aforesaid faults and offences of which the said earl is thus convicted, through the inadequacy of his said answers, it is adjudged that he be committed to the king's prison, to remain there at the king's will, and that he be not freed from the said prison before he has paid a fine and ransom at the king's will. And as for the thousand marks which he claimed he paid the king for the said exchanges, it is adjudged that the said thousand marks shall remain in the king's hands, in part payment of the fine and ransom which the said earl shall thus pay to the king, before he is released from prison.
Et quant a les trois articles, c'estassavoir de les .ix. seigneurs, la garde du meer et Gant, y semble au roi et as seigneurs du parlement qe le dit count ne doit estre empesche par soi sanz ses compaignons qe feurent alors du conseil le roi. Et si ascun lui vorra empescher d'ascun defaut en especial, il soi offrist < prest a > respondre. And as for the three articles, that is to say, concerning the nine lords, the keeping of the sea, and Ghent, it seems to the king and to the lords of parliament that the said earl ought not to be impeached alone without his colleagues who were then of the king's council. And if any wish to accuse him of any fault in particular, he shall be ready to answer.
17. Et quant al article contenant chartres de pardone, et la patent de Dovorr', agarde est qe la patent de Dovorr' soit repellee, cancelle, et outrement adnullez. Et quant as autres chartres et patentes contenuz en l'empeschement avantdit, si ascuns soient faitz encontre la loy, agarde est qe toutes tielles chartres et patentes, si ascunes tielles y soient, soient repellez, cancellez, et adnullez, esteantz les autres en lour force et vertue. 17. And as for the article relating to the charters of pardon and the patent of Dover, it is decided that the patent of Dover be repealed, cancelled, and entirely annulled. And as for the other charters and patents contained in the aforesaid impeachment, if any be made contrary to the law, it is adjudged that all such charters and patents, if any such there be, be repealed, cancelled, and annulled, the others remaining valid and in force.
[memb. 3]
The first two thirds of m.3 have been left blank.
Les seigneurs et communes du roialme esteantz en cest present parlement granteront a nostre seigneur le roi en plein parlement, en defense du roialme et de la meer, et salvacione des merchandises, certeines subsides et aides sur certeines condicions, en la forme et paroles q'ensuent: The lords and commons of the kingdom in this present parliament have granted to our lord the king in full parliament, in defence of the kingdom and the sea, and for the safeguarding of merchandise, certain subsidies and aids on certain conditions, in the following form and words:
18. Al honor de Dieu, et pur l'onur et bien de nostre seigneur le roi, et pur le bien commune, et en defense du roialme d'Engleterre, les seigneurs et les communes de mesme le roiaume esteantz en cest present parlement ount grantez a nostre dit seigneur le roi une demy disme, et demy quinszisme, a lever des leys gentz du roiaume, a la Chaundelure proschein venant, par manere come ad este acustumez a estre levez avant ces hures. Et aussi ils ont grantez, pur les causes suisdites, et pur defense de la meer et salvacione des merchandises, de chescun tonelle de vyn entrant en mesme le roiaume, ou issant hors d'icel, trois soldees; et de la livre de toutes autres maneres de merchandie entrantz en la roiaume, ou issantz hors d'icelle, horpris leins, quirs et peaux lanutz, sibien de foreins come de denizeins, nientcontresteant ascune chartre ou patent fait au contraire, .xij. deniers. Et par la ou a parlement tenuz a Westm' l'an du regne nostre dit seigneur le roi noefisme certein subside des leyns, quirs et peaux lanutz estoit grantez par les seigneurs et communes, (fn. iii-215-95-1) a prendre de la fest de Seint Pere ad Vincula darrein passe tanqe a la fest de Seint < Pere ad Vincula > proschein < avenir; > ore les ditz seigneurs et communes en cest present parlement grauntent le dit subside, a durer de la dit fest de Seint Pire ad Vincula proschein venant tanqe a la fest de Seint Esmon le Martir prochein ensuant, et de mesme le fest de Seint Esmon tanqe a la fest de [p. iii-221][col. a] Nowel lors proschein ensuant, si ne soit nulle parlement tenuz en le meen temps. Et outre ce, les ditz seigneurs et communes ount grantez, par les ditz enchesons, un autre demy disme, et demy quinszisme, a lever de les leys gentz a la quinszeine de Seint Michel prochein venant, sur certein condicion; c'estassavoir, qe si les suisditz grantz, sanz la dite darrein demy disme et demy quinszisme, ovesqe [...] autres bens le roi, purroient suffire pur les charges et defenses du roialme par un an prochein avenir, par la diligence et bone ordenance de les honurables peres en Dieu William, ercevesqe de Canterbirs, Alexsander, ercevesqe d'Everwyk; et les uncles le roi, Esmon, duk d'Everwyk, Thomas, duc de Gloucestr'; et les honurables peres en Dieu William, evesqe de Wyncestre, Thomas, evesqe d'Exestre; et Nicholas, abbe de Waltham; Richard, count d'Arundell', Johan, seigneur de Cobeham, Richard le Scrop', chivaler, et Johan Deveros, chivaler; et trois officers le roi, c'estassavoir, chaunceller, tresorer et gardein du prive seal, ordeinez et assignez par nostre seigneur le roi, par sa commissione enseale souz son grant seal, de son auctorite roial, certeine science, bone gree, et fraunche volunte, et par avis des prelatz, seigneurs et communes en cest present parlement; en eide de bone governance du roialme, et bone et due execucione des leys, et en relevement del estat du roi et de son poeple en temps avenir; d'estre del continuel conseille de nostre dit seigneur le roi; q'adonqes mesme la darrein demy disme et demy quinszisme ne soient par nulle qeconqe voie aucunement coillez ne levez, ne nulle commissione fait pur les coiller ne lever, et qe nulles autres soient associez ou assignez [col. b] a les ditz seigneurs, forpris ceux qe sont ore nomez en la dite commissione. 18. To the honour of God, and for the honour and good of our lord the king, and for the common good and defence of the kingdom of England, the lords and the commons of the same kingdom in this present parliament have granted to our said lord the king a half-tenth and a half-fifteenth to be levied from the laity of the kingdom at Candlemas next [2 February 1387] in the same manner as in the past. And they have also granted for the aforesaid purposes, and for the keeping of the sea and the protection of trade, on every tun of wine entering the same kingdom or issuing from the same three shillings; and from each pound of all other kinds of merchandise entering the kingdom or issuing from the same, except wool, hides and woolfells, both foreign and denizen, notwithstanding any charter or patent made to the contrary, twelve pence. And whereas at the parliament held at Westminster in the ninth year of the reign of our said lord the king [1385] a certain subsidy on wool, hides and woolfells was granted by the lords and commons, (fn. iii-215-95-1) to be taken from the feast of St Peter ad Vincula last [1 August 1386] until the feast of St Peter ad Vincula next coming [1 August 1387]; now the said lords and commons in this present parliament grant the said subsidy, to last from the feast of St Peter ad Vincula next coming [1 August 1387] until the feast of St Edmund the Martyr next following [20 November 1387], and from the same feast of St Edmund until [p. iii-221][col. a] Christmas next [25 December 1387], if no parliament be held in the meantime. And further, the said lords and commons have granted, for the said purposes, another half-tenth and half-fifteenth to be levied from the laity at the quinzaine of Michaelmas next [13 October 1387], on a certain condition; namely, that if the aforesaid grant, without the said last half-tenth and half-fifteenth, together with other goods of the king, can suffice for the charges and defence of the kingdom for one year to come - through the diligence and good ordinance of the honourable fathers in God William, archbishop of Canterbury, Alexander, archbishop of York; and the king's uncles, Edmund, duke of York, Thomas, duke of Gloucester; and the honourable fathers in God William, bishop of Winchester, Thomas, bishop of Exeter; and Nicholas, abbot of Waltham; Richard, earl of Arundel, John, Lord Cobham, Richard le Scrope, knight, and John Devereux, knight; and three of the king's officers, namely, the chancellor, treasurer and keeper of the privy seal, ordained and appointed by our lord the king, by his commission sealed under his great seal, on his royal authority, certain knowledge, good grace, and free will, and by the advice of the prelates, lords, and commons in this present parliament; to aid the good governance of the kingdom, and the good and due execution of the laws, and to relieve the estate of the king and his people in time to come; to be of the continual council of our said lord the king - that then the same half-tenth and half-fifteenth shall not be collected nor levied by anyone in any way, nor any commission made to collect or levy them, and that no others be associated nor assigned [col. b] to the said lords, except those who are now named in the said petition.
Toutes les quelles grantes les avantditz seigneurs et communes ont fait a cest foitz, sur les condicions ensuantz; c'estassavoir, qe si le poair done as ditz seigneurs par la commissione suisdite, ordeinez d'estre de continuel conseil, come desuis, soit en aucune manere repellez ou defait, ou si mesmes les seigneurs du dit counseille soient par aucuny, qi qe ce soit, ou en aucune manere, desturbez, q'ils ne purront fraunchement user ne faire plein execucione de poair a eux commys par la dite commissione, et chescun point d'icelle, sicome mieulz lour plerra, et mieultz lour semblera, pur l'onur et profit du roi et de son roialme, paront ils surseient et cessent outrement de le faire, qe delors la leve et demande de tout ce q'adonqes remaindra a lever, par force ou colour des ditz grantes, cessent outrement pur toutz jours. Et en ce cas briefs soient mandez parmy tout le roiaume en chescun counte, as coillours de toutes les ditz choses ensy grantez, q'ils surseient de qeconqe leve ent affaire par vertu des grantes avantditz; et qe par mesmes les briefs ils en eient lour final descharge en l'escheqer. Et qe lettres patentes soient faitz a chescun counte desouz le grant seal, sanz rien paier pur le fee du seal ou pur l'escripture d'icelles, recitantz la cause, la manere et les condicions de totes les grantes avauntdites. Et qe l'estaple des leins, quirs, et peaux lanutz, soit ordeine en le hast qe purra bonement par les seigneurs et officers suisditz, pur la greindre profit du roi et del roiaume. All which grants the aforesaid lords and commons have made at this time, upon the following conditions; namely, that if the power given to the said lords by the aforesaid commission, ordained to be of the continual council, as above, be in any way repealed or undone, or if the same lords of the said council be harassed in any way by anyone, whosoever it be, so that they cannot freely use nor fully execute the powers entrusted to them by the said commission, and every aspect of the same, as best they please, and as seems best to them for the honour and profit of the king and his kingdom, as a result of which they refrain and cease from acting further, then the levy and demand of all that which then remains to be levied by force and colour of the said grants shall end entirely and forever. And in that case writs shall be sent to every county in the entire realm instructing collectors of all the said things thus granted to abandon any levy to be carried out by virtue of the aforesaid grants; and that by the same writs they shall have their final discharge in the exchequer. And that letters patent shall be issued to every county under the great seal, without any fee being paid for the sealing or writing of the same, reciting the cause, manner, and conditions of all the aforesaid grants. And that the staple of wool, hides, and woolfells shall be ordained as swiftly as possible by the aforesaid lords and officers, for the greater profit of the king and kingdom.
[memb. 2]
A change of hand occurs with the beginning of the common petitions.
[col. a]
A trespuissant et tresredoute seigneur nostre seigneur le roi, et a son counseil, et as prelatz et seigneurs, en cest present parlement tenuz a Westm' le lundy prochein apres la fest de Seint Michel, c'estassavoir le primer jour d'Octobre, l'an de nostre dit seigneur le roy disme, supplient treshumblement les communes pur les peticions q'ensuent: To our most potent and redoubtable lord our lord the king, and to his council, and to the prelates and lords in this present parliament held at Westminster on the Monday after Michaelmas, namely 1 October, in the tenth year of our lord the king [1386], the commons do humbly pray the petitions which follow:
[Affirmation of the charters and statutes.] [Affirmation of the charters and statutes.]
19. En primes, qe la grande chartre et la chartre de la forest, et toutz les estatutz faitz par parlement en temps de les nobles progenitours nostre seigneur le roi q'ore est, et en son temps demesne, sibien des viscontz, suthviscontz, eschetours, coroners et clercs des viscontz, come des purveiours, et toutes autres bones estatutz et ordenances nient repellez par parlement, soient fermement tenuz et gardez, et due execucione ent faite solonc l'effect d'icelles; et qe riens ne soit fait a contraire par nulle mandement ne ordenance fait ou affaire, ne mesmes les estatutz ne ordenances repellez si noun par parlement. Et si aucunes patentes soient faitz a contraire de mesmes les estatutz et ordenances, soient repellez en cest present parlement: sauvant les franchises de seint esglis, seigneurs, cites et burghes. 19. First, that the Great Charter and the Charter of the Forest, and all the statutes made by parliament in the time of the noble progenitors of our lord the present king and in his own time, as well of sheriffs, deputy sheriffs, escheators, coroners and sheriffs' clerks, as of purveyors, and all other good statutes and ordinances not repealed by parliament, be firmly upheld and kept and duly performed according to the tenor of the same; and that nothing be done to the contrary by any mandate or ordinance made or to be made, nor the same statutes nor ordinances repealed unless by parliament. And if any patents be made which contravene the same statutes and ordinances, that they be repealed in this parliament: saving the franchises of holy church, the lords, cities and boroughs.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roy le voet, sauvant sa prerogative. The king wills it, saving his prerogative.
[col. b]
[Appointment of officers of state.] [Appointment of officers of state.]
20. Item, suppliont treshumblement les communes, pur l'onur de Dieu, et en meintenance de vostre corone et pur vostre profit demesne, et de toutz les prelatz, seigneurs, et en supportacione de voz poveres communes de vostre roiaume, qe vous plese ordeiner et establir en cest present parlement suffisantz officers; c'estassavoir, chaunceller, tresorer, gardeyn de prive seal et seneschal de vostre hostiel, et aussi autres seigneurs de vostre graunt et continuel counseil: et qe les ditz seigneurs et officers purront avoir poair de corriger et amender totes les defautes, de ce qe vostre corone est tant emblemy, sibien qe les loies et les estatutz ne sont point tenuz et gardez, come les autres biens et profitz qeconqes de vostre dit corone retretz, come voz ditz communes vous ount en partie declarez, et unqore sont et serront prestes de le faire: et qe sur ce faire suffisant commissione a les seigneurs et officers suisditz, a durere de la fest de Seint Esmon le roy et martir darrein passe, et de mesme la fest en un an lors prochein ensuant; et de celle temps jesqe a parlement adonqes prochein ensuant: et auxi faire estatut qe nully de quelle dignite, estat, nacion, ou condicion q'il soit, ne soit si hardy, en prive n'en apert, de counseiler ne faire venir a l'encontre de ce qe les ditz seigneurs et officers vorront conseiler, et ce sur grevouse peyne: la quelle chose vous avez en partie [p. iii-222][col. a] de vostre benignite mys en execucione, vous en requerantz q'a present vous plese faire le remenant. Et aussi qe voz ditz officers et counseilers purroient demurrer continuelment a Londres durant le dit terme, pur avoir pleine enformacione sibien des rolles et recordes come des justices et autres persons qeconqes del chauncellarie ou del escheqer, ou d'ascune autre place de recorde. 20. Also, the commons most humbly pray, for the honour of God and the maintenance of your crown and for your own profit and that of all the prelates, lords, and in support of your poor commons of your kingdom, that it please you to ordain and appoint worthy officers in this present parliament; namely, the chancellor, treasurer, keeper of the privy seal and steward of your household, and also other lords of your great and continual council: and that the said lords and officers may be able to correct and amend all the faults through which your crown is so harmed, as well because the laws and statutes are not at all upheld and protected, as because other goods and profits whatsoever are withdrawn from your said crown, as your said commons have informed you in part, and as they are and shall be ready to do: and thereupon to make sufficient commission to the aforesaid lords and officers to last from the feast of St Edmund, king and martyr last [20 November 1386], and, from the same feast next year, from that time until the next parliament: and also to make a statute that no one of whatsoever dignity, estate, nation or condition he be, be so bold, in private or in public, to advise against or contravene whatever the said lords and officers wish to advise, and this on pain of a grievous penalty: the which you have, in part, [p. iii-222][col. a] of your benignity, put into effect, and we pray of you now that it please you to perform the rest. And also that your said officers and councillors remain continually in London during the said term, to have full information as well from the records and rolls, as from the judges and other persons whomsoever of the chancery or exchequer, or any other place of record.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roy le voet, forspris qe la commissione et estatut demandez en cest peticion ne durerent forsqe par un an entier. Et quant al seneschal de son hostelle, il ordeinera un sufficeant par advis de son counseille. (fn. iii-215-110-1) The king wills it, except that the commission and statute requested in this petition shall last for no longer than one whole year. And as to the steward of his household, he will appoint one who is suitable by the advice of his council. (fn. iii-215-110-1)
[Alien clergy.] [Alien clergy.]
21. Item, priont les communes: qe come graunde partie des prebendes, et autres grosses benefices deinz la roiaume d'Engleterre, sont a present occupiez par cardinalx, et autres persones demurantz en court de Rome et aillours depar dela, a grant empoverissement de vostre roiaume et vostre poeple, sibien a cause des grantz sommes queux sont mys hors de vostre roialme par eschange et autres diverses maneres, come de graunt dilapidacione des dites benefices, et nul hospitalite, n'autre charge, ne divines services faitz solonc la primere ordenance des ditz benefices. 21. Also, the commons pray: whereas the great part of the prebends and other great benefices in the kingdom of England are at present occupied by cardinals and other persons dwelling in the court or Rome and elsewhere overseas, to the great impoverishment of your kingdom and your people, as well by reason of the large sums which are removed from your kingdom by exchange and in various other ways as by the great dilapidation of the said benefices, with no hospitality, nor other charge, nor divine service being performed according to the first ordinance of the said benefices.
Sur qoy plese a vostre roiale mageste ore en cest present parlement establir et ordeiner qe desore en avant nul cardynal, n'autre persone alien qeconqe, forsqe tansoulement vostre homme lige, eit nemoie nulle prebende ne benefice deinz vostre roiaume, pur profit de vous et de vostre roiaume, et encresse a vostre roiale poair. Et qe nul lige du roiaume preigne les ditz benefices a ferme, sur peyn d'estre mys hors de proteccion le roi. May it therefore please your royal majesty now in this parliament to decree and ordain that henceforth no cardinal, nor other alien whomsoever, except only your liege men, shall have any prebend or benefice within your kingdom, for the profit of you and your realm and the increase of your royal power. And that no liege of the kingdom shall take the said benefices at farm, on pain of being placed outside the king's protection.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Y sont estatutz [...] faitz en le cas assetz profitables et resonables, les queux le roi voet qe soient fermement tenuz et gardez. Adequately profitable and reasonable statutes have been made hereon, which the king wills be firmly upheld and kept.
[Alien priories and possessions.] [Alien priories and possessions.]
22. Item, priont qe les estatutz et ordenances faitz en parlement par vostre tresnoble aiel, qe Dieux assoille, touchant les priories et possessions aliens; (fn. iii-215-117-1) queux estatutz et ordenances feurent par vous, l'an de vostre regne primere, et ensement a darrein parlement, confermez, (fn. iii-215-117-2) soient fermement tenuz et gardez. Et si ascun patente soit fait a contraire, qe soit repelle. (fn. iii-215-117-3) 22. Also, they pray that the statutes and ordinances made in parliament by your most noble grandfather, whom God absolve, concerning alien priories and possessions; (fn. iii-215-117-1) which statutes and ordinances were confirmed by you in the first year of your reign, (fn. iii-215-117-2) and likewise at the last parliament, be firmly upheld and kept. And if any patent be made to the contrary, that it be repealed. (fn. iii-215-117-3)
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Soient les estatutz et ordenances ent faitz tenuz et gardez. Let the statutes and ordinances made thereon be upheld and kept.
[Great Yarmouth.] [Great Yarmouth.]
23. < Jernemuth. > Item, suppliont les communes: qe come la ville de Grande Jernemuth port plus grandes charges en ferme et en disme come en afforcement et sustenance de mesme la ville envers les enemys, qe ne fait nulle autre cite ou burghe deinz sys contes environ: et ore la dite ville est devenuz si fieble, povere, et degaste, et les gentz hors retreitz par causes suisdites, qe les burgeys et communes qe demoergent a present en la dite ville ne purront pluis porter les charges susditz, si remedy ne soit mys en ycest present parlement. 23. Yarmouth. Also, the commons pray: whereas the town of Great Yarmouth suffers a heavier burden in farm and in tenths, and in the reinforcement and sustaining of the same town against the enemy, than any other city or borough within the surrounding six counties: and now the said town has become so weak, poor and wasted, and so many have left for the aforesaid reasons, that the burgesses and commons who now dwell in the said town can no longer support the aforesaid charges, unless remedy be provided in this present parliament.
Par qoy vous plese granter et confermer as burgeys et communes avantnomez, et a lour successours, en ycest present parlement, lour franchises et libertes, par voz progenitours a eux grantez et confermez, et par voz chartres ensement confermez, solonc la forme et effect d'icelles. Wherefore may it please you to grant and confirm to the aforenamed burgesses and commons, and their successors, in this present parliament, their franchises and liberties granted and confirmed to them by your progenitors and likewise confirmed by your charters, according to the form and effect of the same.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi le voet, nient contresteant ascun repelle ent fait devant ces hures; purveu toutes voies qe toutes maners de gentz, sibien aliens come toutz < les > liges du roy, qi vendront pur vendre ou achater harang illoeqes, purront franchement et peisiblement vendre et achater harang deinz la dite ville et port, et mesme le harang ent carier [col. b] a lour volunte durante la feire, sanz grevance ou desturbance d'ascuny. (fn. iii-215-126-1) The king wills it, notwithstanding any repeal thereof made in the past; provided nevertheless that all kinds of people, as well aliens as other lieges of the king, who come to sell or buy herring there, may freely and peaceably sell and buy herring in the said town and port and carry the same herring [col. b] at their will during the fair, without hindrance or disturbance from anyone. (fn. iii-215-126-1)
[Justices of both benches, et al.] [Justices of both benches, et al.]
24. Item, suppliont les communes: qe l'estatutz faitz des justices de l'un bank et de l'autre, l'an du regne de vostre noble aiel vintisme (fn. iii-215-128-1) - c'estassavoir, qe mesmes les justices ne prendront nul doun ne regard, par eux ne par autres, en ascun manere de nul homme qe auera affaire devant eux par qeconqe voie; s'il ne soit de mangier ou de boier, et ce de petit valu; et q'ils ne prendront robes ne fees de nully si noun du roi, sur peyne et forfaiture de toutz lour terres et biens a roi, et son corps a la volunte le roi - soit fermement tenuz et gardez en toutz pointz, nientcontresteant ascune repelle ent fait. 24. Also, the commons pray that the statute made concerning the justices of both benches, in the twentieth year of your noble grandfather (fn. iii-215-128-1) - namely, that the same justices take no gift or reward, either themselves or through others, in any way from anyone who has any business before them; unless it be to eat or drink, and of little value; and that they take no robes nor fees from anyone except from the king, on pain of forfeiting all their lands and goods to the king, and their bodies to the king's will - be firmly upheld and kept in all respects, notwithstanding any repeal made thereof.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi les ad charge, et chargera, de faire owelle droit a tout son poeple, et s'ils mespreignent, le roi les chastiera par advis de son conseille. Et si voet le roi qe l'estatutz ent faitz, sibien des justices come des barons del escheqer, soient adnullez et voides. The king has charged and will charge them to do impartial justice to all his people, and if they err, the king will chastise them by the advice of his council. And so the king wills that the statutes made concerning both judges and the barons of the exchequer be annulled and invalidated.
[Farms of the shires.] [Farms of the shires.]
25. Item, suppliont les communes: qe come as plusours parlementz tenuz avant ces hures soi pleindrent qe diverses hundredes, chastielx, libertes et autres commodites appurtenantz as plusours countes, sont donez sibien par voz auncestres come par vous mesmes as diverses seigneurs et autres gentz, et nientcontresteant tielx douns, les visconts d'icelles countes paient l'aunciene ferme, en anientisment del estat des viscontz illoeqes. 25. Also, the commons pray that whereas at many parliaments held in the past they have complained that various hundreds, castles, liberties and other commodities pertaining to many counties have been given both by your ancestors and by yourself to various lords and other people, yet, notwithstanding such gifts, the sheriffs of the same counties pay the ancient farm, to the injury of the estate of the sheriffs there.
Par qoy priont les communes qe due inquisicion soit fait par justices d'assises, ou autres sufficeantz en la contee, ou l'en vorra compleindre des grevances suisditz, queles hundredes, chastealx, libertes et commodites feurent annexez as mesmes les countes; combien de valu par an; et a quelle damage as viscontz; et mesme l'enquisicion retornir en la chauncellarie, et sur ce le chaunceller ferra garrant as barons de l'escheqer d'allower les viscontz des ditz countes q'ore sont, et pur le temps serront, en lour accompts, etc. Wherefore the commons pray that due inquiry be made by the justices of the assizes, or other worthies in any county where complaint of the aforesaid is made, into which hundreds, castles, liberties and commodities were annexed to the same counties, their annual value, and the extent of the loss suffered by the sheriff; and to return the same inquest to the chancery, and that thereupon the chancellor may issue a warrant to the barons of the exchequer to make allowance to the present and future sheriffs of the said counties in their accounts, etc.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi ent ordeignera remede par avys de son counseille. The king will ordain remedy thereon by the advice of his council.
[Actions to recover lands taken by escheators.] [Actions to recover lands taken by escheators.]
26. Item, suppliont les communes: qe la ou plusours terres et tenemenz soient seisez es mayns le roi par eschetours de diverses contes, par auctorite de lour offices par diverses causes, et puis grantez par patent as certeines persones, a aucunes en fee, et aucunes pur terme de vie, ou autrement; et les persones hors de qi possessione les terres et tenementz sont seisez veignent en la chauncellarie le roi, et monstrent lour droit, et traversont la cause de la dite seisin, et sur ceo priont garnissement devers eux as queux les ditz terres et tenementz sont ensy donez, s'ils sachent riens dire pur eux ou pur le roi par qoi ils ne serront restitutz a lour ditz terres et tenementz. Et les ditz parties garniz viegnont en la court, et manteignont la cause de la dite seisyn pur nostre seigneur le roi, par ensy qe travers est pris en mesme la court parentre le roi et ceux as queux les ditz terres et tenementz sont grantez ou commys, d'une part, et ceux qeux sont oustez de lour possessione, d'autre part. Et pendantz tielx plees les persones as queux terres et tenementz sont ensi donez et commis purchaceont protections nostre seigneur le roi, pur delaier les parties issint oustez de lour possessions, dont diverses justices sont en diverses opinions, ascuns qe les dites protections ne sont pas allowables, autres en contrarie opinion; en grant arerissement et desheritesone des dites communes. 26. Also, the commons pray that whereas many lands and tenements are taken into the king's hands by escheators of various counties, by virtue of their offices for various reasons, and then granted by patent to certain persons, to some in fee, and to some for the term of life or otherwise; and the persons from whose possession the lands and tenements are thus taken come to the king's chancery and show their claim, and traverse the cause of the said seisin, and thereupon request garnishment against those to whom the said lands and tenements have thus been given, to see whether they can give reason on behalf of themselves or the king why those persons should not be restored to their said lands and tenements. And the said parties thus garnished come to the court, and maintain the cause of the said seisin for our lord the king, so that traverse is taken in the same court between the king and those to whom the said lands and tenements were granted or committed, on the one hand, and those who have been ousted from their possession on the other. And pending such pleas, the persons to whom the lands and tenements have thus been given and committed buy protections from our lord the king to delay the parties thus ousted from their possessions, concerning which the justices are of various opinions, some that the said protections are not allowable, others of the opposite opinion; to the great injury and disinheritance of the said commons.
Qe plese ordeiner et [p. iii-223][col. a] establer en cest present parlement qe nulle protection mys avant devant nulle justice en autiel plee ou tiel traverse est pris, nulle partie soit delaie, ne la protection allowe. May it please you to ordain and [p. iii-223][col. a] decree in this parliament that if any protection be laid before any justice in such a plea where such a traverse is taken, no party be delayed thereby, nor the protection allowed.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Si ascun se sente grevez en especial, pursue au chaunceller, et il lui ferra droit. If anyone feels particularly injured, let him sue to the chancellor, and right will be done him.
[Victuals not to be taken to Scotland.] [Victuals not to be taken to Scotland.]
27. Item, priont les communes qe nulle lige du roiaume, sur peine de qanqe il purra forfaire, ne face carier nulle manere de vitaille par terre ne par mere a les enemys d'Escoce, n'aillours, par sauve conduyt, n'en autre manere. Et qe sur ce soit fait proclamacion parmy le roiaume. 27. Also, the commons pray that no liege of the realm, on pain of forfeiting whatsoever he can, shall cause any kind of victual to be transported by land or sea to the enemies of Scotland, nor elsewhere, by safe-conduct nor in another manner. And that proclamations be made thereof throughout the realm.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi le voet, s'il ne soit par especial congie du roi. The king wills it, unless it be by special permission of the king.
[Serjeants-at-arms.] [Serjeants-at-arms.]
28. Item, priont les communes: qe come y sont si grant nombre des sergeantz d'armes a ore, qe font grant oppressione et extorsions par colour de lour offices a la poeple; la quelle ne poent plus portir si remedy ne soit mys et ordeine en ycest parlement. 28. Also, the commons pray that whereas there are now so great a number of serjeants-at-arms, that they carry out great oppression and extortion by colour of their office against the people; which they can bear no longer if remedy be not made and ordained in this present parliament.
Qe vous plese ordeiner et establir par advis et counseille des seigneurs du conseil qe ne soient plusours sergeantz d'armes qe ne soloient d'auncien temps, en descharge de vous et de vostre poeple. Et si ascuns des ditz sergeantz soient autrement faitz qe ne soloient, q'ils soient deschargez par advis de vostre grant conseille, solonc la forme et effect del estatut fait del hostiel le roi. May it please you to ordain and decree by the advice and counsel of the lords of the council that there be no more serjeants-at-arms than there used to be of old, to the relief of you and your people. And if any of the said serjeants be appointed other than is customary, that they be discharged by the advice of your great council, according to the form and effect of the statute made upon the king's household.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe l'estatut de son hostiel en ce cas soit tenuz et gardez, par advis de son counseille. The king wills that the statute of his household be upheld and kept in this case, by the advice of his council.
[Assize of novel disseisin.] [Assize of novel disseisin.]
29. Item, priont les communes: qe nulle prorogacion soit grante desore enavant en assise de novelle disseisine, n'en autre plee de terre, en delaier la partie de droit. 29. Also, the commons pray that no prorogation be granted henceforth in an assize of novel disseisin, nor in any other plea of land, to delay the party in obtaining justice.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Si tiele chose soit demande, le roi s'avisera bien avant q'il soit grante. If such a thing be requested, the king will consider it well, before it is granted.
[The navy.] [The navy.]
30. Item, priont les communes: qe plese a nostre seigneur le roi, pur encres et maintenance de la navie de roiaume, de sa noble grace granter as possessours des ditz niefs, pur chescun tontyght en le quarter, par temps q'ils soient en service le roi .xl. d., en eide et regarde des custages entour l'attilmentz de lour ditz niefs; issint q'ils puissent meultz susteiner la dite navie, et greindre volunte de mesme celle navie encresser: considerantz les grantz honours et profitz devant ces hures eschuz a dit roiaume par la navie suisdite. 30. Also, the commons pray: that it may please our lord the king, for the increase and maintenance of the kingdom's navy, of his noble grace to grant to the owners of the said ships, for every tontight per quarter, for the time that they be in the king's service, 40d., to assist and reimburse the expenses incurred in equipping their said ships; that they may better sustain the said navy, and to increase the great power of the same: considering the great honours and profits gained for the said kingdom in the past by the aforesaid navy.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi l'ad commys a son counseille. The king has committed it to his council.
[memb. 1]
[Security of the north.] [Security of the north.]
31. Item, priont les communes, pur salvacion du roiaume, et especialment de countes d'Everwyk, Northumbr', Cumbr' et Westmerl', et les paiis environ: qe plese a nostre seigneur le roi ordeiner et establir en cest present parlement qe toutes les < seigneurs > des ditz countes, sibien temporels come spirituels, qe ont lour resceanties et lour retenuz es ditz countes, horspris monsire Richard le Scrop', soient demurantz es ditz countes, sur grant peine et forfaiture, saunz nulle excusation faire, pur contrester et resister ove lour poair la sodeyne venue et l'arrivalle des enemys sibien de France come d'Escoce, qe y semble a ore de jour en autre es parties suisditz. 31. Also, the commons pray, for the salvation of the kingdom, and especially the counties of York, Northumberland, Cumberland and Westmorland and the surrounding country: that it please our lord the king to ordain and decree in this present parliament that all the lords of the said shires, as well temporal as spiritual, who have their residence and their retinues in the said county, except Sir Richard le Scrope, remain in the said counties, on pain of great penalty and forfeiture, with no excuse allowed, to oppose and resist with their power the sudden appearance and arrival of the enemies as well of France as of Scotland, who now appear daily in the aforesaid parts.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi priera et chargera q'ils le facent. The king will request and charge that they do this.
[col. b]
[Controllers of customs.] [Controllers of customs.]
32. Item, priont les communes: qe toutz les contrerollours es portes du roiaume qe ont lour offices a terme de vie du grant le roi, a cause q'ils font grauntz oppressions et extorcions a poeple en lour offices, soient repellez et adnullez; et qe nulle tiel office soit graunte a terme de vie en temps avenir. 32. Also, the commons pray: that all the controllers of the kingdom's ports who hold their office for the term of life by grant of the king, because they perpetrate great oppressions and extortions against the people in their offices, be dismissed and removed; and that no such office be granted for the term of life in time to come.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe les persones soient examinez devant son conseille et qe ceux qi serront trovez bons demoergent avant en lour offices, et qe les autres soient remoevez. Et quant al perpetuite, le roi ent ordeinera, par advis de son counseille, come meutz lui semblera. The king wills that these persons be examined before his council, and that those who are found to be good remain in office, and the others be removed. And as for perpetuity, the king will ordain thereon by the advice of his council, as he sees best.
[Acts of Michael de la Pole as chancellor.] [Acts of Michael de la Pole as chancellor.]
33. Item, priont les communes: qe toutes maners des chartres et patentes faites en temps le darrein chaunceller encontre la ley, soient adnullez et repellez en cest present parlement. 33. Also, the commons pray that all manner of charters and patents made in the time of the last chancellor contrary to the law be annulled and repealed in this present parliament.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi le voet, par advys de son counseille. The king wills it, by the advice of his council.
34. Fait a remembrer qe l'ercevesqe de Canterbirs, avant q'il voleit jurrer en ceste parlement de faire execucione de la commissione faite a luy et a certeins autres seigneurs, de surveer l'estat de la terre, sicome les ditz autres seigneurs avoient jurrez en plein parlement, fist une protestacione en la forme et paroles q'ensuent: 34. Be it remembered that the archbishop of Canterbury, before he would swear in this parliament to perform the commission made to him and to certain other lords to inspect the estate of the land, as other said lords had sworn in full parliament, made protestation in the following form and words:
In Dei nomine, amen. Ego Willelmus permissione divina Cantuar' archiepiscopus, tocius Anglie primas, et apostolice sedis legatus, protestor palam et publice in hiis scriptis prout inferius continetur. In primis, quod cum omnes et singuli Cantuarien' archiepiscopi eorum temporibus successivis, eciam a tempore et per tempus cujus contrarii memoria hominum non existit, fuerunt, et ego pro tempore meo fui ac sum, ex prerogativa Cantuar' ecclesie speciali, liberi et immunes, liber pariter et immunis, a prestacione cujuslibet juramenti; ea occasione quod dicti predecessores mei interfuerunt, consueverunt, aut vendicarunt, interfui aut vendicavi et vendico, in parliamentis aut consiliis regiis generalibus vel specialibus aut secretis interesse, prestandi; adeo quod per nullum domino nostro summo pontifice sedeque apostolica inferiorem ad prestandum, occasione premissa seu interessentie hujusmodi, aliquod juramentum, potuerunt aut debuerunt, potui aut debui, possum aut debeo, potero vel debebo, cogi, constringi aliqualiter, vel artari. Protestor quod juramentum quod a me jam exigitur, ob reverenciam domini nostri regis, et rogatum procerum, et magnatum, ac dominorum, necnon communitatis regni hic presencium, sic dumtaxat prestabo, quod dicti prestacio juramenti ista vice per me facienda, in dicte prerogative, seu alterius cujuscumque prerogative Cantuarien' ecclesie supradicte, prejudicium non redundet, seu eidem deroget quovis modo, set michi et meis successoribus imperpetuum eadem prerogativa, et quecumque alia remaneant nichilominus illibate penitus et illese; usque adeo quod finito termino in commissione regia in presenti parliamento facta, aliis dominis et personis, ac michi ad quam me refero specialiter limitato, liceat michi, ac successoribus meis Cantuarien' archiepiscopis, qui erunt pro tempore in parliamentis ac consiliis regiis, tam generalibus quam specialibus et secretis quibuscumque, imposterum celebrandis vel tenendis < ex prefata dicte Cantuarien' ecclesie prerogativa, absque prestacione qualibet juramenti libere, ut premittitur, interesse, juramento per me prestando cum fuerit prestitum > penitus non obstante. Item, protestor quod prestitum hujusmodi juramentum [p. iii-224][col. a] dicta et quacumque alia prerogativa juribus et libertatibus ecclesie Cantuarien' predicte, ac sacrosancte Romane ecclesie, necnon tocius ecclesie Anglicane, dignitate quoque mea metropolitica, meisque statu, ordine et conscientia in omnibus semper salvis, et non aliter, nec alio quovis modo, nisi protestacionibus hiis premissis, presto juramentum hujusmodi, neque juro. In the name of God, Amen. I, William, by divine permission archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England and legate of the apostolic see, do openly and publicly protest in these writings as is contained below. First, that whereas each and every archbishop of Canterbury of successive ages, and from and throughout time immemorial, were, and I in my time have been and am, by the special prerogative of the church of Canterbury, equally free and immune, as am I equally free and immune, from taking any oath; whensoeever my said predecessors attended, frequented, or laid claimed to attend, and as I have attended or claimed and do claim, being here present, royal parliaments or councils, general, special or secret; so that by none inferior to our lord the high pope and the apostolic see could or ought they, nor could nor ought I, nor can nor ought I, be compelled or otherwise constrained to take any oath, on such occasion or presence of this kind. I protest that the oath which is now demanded from me, out of reverence for our lord the king, and at the request of the nobles and magnates and lords, and also of the commons of the realm here present, if I so take it, that the taking of the said oath by me shall not in turn prejudice the said prerogative nor any other prerogative of the aforesaid church of Canterbury, nor diminish the same in any way, but the same prerogatives to me and my successors in perpetuity, and whatsoever else, shall remain entirely intact and unimpaired; so that at the end of the term specified in the royal commission made in the present parliament for all lords and persons, and for myself to whom I refer in particular, it shall be lawful for me and my successors as archbishops of Canterbury freely to attend whatever royal parliaments and councils, as well general and special as privy, henceforth to be summoned or held, by the aforementioned prerogatives of the church of Canterbury, without taking any oath, as said above; notwithstanding the taking of the oath by me when it was taken. Also, I protest that [p. iii-224][col. a] I will neither take nor swear the aforesaid oath, except saving forever the said and the other prerogatives, rights, and liberties of the aforesaid church of Canterbury and of the sacrosanct church of Rome, and also of all the church of England, and my metropolitan dignity, and my status, order, and conscience in all things, and not otherwise, nor in any other way, except with the aforesaid protests.
Et la dite protestacione faite et lieu en plein parlement, le dit ercevesqe fist < autiell serement come les > autres seigneurs avoient fait pardevant, tochant la commissione avantdite. And the said protest having been made and read in full parliament, the said archbishop made such oath as the other lords had made previously, touching the aforesaid commission.
[col. b]
35. Fait a remembrer qe le roi en plein parlement, devant le fyn d'icelle, fist overte protestacione par sa bouche demesne, qe pur riens q'estoit fait en le dit parlement il ne vorroit qe prejudice avendroit a luy ne a sa corone; einz qe sa prerogatif, et les libertees de sa dite corone feussent sauvez et gardez. 35. Be it remembered that the king in full parliament, before the end of the same, made open protest by his own mouth that he willed that nothing done in the said parliament should harm him or his crown; and that his prerogative and the liberties of his said crown should be saved and kept.
36. Cest parlement finist meskerdy, le vint oeptisme jour de Novembre. 36. This parliament ended on Wednesday 28 November.
This closing sentence is written in a different contemporary hand.

Appendix 1386


1 October 1386

(1) Grant to the abbot of Bury St Edmunds that any actions taken in the past which have prejudiced the franchises of the abbey (a number of which actions are specified) shall not be allowed to prejudice their franchises or be cited as a precedent in the future. Dated 12 December 1386. By king and petition in parliament.

Source : CPR 1385-9 , 245-6.


  • int1386-1. For the background to the parliament, see Saul, Richard II , 151-7; Tuck, Richard II and the English Nobility , 101-4. It is worth noting that the name 'Wonderful Parliament' was probably meant to be given not to this parliament but to the subsequent one, more commonly known as the 'Merciless Parliament'. The name comes from the tract written in 1388 by Thomas Favent, which opens with the words, 'Here begins the history or narration of the manner and form of the wonderful parliament (mirabilis parliamenti) at Westminster in the year of Our Lord 1386, the tenth year of the reign of King Richard the second since the conquest'. This sounds fairly unequivocal, but the title of Favent's tract is probably not contemporary, and it in fact deals very largely with the parliament of February 1388, barely mentioning that of 1386. It is also worth noting that it was the parliament of February 1388 which was described in Knighton's Chronicle (p. 353) as 'wonderful'. See also St Albans Chronicle 1376-1394 , 796.
  • int1386-2. CCR 1385-9 , 259-60; RDP , II.722-4, omits the names of William Dacre and John Lestrange of Knockin from the list of lords temporal summoned (see Powell and Wallis, House of Lords , 397); for the knights and burgesses, see HOC , I.164.
  • int1386-3. What follows is taken from Knighton's Chronicle , 353-88; St Albans Chronicle 1376-1394 , 796-806; Eulogium Historiarum , III.359-60; Westminster Chronicle , 166-76. A folio is missing from the unique manuscript of the Westminster Chronicle at this point, which must have included most of its account of the 1386 parliament.
  • int1386-4. HBC , 494.
  • int1386-5. Saul, Richard II , 160; St Albans Chronicle 1376-1394 , 798.
  • int1386-6. St Albans Chronicle 1376-1394 , 806.
  • int1386-7. J. S. Roskell, The impeachment of Michael de la Pole earl of Suffolk in 1386 (Manchester, 1984); J. J. N. Palmer, 'The impeachment of Michael de la Pole in 1386', BIHR , 42 (1969), 96-101, deals especially with the charge of failing to implement the 1385 commission.
  • int1386-8. St Albans Chronicle 1376-1394 , 806.
  • int1386-9. The Eulogium Historiarum , III.360, says that he was sentenced to perpetual imprisonment in Corfe Castle.
  • int1386-10. The protest of the archbishop of Canterbury, William Courtenay, at having to take this oath did not stem from any political disagreement with what was being done, but from the possibility that the public swearing of an oath might derogate from his prerogatives as primate of the English church; having recorded his protest, he then took the oath: Item 34.
  • int1386-11. See Item 18; Knighton's Chronicle , 372-88; Westminster Chronicle , 166-76.
  • int1386-12. CCR 1385-9 , 298-300; on the same day, copies of the schedule setting out the conditions under which the subsidies had been granted were sealed as letters patent and sent out to all the counties: CPR 1385-9 , 248.
  • int1386-13. For Beauchamp's appointment, see HBC , 77; for Richard's itinerary in 1387, see Saul, Richard II , 471; he did return to the south-east from mid-April to mid-May, but remained otherwise at a safe distance from Westminster.
  • int1386-14. For further discussion of the 'Questions to the Judges', see Parliament of February 1388, Introduction.
  • int1386-15. HOC , I.84.
  • iii-215-29-1. Parliament of 1385, item 32.
  • iii-215-31-1. Parliament of 1385, item 10.
  • iii-215-39-1. Parliament of 1385, item 10.
  • iii-215-47-1. Parliament of 1385, item 16.
  • iii-215-95-1. Parliament of 1385, item 11.
  • iii-215-110-1. Stat. 10 Ric.2 c.1. The statutes of this parliament are printed in SR , II.39-43.
  • iii-215-117-1. Stat. 5 Edw.3 c.3.
  • iii-215-117-2. Stat. 1 Ric.2 c.1.
  • iii-215-117-3. Parliament of 1385, item 39.
  • iii-215-126-1. CChR , V.305.
  • iii-215-128-1. Stat. 20 Edw.3 c.1.