State Papers, 1654: May (2 of 6)

Pages 273-285

A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 2, 1654. Originally published by Fletcher Gyles, London, 1742.

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In this section

May (2 of 6)

Mr. Francis Yardley to John Farrar, Esq;

Virginia, Linne-haven, this 8th May, 1654.

Vol. xvi. p. 84.

My brother Argol Yardley hath received many letters from you, with animadversions and instructions to encourage him in the prosecution of better designs than that of tobacco, but myself never any: yet the honour I bear you, for your servent affections to this my native country, commands me in some measure to give you an account of what the Lord hath in short time brought to light, by the means of so weak a minister as myself; namely, an ample discovery of South Virginia or Carolina, the which we find a most fertile, gallant, rich soil, flourishing in all the abundance of nature, especially in the rich mulberry and vine, a serene air, and temperate clime, and experimentally rich in precious minerals; and lastly, I may say, parallel with any place for rich land, and stately timber of all forts; a place indeed unacquainted with our Virginia's nipping frosts, no winter, or very little cold to be found there. Thus much for the country; the manner and means in the discovery follows: In September last, a young man, a trader for beavers, being bound out to the adjacent parts to trade, by accident his sloop left him; and he, supposing she had been gone to Rhoanoke, hired a small boat, and with one of his company lest with him came to crave my licence to go to look after his sloop, and fought some relief of provisions of me; the which granting, he set forth with three more in company, one being of my family, the others were my neighbours. They entered in at Caratoke, ten leagues to the southward of Cape Henry, and so went to Rhoanoke island; where, or near thereabouts, they found the great commander of those parts with his Indians a hunting, who received them civilly, and shewed them the ruins of Sir Walter Ralegh's fort, from whence I received a sure token of their being there. After some days spent to and fro in the country, the young man the interpreter prevailed with the great man, and his war-captains, and a great man of another province, and some other Indians, to come in and make their peace with the English, which they willingly condescended unto; and for the favour and relief I extended to the interpreter in his necessity, in gratitude he brought them to me at my house, where they abode a week, and shewed much civility of behaviour. In the interim of which time, hearing and seeing the children read and write, of his own free voluntary motion he asked me, (after a most solid pause, we two being alone) whether I would take his only son, having but one, and teach him to do as our children, namely in his terms, to speak out of the book, and to make a writing; which motion I most heartily embraced; and with expressions of love, and many presents, crediting with cloaths, dismissed him. At his departure he expressed himself desirous to serve that God the Englishmen served, and that his child might be so brought up; promising to bring him to me in four moons, in which space my occasions calling me to Maryland, he came once himself, and sent twice to know, if I was returned, that he might bring his child; but in my absence, some people, supposing I had great gains by commerce with him, murmured, and carried themselves uncivilly towards them, forbidding their coming in any more; and by some over-busy justices of the place, (my wife having brought him to church in the congregation) after sermon, threatened to whip him, and send him away. The great man was very much afraid, and much appalled; but my wife kept him in her hand by her side, and considently and constantly on my behalf resisted their threatenings, till they publickly protested against me for bringing them in; but she worthily engaged my whole fortunes for any damage should arise by or from them, till my return; which falling out presently after, I having by the way taken my brother in with me for the better prosecution of so noble a design, immediately I dispatched away a boat with six hands, one being a carpenter, to build the king an English house, my promise at his coming first, being to comply in that matter. I sent 200 l. sterling in trust, to purchase and pay for what land they should like, the which in little time they effected, and purchased, and paid for three great rivers, and also all such others as they should like of foutherly; and in solemn manner took possession of the country, in the name, and on the behalf, of the commonwealth of England; and actual possession was solemnly given them by the great commander, and all the great men of the rest of the provinces, in delivering them a turs of the earth with an arrow shot into it; and so the Indians totally left the lands and rivers to us, retiring to a new habitation, where our people built the great commander a fair house, the which I am to furnish with English utensils and chattels. In the interim, whilst the house was building for the great emperor of Rhoanoke, he undertook with some of his Indians, to bring some of our men to the emperor of the Tuskarorawes, and to that purpose sent embassadors before, and with two of our company set forth and travelled within two days journey of the place, where at a hunting quarter the Tuskarorawes emperor, with 250 of his men, met our company, and received them courteously; and after some days spent, desired them to go to his chief town, where he told them was one Spaniard residing, who had been seven years with them, a man very rich, having about thirty in family, seven whereof are negroes; and he had one more negro, leiger with a great nation called the Newxes. He is sometimes, they say, gone from thence a pretty while. Our people had gone, but that the interpreter with over-travelling himself fell sick; yet the Tuskarorawe prossered him, if he would go, he would in three days journey bring him to a great salt sea, and to places where they had copper out of the ground, the art of resining which they have perfectly; for our people saw much amongst them, and some plates of a foot square. There was one Indian had two beads of gold in his ears, big as rounceval peas; and they said, there was much of that not far off. These allurements had drawn them thither, but for the interpreter's weakness, and the war, that was between a great nation called the Cacores, a very little people in stature, not exceeding youths of thirteen or fourteen years, but extremely valiant and sierce in fight, and above belief swift in retirement and flight, whereby they resist the puissance of this potent, rich, and numerous people. There is another great nation by these, called the Haynokes, who valiantly resist the Spaniards further northern attempts. The Tuskarorawe told them, the way to the sea was a plain road, much travelled for salt and copper; the salt is made by the sea itself, and some of it brought in to me. After the Tuskarorawe could not prevail, but our people would return, he sent his only son with a great man his tutor, and another great man, and some other attendance with them; and when they came to the rest of our company, the house being done and finished, the Rowanoke with the Tuskororawe prince, and sundry other kings of the provinces, in all some forty-five in company, together with our six men, on May-day last arrived at my house. The Rowanoke brought his wise with him, and his son, to be baptized. It fell out happily, that my brother and many other friends were met at my house. The only present brought us was the turs of earth with the arrow shot into it, which was again solemnly delivered unto me, and received by me, in the name, and on the behalf, of the commonwealth of England, to whom we really tender the sure possession of this rich and flourishing place; hoping only, that our own properties and our pains will not be forgotten. There is no man hath been at a penny charge but myself, and it hath already cost me 300 l. and upwards; and were my estate able, I should hope to give a better account of my well-wishes to a general good. My hopes are, I shall not want assistance from good parriots, either by their good words or purses. Tuesday the third of May, the Rowanoke presented his child to the minister before the congregation to be baptized, which was solemnly performed in presence of all the Indians, and the child left with me to be bred up a Christian, which God grant him grace to become ! At their departure, we appointed a further discovery by sea and land, to begin the first of July next. God guide us to his glory, and England's and Virginia's honour!

Sir, if you think good to acquaint the states with what is done by two Virginians born, you will honour our country. I have at this instant no present worthy your acceptance, but an arrow that came from the Indians inhabiting on the South-sea, the which we purpose, God willing, to see this summer, non obstante periculo. I am lastly, Sir, a suitor to you, for some silk-worms eggs, and materials for the making of silk, and what other good fruits, or roots, or plants, may be proper for such a country. Above all, my desire is to the olive, some trees of which could we procure, would rejoice me; for wine we cannot want with industry. Thus desiring to kiss your hands, with the fair hands of my virtuous country-woman, the worthily to be honoured Mrs. Virginia Farrar, I humbly take leave, and ever remain, Sir,

Your true honourer, and affectionate servant to be commanded,
Francis Yardley.

For the worshipfull John Farrar, Esq; at his mannor of Little Gidding in Huntingdonshire.


A leter concerning the West-Indies delivered to mee by Mr. Farrar.

West-Virginia, or Carolina, taken 1654.

Mr. Yardley's letter to secretary Thurloe.

A letter of intelligence.

Ratisbon, 19/9 May, 1654.

Vol.xiv. p. 331.

The last brought nothing to me from you, that I can yet see.

Here all are satisfied of your peace with Holland; but some differences are said like to arise thereupon betwixt the United Provinces. You know best there what peace you have made, and how firm.

The great fleet you have, and additional forces, notwithstanding the peace with Holland, give occasion of much talk here: but no man can say what you will do with them, but attribute all to the protector's conduct, who, in truth, is very famous in all Germany. Yet do they not desist in Germany to assist R. C. in the manner I gave you in divers former letrers, of which you are to take notice: and that the person designed for Rome so often mentioned to you before, stirs not till September next; which is all of R. C's affairs since my last. Only I have to add, that the elector of Brandenburgh, the elector Palatine, and divers other princes, will endeavour to raise and soment divisions among the United Provinces, as time will let you see.

Here are great rumours of Scotland being in arms for their R. C. and some blows given to the English; but I believe not any thing of it, till I hear from you.

The emperor believed to depart from hence suddenly, after leaving all matters in a state of contentment; but here is an after-shot, which troubles him much; for the protestant princes and deputies will not sign the acts of this diet till they have equality of votes or voices; and do indeed threaten a war, if they have it not. And one thing is remarkable in it, that the duke of Bavaria, the emperor's sister's son, and also a Roman catholick, his plenipotentiary, stands firm for the protestant party against the catholick. So far is policy beyond religion, and ever has been in my judgment. The end of this, many curiously do expect to see.

We have from Alsace by the last letters, that . . . . . . . . . . and Mons. de Moiron, secretary to count Harcourt, . . . . . . . . . . . conference together, touching the court of . . . . . . . . . the said count Harcourt. But yet could not agree, by reason of the mistrust that the count had, that the court will never perform what is promised. Mr. Castelnau offers in the king's name half of what is to be paid, and the other half to keep, till that the count with his garison be out of Brisac; of which we expect the issue.

The Swedes have at last quitted the garison of Vecht; and it is confirmed, that that queen suddenly resigns the crown to her cousin the Palatine.

Your embassador's negotiation in Sweden is better known to you there than here. It is said how general Coningsmark is about Bremen with 1500 horse and 9000 foot, and no relief yet appearing from the Hanseatick cities or others.

From Poland nothing certain considerable at this time from, SIR,

A letter of intelligence from Paris.

Paris, le 22/10 May, 1654. [N.S.]

Vol. xiv. p. 98.

Yours of the 14th instant I received, signifying your desires. I can assure you, France seareth very much England and the protector's person. C. Mazarin has his picture in his chamber, being sent from London; but I think he had rather have his person. Our ministers there are slow, and now more unfixed than formerly in their letters to their masters here. This king, (I mean his instrument Mazarin) rather than war with the protector, will yield to any conditions; for now here are eleven agents from the Huguenots of France. Their negotiation favours of dangers, and astonisheth us very much, believing they are set on by your protector and the prince of Condé, who since eight days wholly broke off the secret treaty made here in his name, of which I did write to you formerly. In fine, we are environed with fears for all our ostents.

We have sent, but most secretly, to Spain for a truce, in order to a peace, or the peace itself; of which within a few days we expect account; but this is true, if Mazarin himself can be believed.

The duke of Orleans's eldest daughter, upon some discontents and some jealousies of court, is by her said father's command going to Avignon for some time. If the duke had not done it, Mazarin had.

The expedition of the duke of Guise goes on suddenly: the disguise thereof is for Naples, but no such thing designed in reality. Towards Lesida, and the coasts of Catalonia, they have more need to fear.

That which is said of a marriage to be betwixt the king of France, and the daughter of Portugal, is false; a mad motion was made of it, and heartily laughed at.

Count Harcourt's design for the Austrians is again spoiled, and he submitted the second time to this king upon agreement. So various are the humours of this nation, and so much in fashion, that no notice is taken of it in respect to honour or honesty. In fine, no certainty amongst them. Monday next this king goes to Compeigne, and after eight days to Rheims to be crowned. I shall go thither, and be betwixt the court and the army; and before I part from hence, I shall settle how I may receive yours, and you mine.

Prestons, senior and junior, are designed for the service in Piedmont, and Inchequin with his regiment for the duke of Guise's design.

O Sullevan Beara his brother is gone with a small vessel, with some arms and ammunition, towards Ireland; and if he cannot find any party stirring there, he will go to the Highlanders. He went from Nantz.

All the Irish officers here must depart the twenty-fifth of this month, very ill satisfied. And if it be true what is said, that the protector has, or will take off the transportation, and bear a respect to that nation, the least messenger from him, or in his name, will lead all them Irish here, whither he shall direct them, in despite of R. C. and his crew. I do not speak without book; for the protector begins to be, more than ever, either feared or beloved by all sorts.

Here is one you know, desires to go into England, yet disguised, and so to return, after one hour's conference with his highness; wherein he says, he will let him know more, than can be conveyed otherwise, and for his service in the highest degree. You may move it, if you think it sit. I presume he can give the greatest designs on foot with the king of France and R. C.

R. C. will be soon gone from hence, as I always told you, to Germany, and from thence, with what assistance he can, into Scotland, if the state of his assairs there be worthy of it. Saturday next prince Rupert goeth into his country of Germany; and still out with his R. C. and not three in all that council together, even in common charity; so that the assairs of R. C. are totally lost, for want of good council.

The late queen of England goeth to the coronation of this king, which solemnity will be at or about the sixth of June next.

I cannot give you any farther account of these armies, or St. Malo's business, than you had formerly; else you have enough at present from, Sir,

Chanut, the French embassador in Holland, to Bordeaux, the French embassador in England.

Hague, 20th/10 May, 1654. [N. S.]

Vol. xiv. p. 88.

My Lord,
I give you many thanks for yours of the 13th. The good reception, which had been made to my lords embassadors of this state, is some token of assurance to us, that the next post will bring us the subscription of the peace, whereof we shall have our part of joy, as having cordially desired the same to happen to our antient ally. I thank you, that you were pleased to communicate unto me the opinion you have of your negotiation.

All our eyes are turned and sixt upon you; and I can assure, that in these provinces, they do desire our agreement with as much or more earnestness, as any other thing next to their own. The fear of that great preparation, which his highness the lord protector doth go on with, doth seem to dissipate in regard of this state; yet a person well informed told me, that they verily believed, that all those naval forces are designed against Denmark. It is likely enough; yet I can hardly believe it. I hope it is not intended against France. Here are letters from Sweden, that will tell you news of the proposition of the queen to quit the government of her state to the prince. It is a strange resolution; all that I can tell you of it, being half a Swede, is this, that it is not the thought of a day, but a counsel premeditated seven years ago.

The reply of the commissioners of Friesland to the answer of the province of Holland, concerning the secret article.

Read the 21st of May, 1654. [N. S.]

Vol. xiv. p. 120.

The commissioners for the time being, on the behalf of the province of Friesland, having heard and examined all that was reported to the generality by the lords of Holland, as well by word of mouth as in writing, against that, which was exhibited by Friesland, cannot sufficiently admire, that all should be taken against their persons in particular, in regard, that they being commissioners must be considered to represent the province, from which they are sent in commission; and none ought to be of that opinion, that the commissioners have done any thing, or shall do, without the order and command of the lords their principals. That the lords of Holland do mention some admonition for the withdrawing of that writing delivered by the commissioners of Friesland: as to that your lordships ought to be sufficiently informed, what instances, kind requests, and several admonitions, which were made to the lords of Holland, as well by the said commissioners, as the other provinces, at the declaring of what is passed, but all in vain; so that at last they are necessitated to what they have done, without farther examining their said writing, wherein they do not find, or much less did think, to use any untrue depositions, much less invectives, shameless calumnies, and unchristian imprecations; but that they did altogether speak the language of the lords their principals resolutions, set down in such terms, as have been formerly used by the lords of Holland themselves, and conformable to the union; so that that, which is alledged in the writing of the states of Holland, may be sooner taken and accused for unjust, than that which is set down in that of the commissioners of Friesland; and instead thereof the commissioners did expect a clear and satisfactory declaration from those of Holland, to the content of all the other provinces.

The states general to the protector.

Vol. xiv. p. 110.

Serenissime & celsissime domine Protector,
Permulti hujus loci cives, atque hujus statûs subditi, pro debitis serenissimæ reginæ Bohemiæ fidem suam interposuerunt, & quævis necessaria ad suæ majestatis victum & amictum suppeditârunt, non aliâ intentione & fiduciâ, quàm ut sibi ipsis ex residuis subsidijs majestati suæ ante hac in Angliâ (habitâ ærumnosæ fortis ejus ratione) concessis, & à parliamento reipublicæ Angliæ approbatis, postea verò ad certam summam redactis, adjectâ pensione annuâ, eidem serenissimæ, reginæ, à parente rege, ultra dotem solutam, in favorem matrimonii sui constitutâ, satissieret. At quoniam ob rerum mutationem memorata sua majestas prædictorum residuorum subsidiorum, & pensionis annuæ solutionem (prout nobis innotuit) tanto ab hoc tempore non est consecuta, ad eam extremitatem prædicti subditi sunt redacti, ut nisi tempestivè ijs succurratur, metuamus futurum esse complures eorum cum universâ familiâ, & omni fortunâ fuâ, in desperatam perniciem & calamitatem conjectum iri. Quocircà supersedere non potuimus celsitudinem vestram iterum officiosissimé rogare, ut pro fuâ animi generositate & benignitate, commiseratione erga prædictos subditos mota, media dispicere velit, ex quibus solutionem suam ritè possint consequi: eo ipso celsitudo vestra nos plurimum sibi devinciet; nec inter mittemus illud, datâ occasione, quovis officiorum genere referre. Quibus finientes,
Serenissime & celsissime domine protector, Deum opt. max. rogamus, ut celsitudinem vestram diu conservare & fæliciter regnare dignetur. Dabantur Hagæ Comit. die 21° Maij, 1654. [N. S.]

Hans van Wiscke.

Celsitudini Vestræ addictissimi boni amici,
Ordines generales Fœderati Belgij.

Ad mandatum eorum,
N. Ruysch.

Mr. Tho. Fauconberge to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xiv. p. 112.

Honored Sir,
It was not my happines to be at home, when your letter was brought to my house; therefore I crave your pardon, if these come not to your hands in tyme.

Sir, As touching the value of the farme of the subsidy of ulnage of the old and new drapery throughout all England, (except Gloucester and Bristoll) demised to Robert Lewis and Richard Blower esquires, in trust for the use of the lord Aubigney and his children, I conceive, that in tymes of peace, if it be well managed, may be worth 3000 l. a year; and if the newe drapery, which of late hath been much disputed and questioned, shall be thought sit to be confirmed and settled by ordinance of his highness and his councill, I conceive it may yield one thousand pounds a yeare more.

The committee for the revenewe in the yeare 1644. when the duke of Lenox and lord Aubigney were delinquents, did seize, sequester, and revive the profits of the said aulnage, untill the year 1647. when the lords house upon some application made there on the behalfe of the lord Aubigney's children, did order and declare, that the sequestration aforesaid should be taken off; since which tyme the said farme of the aulnage hath been managed, and the profitts thereof received, by William Hodges esquire (the aforesaid Robert Lewis and Richard Blower patentees being both deceased); and there is now in arreare for the rent of the said farm at 899 l. 2 s. 5¾ per annum, for three years and a half, ended at Lady day last, the sum of 3146 l.

Sir Richard Napper knight is farmer of the said aulnage in the county of Gloucester and Bristoll, at the yearly rent of 75 l. per annum, who is in arreare for six whole yeares, ended at our Lady-day last, in the sum of 450 l.

I doe not knowe what the value of this farme may be worth; I conceive it is not worth 200 l. a yeare above the rent.

And this being all I cann say at present in this particular, I take leave, and remaine,
11th May, 1654.

Sir, At your further service and command,
Tho, Fauconberge.


Upsal, May 12, 1649. S. V.

Vol. xiv. p. 574.

We have trisled here longer than was expected, one thing or other intervening to stop us in our career homewards; yet this day my lord embassador had his last audience, which was performed to him with the same state and order as the first was. This being past, after we have given some visits to the senators, we shall forthwith quit this place.

The Dutch resident had also audience this day, who will suddenly take his journey homewards by the way of Denmark.

On wednesday last the parliament here began to sit. It consists of four states, of the nobility, of the clergy, of burghers, and of the boors; and that of the nobility is diversified into three ranks, the gentry, the barons, and the counts.

The first thing, that was done, was the reading of a paper, declaring the reasons of summoning the assembly at present. Then the queen made a speech; which being ended, each state had chosen one from amongst them, to make a speech in their names to her majesty, beginning at the nobility, and descending in order to the boors; each one, after he had done, kissing her majesty's hand: besides which, nothing was done at that meeting.

The prince royal is expected here on tuesday next, who is to have a pompous reception; the queen, and all the senators and nobility, purposing to go forth on horseback to meet him, and to conduct him to his lodgings, which are made ready for him at the castle, and are the same which the queen herself formerly had.

Extract out of the secret register of the resolutions of the lords states of Holland, friday, the 22d of May, 1654. [N. S.]

Vol. xiv. p. 124.

The raedt pensionary hath reported to the assembly, that the lords commissioners of the province of Guelderland this morning moved the generality, whether the lords embassadors in England, as being in the service, and sworn to their H. and M. lordships, should not be ordered by a letter in writing, to give notice and acquaint their lordships with what hath been resolved (as far as they know) by the province of Holland, concerning the lord prince of Orange; and that they be ordered to send over copies of those resolutions, which have been sent unto them from the said states. Whereupon, being debated, it is thought fit and understood, that there shall be endeavours used, to make those of Guelderland to know, that the lords in commission of their lordships are only obliged to give an account to them in a business, which doth concern the generality, and not in other affairs; and that therefore the said lords commissioners of Guelderland are desired to desist from making any farther instances about their said proposition; and in case they cannot be persuaded to it, then their lordships are resolved to take some farther resolution therein.

H. V. Beaumont.

Resolutions of the lords states of Holland and West-Friesland.

Vol. xiv. p. 128.

The states of Holland and West-Friesland, having examined and considered a certain writing, tending to the detriment of their noble and great mightinesses, delivered in the assembly of their high mightinesses, by the lords the deputies of Friesland, and caused to be recorded in the register of the generality, on the 18th of this instant, after previous mature deliberation, have particularly observed, that the said writing doth generally charge the province of Holland and West Friesland with the breach of the union made in the year 1579; also with an inclination and design to encroach on the sovereignty and liberty of the other provinces, by endeavouring to exercise a superiority over them. Therefore they have thought it good and nccessary, in order to remove all the abusive impressions conceived by the said lords of Friesland, and others, who perhaps may harbour such-like thoughts, to declare with sincerity and uprightness hereby, that their noble and great mightinesses have never had the least thought, at any time whatsoever, to do or act the least thing, which any ways might be contrary to the said union, or be an obstacle to the same; nor also in any manner whatsoever to encroach on the pre-eminence, sovereignty, and liberty of any one particular province, much less to aspire to any superiority over the same; but on the contrary have been always resolved, and will constantly continue, to cultivate and maintain the said union most sacredly; and also to help, assist, and defend every particular province, their members, and the private inhabitants thereof, pursuant to the said union, in their respective privileges, liberties, and right, and especially in their sovereignty and independing government, by all just and requisite means, nay, if needful, with their very lives and fortunes; as their noble and great mightinesses do reciprocally expect and hope for on their side likewise from the other allied provinces. Done at the Hague, the 22d of May, 1654. [N. S.]

By the command of the said states.

(Signed) H. Beaumont.

A paper of the Swedish resident to the states general.

Vol. xiv. p. 136.

The under-written resident of Sweden having understood by common report, as if their lordships had taken into deliberation, to send some armed soldiers towards her majesty's and his most gracious queen's dukedom of Bremen, for the relief of the city of Bremen, at least that their lordships were desired and solicited for it; he is so much relying upon their lordships wisdoms, that their lordships will not begin to meddle with any thing, which might give or occasion any offence in the sacred and observed amity and alliance, which there is and remaineth between her majesty and their H. and M. lordships. Therefore this is done for the preventing of discontents, which might arise from the sending of the said soldiers; and humbly to offer to their lordships considerations, that it would be very strange news to her majesty, to hear that your lordships were sending soldiers towards her territories, as it would be the same likewise to your lordships, in case you should hear, that her majesty were sending of armed soldiers towards your dominions. Her majesty doth pretend no more against the said city of Bremen, than what doth belong to her ipso jure; so that in case their lordships be abusively informed of the contrary, as these false reports do seem to imply, the said resident doth believe, that their H. and M. lordships, before they resolve upon any thing, which might give occasion of discontent, will be pleased to pre-advertise her majesty beforehand, according to the said alliance. And the said resident humbly desires, that their lordships will be pleased to take this his good intention into consideration; and in case these reports have any ground, to give him notice and communication thereof; and as it tends to the preservation of the mutual good correspondence and neighbourhood, so likewise he doth expect hereupon their lordships good and speedy resolution, to be able to give her majesty sufficient information thereof. Done at the Hague, the 22d of May, 1654.

Read the 23d May, 1654. [N. S.]

Whitelocke, embassador in Sweden, to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xiv. p. 132.

On saturday walking in the wood, the Dutch resident came to me, with whom I had much discourse; and in going home, he went with me into my coach, and two of his gentlemen with him. I brought him to his house, into which he perswaded me to enter. My followers were entertained in the next chamber with much civility. I perceived by his discourse, that he is not at all satisfyed by his staying here.

On the Lord's day, Mr Bloome and Mr Geeres, the rich merchant of Sweden, dined with mee; and on monday at dinner tyme, the master of the ceremonies came to mee from the queene, and told mee, that shee had resolved, I should have publique audience on the next day, to take my leave of her; and I expressing some trouble, that her majesty had deferred itt soe long, he excused itt, by reason of the great affaires, which her majesty had with the parliament now assembled.

After dinner, grave Erick Oxenstierne and Mons. Lagerfeldt came to mee, and wee had a long debate on the Guinea bussinesse. Wee read a paper in French, by way of answere to the complaints of the English, and another to the same effect in Latin; and by both denied the allegations of the English. Whereupon I instanced the proofs, which were taken upon oath. I then told them, the English proved the affirmative; but they said, that the Swedes had complaints to make against the English, which were also to be proved by oath in the affirmative, and that in such case the persons or their procurators ought to appear before the ordinary and competent judges; which would require much time; but being to treat with me as ambasador, they propounded, that there should be an abolition of all injuries past, both of one side and the other; and that there might be a good agreement, friendship, and free trassique for the time to come. I answered them, that it was necessary for the time to come; but that it was not satisfaction for what was passed; and that I had neither power nor instructions from my lord protector, nor the Guinea company, to determine that bussiness, but that I might, according to the publick agreement between us, consent, that it may be remitted to the determination of commissioners; and to that purpose they produced a writing, where was mentioned, that all the houses and possessions of either part should continue in the same state for the time to come, that they were in at present. To which I would not consent, because thereby I might give away the right of the English merchants, and acknowlege they had no cause to complain; but rather upon their complaint I demanded satisfaction and reparation for injuries. They thereupon said, that the bussiness should be decided before judges, and the witnesses of both sides heard. They farther insisted, that the houses and possessions should continue in the same condition, in which they were at present; which I would not agree to, and so we broke off.

Tuesday the Danish ambasador sent his secretary, to thank me for the favour, which he received from me yesterday, in sending one of my servants to salute him, and to congratulate the good news of the agreement between England and Holland, wherein the king his master was comprised. He also told me, that the confirmation of it was come to his master, both by Holland and Denmark, whereof he was most glad; and that his master would have given him a visit before this time, had not he been indisposed by sickness. I said, that the news was also most acceptable unto me, which gave me occasion to send unto his excellence to congratulate with him thereupon; and that I would take an opportunity to visit him in person, when that it might not be inconvenient unto him. I thought fit to prevent him by sending to him, as I did yesterday. I was advised by the master of the ceremonies to send unto him first; others also of my friends here were of the same opinion; and I doubting of it, they replyed, it was the custom always, that the ambasador, which came last, sent first unto him, who was come before.

I inquired of the master of the ceremonies about the prince's coming, if it should be on friday? He told me, that the queen was not certain thereof, but that she intended to go on horseback with all the nobility to meet him. I asked him, whether it would not also be expected, that I should go to meet him? He said, no, because it would be after my last audience, when I had taken my leave; so that after that, it would not be fit to appear publickly, neither in any publick action, because it were to present myself again before them, of whom I had taken my leave. I told him, that after that I hope to have the liberty to see the queen: he said, I might in private, and other friends too. I told him, that notwithstanding that, I intended to visit the prince: he said, he expected it; and that it would be but a perticular visit. I told him, I hoped the prince would honor me with the same civility and respect, that he would shew to any other ambasador: he apswered, he would do it undoubtedly; and that Mr Chanut, ambasador for the king of France, whilst he resided in this place, had always given the upper hand to the prince, after the proposition to make him hereditary prince was once made, even before it was confirmed by the rix-dagh: but that Mr Chanut made some difficulty about it in the prince's own house, because he was not the son of a king; nevertheless, did it afterwards both there and every-where else. I told him, it mattered not much, whether he were a king's son, or no, being once declared successor by the rix-dagh; and that now the proposition to make him king would be made before his coming into this place. I asked him, after what manner he received and entertained Mr Chanut, and how far he accompanied him, when he took his leave? He told me, he received him at the door of the chamber, where they sat down together, and led him as far as the same place, and not farther; and he believed he would do the same towards me, and would shew me as much respect as unto any publick minister.

The next day the master of the ceremonies came to me again from the queen, and desired, that I would on the morrow see the sitting of the rix-dagh; that she would take care, that it hindred not my going from this place, because the prince was not to be here before next tuesday. I told him, I was sorry the prince came not sooner; but since it was her majesty's pleasure, I should not yet have my audience, I must submit to her therein.

On thursday about ten a clock in the morning, Mons. Barkeman came to me from the master of the ceremonies, to call me to see the manner of the coming to and sitting of the rix-daght or parliament. The French resident sent to me to know, if I went thither; if so, that I should do him the favour to permit him to accompany me. Whereupon I went, and called upon him at his house; and when we came to the castle, we were carried into a gallery at the farther end of the great hall, where were three chaires placed, in one of which I sat, and the French resident at my right hand, and the Holland resident (whom I found there) at my left. The hall was very large, and hung with rich hangings; and formes covered with red cloth on both sides; at the upper end was a chair all . . . . silver under a cloth of state, which was given her majesty by count Magnus de la Garde. Upon the queen's left hand, three steps below her seat, were placed five chaires for the five rix-officers; next whom sat the senators; next those senators, who sat on the right hand of the hall, sat the nobility and gentry, and behind the gentry sat the boores. On the left side the hall, below the rix-officers, sat the bishops and other clergymen; and behind them the citizens and burgesses. Before our coming into the gallery, the burgers and boores had taken their places; half an hour after came the ecclesiastiques together in a body; and a while after them, the nobility, conducted by their own marshall; next them the senators; then the rix-officers; and after them came the queen with her guard of partizans, in very rich liveries, ten of each side. Her servants, and officers of her court, followed her. When she came to her chair of state, she sat down; after which, the chancellor went and spake privatly to her; and then the queen rose from her chair, and made a speech to the whole assembly, to this effect: first, she gave them all thanks for their fidelity and obedience; and then told them, that she had made peace with all nations, and in particular with the English, whereby a free commerce and traffick was restored to her people, for which she gave thanks to God; and that, by reason the weight of government was too heavy for her, being a woman, she was resolved to quit it, and to resign her crown to the prince her successor. After she had done speaking, the senator Rosingam read publickly the propositions and reasons of the queen touching her resignation; which being done, the marshall of the nobility made an oration to the queen, in the name of the nobility; which being ended, the archbishop of Upsal made his, in the name of the ecclesiastiques; after him, the speaker for the burgesses, in their name; and lastly, a boor, in the name of all the boores; which being done, the several speakers went in order one after another, and kist the queen's hand. The boor, who spake on behalf of himself and fellows, went without any ceremony, and took the queen by the hand, shook it, and, being on his knees, kist it three or four times together, crying and wipeing his eyes with his handcherchief; he arose, turned his back to the queen, and went from her with as little ceremony as he came to her; which being done, the queen, smiling, presently arose, and went away with her company in the same order she came. I believe 'tis very rare to see a scene so full of variety, and so strange, as this was, that in an assembly composed of so noble and wife personages, (being almost a thousand in number) the principal of the nation, a young lady, should come in the midst of them, and to speak to them so handsomly, and to make a proposition of that nature, for which hitherto there hath been no precedent. Considering all these circumstances, and the behaviour of the boore, it was very rare; for without any ceremony he delivered his mind so freely, naturally, and innocently, that he witnessed by his tears his affection, and the love of those, whom he did represent. After my return from the castle, the French resident, Sir George Fleetwood, and several others, dined with me.

This afternoon my lord Lagerfieldt desired we might seal a little writing concerning the Guinea busines, about a reference of the differences between the merchants, to certain commissioners to be appointed in England; which is all could be done here at present, and I hope will be to the advantage of our merchants. In the evening Mons. Bealke, and Mons. Bannier, barons and senators, with the master of the ceremonies, in two of the queen's coaches and six horses, came to conduct me to my last audience. There was a very great appearance in the chamber where the queen was, and the greater because the rix-date is now sitting. The rix-admiral and the rix-chancellor were present to do me a particular grace, as I understood by my lord Lagerseldt. I spake in English, and M. de la March enterpreted to the queen in French. The copies of my speech in English, signed by me, and in Latin, which I delivered to the queen, you will receive herewith. She presently answered me in Swedish, which my lord Lagerseildt interpreted in Latin to this effect; that she received very great contentment in the affection and respect of my lord protector towards her, manisested in sending an extraordinary ambassador to her, and a person of my condition, by whose conversation she had received much satisfaction; and she had as much affection and respect for my lord protector, as for any person whatsoever, and thought the people very happy, who lived under his government; that no man deserved his honor better than he had done, to whom she wished (and doubted not but he would continue in) all prosperity; that she thought herself very happy in making an alliance with him, before the resignation of her government; and as it was very acceptable to her and her people, she presumed it would be to my lord protector and to the commonwealth of England; and that it would be to the mutual good of both; that although she was shortly to resign her government, yet she would always continue a firm and affectionate friend to my lord; and those, who were to succeed her, would be very desirous and careful to continue the amity betwixt the two nations, and not to do any thing contrary thereunto, as she hoped would likewise be observed on my lord protector's part; that she was sorry the place could not afford accommodations and entertainment worthy of such an ambassador, as he had sent to her, which she desired I would excuse, and impute what was wanting to the place, and not to her respects to my lord; that she did heartily wish the continuance of my company here in respect of her own contentment; but since it was my desire to return home, she wished me a happy voyage, and a safe arrival in England; and desired that I would present her respects unto my lord, and let him know from her, that she did heartily wish all happines to himself, and to the commonwealth of England.

After her majesty's answer was ended, we had a little discourse together in French; and I desired her to do my sons and the other gentlemen the honor to permit them to kiss her hands, which she willingly did to all the gentlemen of my table. After that ceremony, we had some other discourse together in French; and her majesty desired me to come to her in private before my going away, which I promised to do; and so took my leave of her. Most of the nobility were present, and a very great audience, as hath been known upon the like occasion. After I was returned home, the Dutch resident had his audience likewise to take his leave, and was brought in the worst of the two coaches sent for me. I believe he stays only for the prince's coming, as I do; and within a few days after, we shall both go from hence.

Sir, I most heartily thanke you for your reall favours and kindnes to me in England, as well as your care of me heere. I understand by my friends, and find it by myselfe, that you have dealt with me like a brother, and I shall be a faithfull friend to you as long as I live, and doe much desire the contracting of such a friendship with you. I received your letters by the Swedish ship, the Golden Falcon, and those of the 13th of April, and of the 21st of April, which were opened by the way, I believe by the Lorreiners; but I shall inquire farther of it. I am extreme glad of the company of my old friend and brother Widderington (fn. 1); and truely my lord hath shewed himself very noble and favourable to me in my absence, and hath perpetually obliged me. I looke upon it as a great testimony of the goodness of God to me, that I having concluded the treaty here, before I received his highnesse last instructions, yet I found that I have done the same things, which by those instructions were commanded, before the instructions were received by me. I doe strangely long for my returne, and hope to find some of your ships at Hambrough ready to transport me to England.

Upsale, May 13. 1654.

Your most affectionate friend to serve you, B. Whitelocke.

I have forborne to trouble my lord St. John with any letters, but only with the presentment of my service, because I heare, (and am sorry for it) that he continues yett ill.

The Dutch embassadors in England to the states general.

H. and M. Lords,

Vol. xiv. 140.

My Lords,
The merchants of the East-India company here have several times desired us, that we would sign an act for their use, whereby the conclusion and publication of the peace might be shewn and opened to those, whom they may meet withal upon the way, that would incommode their ships. And because it is a new thing, and that we do not know what there may be further in it, we have still declined it; and we were this day again earnestly desired to do the same by them in the name of the lord protector; whereupon we undertook to write to your lordships; and if you should think fit, whether we should sign any such act for their use, or whether your lordships would be pleased to provide therein yourselves for the ships of the East-India company, whereof the Catharine and Jonathan are intended to set sail very suddenly, upon which we are expecting your lordships order.

23. May, 1654. [N. S.]


Bordeaux to his son, the French embassador at London.

Vol. xiv. p. 144.

My Son,
I have now received your last letter of the twenty-first of this month, with the inclosed to his eminence, who is very much troubled about your affairs; and as the whole matter doth depend upon the declaration, which is to be made by the English, so likewise no resolution can be taken here, but all things are at a stand in order to your affairs. The cardinal is informed, that Cromwell doth but laugh at the propositions of Mons. de Baas, and at the offer of money; and that his intention is not conformable to your thoughts of an accommodation; that the English intend to send twenty-five or thirty frigats into the Mediterranean sea, to traverse and oppose our designs of Catalonia, and those of Mons. de Guise upon Italy. You are to acquaint yourself thoroughly, as much as you are able, of the dispositions of the minds of the government where you are, and of their designs, without giving any certainty in your letters, or writing positively either of the treaty, or of the contrary success thereof, or otherwise; that so they may not wholly rely here upon your advice and counsel, and afterwards blame you for the event and issue thereof, if affairs should not succeed accordingly. Therefore represent only the state of affairs, without assurance than what you know. This I write to you for a reason that I know; let your comrade act and write at large, if he pleaseth.

Paris, 26. May, 1654. [N. S.]

Bradshaw, resident at Hamburgh, to secretary Thurloc.

Vol. xiv. p. 180.

I have yours of the fifth current, with the inclosed for my lord Whitelocke, which I have sent to lye ready for him at Lubeck, where his lordship is daily expected. I thank you for the articles of peace; they give much satisfaction, that the act of shippinge is entirely preserved by them, though the Dutch would have it otherwise understood, because they may freely bringe in what goods they please; but whilst they conforme to our lawes, and that act stands unrepealed, they are sufficiently restrained. This people are extremly well pleased with his highnesse in his favourable admittinge the Hans townes, whom their malicious neighbours would have excluded the treatie. I presume the shipp David of Newcastle, Mr. George Swaddell, with the masts, will be arrived ere theise come on. The states adventure in her was not so considerable, as to stay her heere upon demurrage. The merchants, who had loaden her full of peece-goods betwixt decks to helpe pay freight, desired she might not be stayed after other shipps, which departed for England, upon notice of the publication of the peace. I wrote you more at large by the ship, which goes consigned to one Mr. Richard Basse, a merchant in London, whom I have ordered to pay the fraight, and have furnished him wherewith. Hee will waite on you for your order how to dispose of the masts. I shall not further detayne you, but to prosesse myselfe, Sir,
Hamber. 16. May, 1654.

Your humble servant,
Richard Bradshaw.

Articles to be regulated between the guardians of his highness [the prince of Orange.]

Vol. xiv. p. 256.

1. In order to menage the revenues of the prince, and to pay of the creditors the sooner, quære, Whether the charges for the education and maintenance of the prince during his minority could not be reduced to a less expence, than what they are now ?

II. If the present great charges can be continued?

III. Whereas not only the administration of the estates, but also the education of the ward, is intrusted to the guardians jointly; quære, If it be enough, and if it can be answered for, that after the example of other illustrious houses, the guardians do not appoint a governess about the person of the prince?

IV. If the same, as likewise all the other persons, that are appointed, or still to be appointed, about his highness's person, ought not to be inhabitants, and of the resormed religion?

V. If the same ought not to be named and authorized by the guardians, and also to swear to be faithfull to the prince, and obedient and responsible to the joint-guardians?

VI. If not the officers and magistrates of places, whereon some payments are secured to her royal highness as dowager, and where she has the disposal of places, do continue to be officers of the prince? and if they, being thus appointed by her royal highness, ought not have their commission, and be sworn in the name of his highness?

VII. How the affairs of Orange in that principality are to be managed with the best security to his highness?

VIII. If the prince as ward is obliged to bear the charges for the repairs of houses, that are appointed for the residence of the princess royal, since neither the marriage contract, nor the codicil, do make any regulation in relation thereunto?

IX. In order to prevent the tardiness of expedition of the council of his highness, and for the quickening of the resolutions of the guardians, which they shall happen to take, according to the circumstances of affairs, what means can be found out and regulated for that purpose?

X. How and by whom, in the absence of one or other of the guardians, those affaires shall be transacted, which cannot absolutely be decided by the council? and who shall sign the resolutions?

XI. Whether the princess royal, for and on account of the year, wherein the demise of the late prince has happened, ought not to enjoy her maintainance for a year and six weeks instead of six months and six weeks?

XII. Whether the princess royal ought not to be satisfied for the charges of law-sutes? and if not some interest-money ought to be payd for money left in the hands of the treasurer-general for the use of his highness?

On this 26th day of May, 1654. after sundry friendly conferences and deliberations, her royal highness for herself, as also in quality as mother and guardian of the prince her son, and her highness the princess dowager, as wel for herself, as by procuration for his electoral highness of Brandenburg, respective grandmother, and uncle and joint-guardians of the above-mentioned prince, have settled and agreed to all the foregoing articles in manner following:

As to the first article,

Having examined the list of his highness's houshould, they have found, that in relation thereunto the same cannot be very well reduced as to the persons and salaries appointed for them. Further, concerning his highness's table, as also his cloathing, the book of accounts relating thereunto shall be perused and examined; whereupon such regulations shall be made, as shall be found requisite.

As to the second article,

After having heard the advice of the lords the arbitrators, it is resolved, that in consideration of the incumbrances, wherewith the domains are clogged, the high offices and employments shall be suspended, during the minority of his highness; and that the lords Schomberg and Deschamps shall not only be rewarded with a present, according to the circumstances, but also be assured, that the family will endeavour at all times, and with all possible marks of gratitude, to acknowledge their faithful services.

As to the third article,

Concerning the governess, the same is accepted and approved of, and a proposal has been made by her royal highness in favour of my lady Howard.

Concerning the fourth article,

The religion shall strictly be observed, as likewise the quality of being a native, unless that as to the latter, it should be thought fit not to insist upon, for notable reasons, and for the better services of the prince.

As to the fifth article,

The said officers shall be chosen by the guardians, and in lieu of an oath they shall be exhorted to be faithfull to the prince, and obedience to the guardians.

Touching the sixth article,

The officers of places, mentioned in the said article, are officers of the prince; but they remain, as for the rest, as they are.

In relation to the seventh article,

The affairs of Orange are to continue for the present, till February 17. 1657. every one of the guardians reserving his right, and more particularly, without any prejudice to the right, which her royal highness doth believe belonging to her abstractively, as well as to the government, as otherwise, which at any time, and whenever she pleaseth, she has liberty to claim, and to have it decided. In the mean while the subsidies shall be paid.

As to the eighth article,

Her royal highness insisting, that she, according to her liking, may resign and give back in the hands of the prince some of the four houses, bequeathed to her by the codicil, doth hereby declare, that she for the future will only keep two of them, chusing for that purpose, as yet, the houses of Breda and Honsholredyk, with this condition, that the same shall be sitted up, and furnish'd in conformity of the marriage contract and the codicill; and concerning the reparations, it is agreed with the concurrence of the lords arbitrators, that the necessary reparations of the said houses shall be made at the charge of his highness, and shall be laid out in the most frugal way for the keeping up of the gardens, woods, warrens, &c. in the name of the prince, by the council. But if her royal highness should be pleased to have any thing made for her diversion, the same shall be done at her own charges.

As to the ninth article,

Concerning this subject, the council and board of accompts of his highness shall be spoken with; whereupon, by the advice of arbitrators, such regulations shall be made as shall be thought needful.

Concerning the tenth article,

The guardians will give the necessary orders in relation thereunto, with the advice of the lords the arbitrators.

As to the eleventh and twelfth articles,

The princess royal leaves these two articles, for the present, as they are.

For the better confirmation, both their highnesses, together with the lords the arbitrators, have signed these presents, and caused two copies thereof to be made. Done May 26. 1654.

The protector to general Fleetwood.

[In the hand-writing of secretary Thurloe.]

Vol. xiv. p. 146.

By the letter I received from you, and by the information of the captaine you sent to me, I am sufficiently satisfied of the evill intentions of colonel Alured, and by some other considerations amongst ourselves, tendinge to the makeinge up a just suspicion, by the advice of freinds here, I doe thinke fit to revoake colonel Alured from that ymployment. Wherefore I desire you to send for hym to returne to you to Dublyn, and that you cause hym to deliver up the instructions and authorities into your hands, which he hath in reference to that service; as alsoe such moneyes and accounts concerninge the same, accordinge to the letter herein inclosed directed to hym, which I intreate you to deliver, when he comes to you. I desire alsoe, to the end the service may not be neglected, nor one day to stand, it beinge of soe great concernment to hasten it, to employ some able officer to assist in colonel Alured's roome, untill the men be shipped off for their designe. We purpose alsoe (God willing) to send one very speedily, who, wee trust, shall meet them at the place to command in chiefe. As for provision of victuall and other necessaryes, wee shall hasten them away, desireinge, that these forces may by noe meanes stay in Ireland, because wee purpose, they shall meet their provision in the place they are designed.

If any farther discovery be with you, about any other passages on colonel Alured's part, I pray examine them, and speed them to us, and send colonel Alured over hither with the first opportunity. Not having more upon this subject at present, I rest
16. May, 1654.

Your loveinge father,
Oliver P.

I desire you, that the officer, whom you appoint to assist the shippinge of the forces, may have the money in colonel Alured's hands, for carrying on the service; and alsoe that he may have what remeyns at Carickfergus, for the commander in chiefe, who shall call there for it.


  • 1. Whitelocke was appointed commissioner of the great seal with Lisle and Widdrington, on 5 April, 1654. Whitel. f. 84.