James I: October 1609

Pages 295-318

Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, 1608-1610. Originally published by Longman and Co, London, 1874.

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James I: October 1609

498. Sir Humphrey Winche to Salisbury. [Oct. 3.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 137.

Gives an account of their proceedings in the northern journey. Reports the promise of the agents for London to further the plantation. Tells of the arrival of Colonel Steward. State of the country people, and the proposed force to be raised for Sweden. Requests leave to retire to England.— Dublin, 3 October 1609.

P. 1. Signed. Add. Endd.

499. The King to Sir Arthur Chichester. [Oct. 4.] Philad. P., vol. p. 369.

Wishes him to give some ecclesiastical promotion to the brother of George Marshal, one of the squires of the stable; his said brother, who had borne some place there, having, after other courses of life, disposed himself to the study of divinity. If he (Sir Arthur) knows of any infirm bishop wanting assistance, or of any other ecclesiastical dignity which he shall think meet for him, he is so to provide for him.—Hampton Court, 4 October 1609.

P. ½. Signed at head. Add. Endd. by Sir Arthur Chichester: "Of the 4th of October 1609. From the Kinge's Matie, in the behalfe of Mr Marshall, &c. Re. the 17th of Februarie."

Also this further endorsement: "I praye you, my Lord Chancellour, and you the Lord of Dyrrie, or one of you, to call for the said Mr George Marshall, and retourne me your opinion tutchinge the man and his sute, and what you thinke fitt for me to doe in answer of His Matie's directions.—Arthur Chichester."

500. Sir Arthur Chichester to the Privy Council. [Oct. 8.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 138.

Sir William Stewart arrived at Dublin some 14 days since, and soon after came to the camp at the Cavan, from whence he (Chichester) dispatched him forthwith towards the Derry, there to expect the new levies, which he gave order should draw thither from all parts with all convenient speed. Wishes that the success may be answerable to His Majesty's desires, and that he may stand clear of ill imputation, when he has laboured to effect it with that earnestness and integrity which shall appertain to a matter of such public consequence, and to the preservation of his own credit. In the beginning and before the colonel's coming over, they were in exceeding great towardness and confident of success; but now in effect they feel that certain furies and firebrands of sedition go about to frustrate their designs by giving out malicions and incredible foul defamation of the same in many respects; by reason whereof he understands that idlers and swordmen everywhere (specially within the province of Ulster) now withdraw themselves into the woods, and some of them upon their keeping; which causes them on the other side to reinforce their endeavours, and to try some extraordinary means. Will, however, reserve the certificate of this affair to another time, and forbears to prognosticate of ill before the event; this overt objection they make, that they will not go into so far an unknown country with a man they know not. In order to help this, and to clear some other lewd suspicion they conceive, has permitted Lieutenant Samford (an English gentleman well affected by the people of Ardmagh and Tyrone), and some three or four other English officers (who were reputed of good credit with the Irishry where they dwelt), to try their abilities to levy men and to go with them. Finds now that these idle gentlemen of Ulster are all peers, and so jealous and emulous one of another, that they had rather be commanded by an Englishman they know and can affect, than by any of their own kinsmen. Must humble them in what he can. Three of the ships appointed to transport them are now at length, one after another, arrived at Loughfoyle, and the fourth at Carlingford. This last was driven thither by foul weather and contrary winds, after adverse fortune upon the coast of France, where she spent her foremast. Hopes to freight her away from thence with men of those parts, and will go that way himself to dispatch her, if it shall be expedient or needful.—Millefont, 8 October 1609.

Pp. 2. Signed. Add. Endd.

501. Sir Arthur Chichester to the Privy Council. [Oct. 8.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 139.

Commends the agents for London on their leaving. Recommends the care and charges of Sir Thomas Phillips.— Millefont, 8 October 1609.

P. 1. Signed. Add. Endd.

502. Sir Arthur Chichester to Salisbury. [Oct. 13.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 140.

The agents of London have seen and observed whatsoever may make for pleasure, profit, and advantage within the limits assigned unto them, and return (if they mean as they speak) full freighted with desire and reasons to draw on a speedy plantation. Is sure they have found all things here far better than they expected. Sir Thomas Phillips has been a host, a guide, and a watchman for them in all their travels, which has been as well a charge as a trouble to him; and which, added to his former services, deserves such recompense as their Lordships are accustomed to procure for those that bring so good testimonies with them. If the Londoners go through with the two cities, they must needs have the lands in which he is interested in and near the Derry, and other things about Coleraine, which are now beneficial to him; and what to demand in lieu thereof without diving into His Majesty's coffers, which he has advised Sir Thomas to forbear, he knows not;—inasmuch as these agents aim at all the places of profit and pleasure which lie upon the rivers of the Bann and Loughfoyle; but he prays God they prove not like their London women, who sometimes long to-day and loathe to-morrow. When they went last from him, they presented certain demands to which he gave them present answer, the copy of which he has delivered to Sir Thomas Phillips; and if they had anything else to propound, he willed them to do it, but they answered nothing here. Whereby he thinks they depart fully satisfied; and seeing they now so well affect the matter, he hopes his Lordship will take hold of it, and make a speedy conclusion with them; for the least trouble or storm that shall blow will alter them, as it has done others of whom he (Chichester) has had experience here. They affect something of his besides Culmore and the fishingthere, which they shall have, as his Lordship shall think fit. Now report and letters from thence tell us that the Lord Audley has a grant from the King of 100,000 acres in Tyrone, (fn. 1) which is more than the whole county is found at by the book of survey. He is an ancient nobleman, and apt to undertake much; but his manner of life in Munster, and the small cost he has bestowed to make his house fit for him or any room within the same, does not promise the building of substantial castles, nor a convenient plantation in Ulster. Besides which, he is near to himself, and loves not hospitality. Such a one will be unwelcome to that people, and will soon make himself contemptible; and if the natives be not better provided for than he has yet heard of, doubts they will kindle many a fire in his buildings before they be half finished. This out of duty, and for no other by respect whatsoever; for he affects nothing more than the reformation and well planting of that province in which he has spent the best of his time, and where the greatest part of his living is.—Melephont, 13 October 1609.

Pp. 2. Signed. Add. Endd.

503. Sir Robert Jacob to Salisbury. [Oct. 18.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 141.

Having, this last vacation, been employed as justice of assize into Connaught, in which journey he had occasion to visit all the parts of that province, he thought it appertaining to his duty to give his Lordship an account in what state he found that part of this kingdom.

In all that circuit there were not above two or three notable malefactors arraigned before them for any heinous or exorbitant crimes; the rest (and that but a small number) were for petty stealths and felonies. Traitors there were none, saving only in the pass betwixt Shrowle and Gallwey there lay some 10 or 12 rebels, who rob and spoil the passengers, and are relieved up and down the country secretly amongst their friends. Upon complaint thereof by the parties grieved, they ordered that they should recover all their damages against the inhabitants of the barony where the robberies were committed, which they find to be the only means to enforce them either to apprehend the traitors or to drive them out of the country.

O'Connor Roe and O'Connor Sligo (two of the greatest Irish Lords in Connaught) both died while they were holding their sessions at Sligo. O'Connor Roe has left divers sons, who are all good swordmen, and may prove honest or dishonest as occasion serves. O'Connor Sligo died without issue, and his land is descended to his brother Donnell O'Connor, who is a widower of the age of four or five and thirty years. He is to marry with one of the Earl of Desmond's daughters; he speaks English well; he was bred up in the wars in France, the people have a great opinion of him, and he is like to prove an honest man if his graffing [grafting] upon a crabbed stock do not alter his proper nature. The only discontented persons that he could hear of in that province are Sir Thomas Bourke and Mr. John Bourke, the Earl of Clanrickard's brothers, and Sir Tibbott Bourke, called Tibbot-ne-Longe, (fn. 2) who are malcontent about some private grudges betwixt them and the Earl, but they are able to do little hurt to the State as things now stand. O'Flagherty (who is lord of a great barren rocky country lying south-west from Galway) had lately built a strong fort in his country upon the sea, where is a pretty harbour for ships; whereof having advertisement, they demanded of him the reason why he built it. His answer was, that he did it only to have a safe house where he might be out of all danger of his enemies; and he offered voluntarily to raze and utterly to destroy it, rather than the State should take any offence at it; upon which promise to perform it forthwith they dismissed him; otherwise intended to have sent certain soldiers to have defaced it, for, if that fort were well manned and victualled, the country were almost inaccessible either by land or sea.

There are at least 2,000 idle men in Connaught who have neither house, lands, trade, nor other means, but live idly and feed upon the gentlemen of the country; and when the lords and gentlemen meet upon their parley hills, he is accounted the bravest man that comes attended with most of those followers. There are 4,000 of that quality yet left in Ulster, 3,000 in Leinster, and as many in Munster. These sparks are raked up in the embers for a new rebellion. These are they who fill the heads of the gentlemen with treason, and when they see a fit opportunity, they thrust them out into open action. The course that is now taken to send them away into Sweveland [Sweden] may do much good, and of there could be a colourable means devised to send away 1,000 more out of every province this next summer, they would be much the better able to govern those that remain. Many of these idle men are soldiers lately returned out of the Low Countries.

There is great plotting and private intelligence betwixt this kingdom and Spain and the Low Countries. Heaps of letters are sent hither from thence every day. It is reported that all the Irish who are in Flanders are to have leave to visit their own country. This is a matter of great consequence if it be true. There are 2,000 in the English Pale turned recusants since the last attempt concerning religion was given over, and there are a great number of priests sent over into this kingdom who are all lusty able young men, and go always well armed. Every gentleman has one or two in his house; Dublin and all the towns are full of them; masses in every other house; and the priests are grown to that height of boldness that they have wrought the people not to pray for the church nor for the King. It is to be feared that they will give them some sudden blow; now is the time, while they are secure and the King's forces small and weak, and (in comparison of what they should be) none at all. But whensoever the next attempt shall be made to bring them to church, it must be undertaken in a better fashion and per formed with resolution and constancy, or otherwise it will do more hurt than good.—Dublin, 18 October 1609.

Pp. 3. Signed. Add. Endd.

504. Sir John Davys to Salisbury. [Oct. 19.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 142.

Since they returned home from the northern circuit, the Commissioners for the Plantation have been scattered so that little has been added to their former labours, by reason of the absence of the Lord Deputy, who has ever since been detained upon the borders about the levying and embarking of soldiers for Sweveland; which business his Lordship found the more difficult, since, in order to give impediment thereunto, on the one side the priests of Ulster gave out that this was but a pretence and policy of the English to draw the swordmen out of the country, and that it was not intended that they should be put on land in Sweveland, but that, when they were put out to sea they should be cast overboard and drowned, every mother'sson;—on the other side, the Jesuits and seminary priests in Leinster and Connaught persuaded the people that it was altogether unlawful to go to such a war, where they should fight for a heretic and an usurper against a Catholic and a rightful King. Notwithstanding, my Lord Deputy, with his wonted diligence, has overcome the business; and he is now gone himself in person to Carlingford to see some companies embarked there, from whence he will immediately return to Dublin, and then will proceed to finish the remains of the main service, which he hopes will be made ready to be transmitted upon the end of this term.

Heard his Lordship, when last in England, wish for a book of the statutes made in Ireland, and thereupon he gave direction hither that the Parliament Rolls should be perused, and a new impression made, with addition of such statutes as, being fit to be published, were formerly left unprinted. This work was assigned to be done in this summer vacation, but their journey into Ulster took up so much time that they have yet found no leisure to peruse the records. Yet somewhat shall be done in it before the term. In the meantime he is bold to send his Lordship an old book of the first impression, the best he could get, and bound up as handsomely as our bookseller here can do it. Has also sent him a new book of Common Prayer in Irish, the language whereof, though it be strange and will need an interpreter, yet his Lordship of himself will make this interpretation upon it, that the civil magistrate here is careful (as well as the clergy) to plant religion; for Sir James Ley first set this work in hand, otherwise it had not been finished as it is.— Dublin, 19 October 1609.

P. 1. Signed. Add. Endd.

505. Lords of Privy Council to the Lord Deputy. [Oct. 20.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 143.

Directs him to send all the proceedings in the case between Moris Fitz Thomas Gerald and George Courtney, who are ordered to attend the Privy Council in Easter term next.— 20 October 1609.

P. 1. Add.

506. Sir Arthur Chichester to Salisbury. [Oct. 23.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 144.

Enters into the subject of victualling the army and navy; the fittest persons to be contracted with; 100 men may be well victualled for 50l. English a month of 28 days, and 1,500l. imprested will serve to furnish the places of most import for four months beforehand.

For contracts, the captains and constables of the forts, as they are men of ability, and as the safety of the place concerns them, will do it faithfully. If he would prefer others to contract for this service, there are here and to come over, four practised gentlemen who have entertainment by patent, to wit, Sir Robert Newcomen, purveyor-general of the victuals, with a fee of 10s. English a day; Sir George Beverley, comptroller of the victuals, at 10s. by the establishment; Sir Allen Appesley, commissary of the victuals in Munster, at 3s. 4d., and Thomas Smith, commissary of the victuals in Conna ght, at 6s. a day by the establishment, and another 6s. a day to the said Thomas Smith, payable out of the revenue for commissary of victuals in Tyrconnell; all which entertainments were given by letters patent before his (Chichester's) time, and are continued by His Majesty's special directions; of which one or more must be dealt with for the contract if that be his Lordship's pleasure. Wishes, however, that they should be employed (for the fee they receive) to survey the victuals, and that the captains and constables should lay in store rather than provide them; otherwise he doubts the charge of transportation, waste, and issuing will greatly exceed the price of the victuals itself.

Came hither on the 20th of this inst., where he met with letters from Sir William St. John, who is captain of the "Advantage." He reports his want of victuals, and demands 500l. English to supply him for the present.—Dublin Castle, 23 October 1609.

Pp. 4. Signed.

507. Sir Arthur Chichester to the Privy Council. [Oct. 27.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 145.

Has received a letter from the King, dated 8 July 1609, in which his Highness's pleasure is signified, that, whereas the traitor Tyrone at the time of his revolt had 200l. or thereabouts remaining in the hands of James Carroll, His Highness is pleased that one John Manwoode, His Majesty's servant, or his assign authorised, shall have warrant from the Lord Deputy and the Council to receive the said 200l. as of His Majesty's royal bounty. Before, however, he puts the said directions in execution, thought it fit to make known the state of that cause to his Lordship in particular, for the reasons ensuing. The said Tyrone pretended title to the moiety of the fishing of the Bann; and he, finding his title not good in law, and hearing that the whole river of the Bann was passed in fee by virtue of the King's letter to one Wakeman, who was in trust for the late Earl of Devonshire, Tyrone desired him (Chichester) to be a means to the said Earl that he might have the one half of it for 200l., in regard he had some claim to it. Wrote accordingly in his behalf to the Earl of Devonshire, who at that time seemed to be willing at his entreaty that Tyrone should have it, but died before anything was effected. After his death the said Wakeman (with the consent of the Earl of Devonshire's executors) sold that whole fishing and the rest of Wakeman's grant to James Hamilton, His Majesty's servant, with whom also at Tyrone's request he (Chichester) had speech about the same, and who was content that Tyrone should have it; but he moved Mr. Auditor Ware to be a means to the Earl's executors to yield him some other thing that he demanded in lieu thereof over and above the money Tyrone was to pay him; and thereupon he (Chichester) gave his word for payment of the money to Mr. Hamilton according to the agreement that should pass betwixt him and Tyrone; but (as he is informed) Tyrone soon after this delivered beeves to some of the garrisons in Ulster upon his direction, amounting to more than the 200l.; and he (Chichester) willed Mr. Carroll, then vice-treasurer, to pay him the overplus of the money, and to stay the 200l. in his hands, and to deliver it to Mr. Hamilton, which he thought had verily been afterwards performed, and the fishing thereupon made over to the Earl of Tyrone. Has now, upon receipt of His Majesty's letter in Manwoode's behalf, called the said Carroll and others before himself and the Council; and the said Carroll confesses that the money remains still in his hands, but says further, that he ever was and is ready to deliver the said money unto anyone that shall give him a sufficient discharge in law for the same. Mr. Ware also affirms confidently that, to his knowledge, nothing was effected before Tyrone's departure; yet notwithstanding, Tyrone, in the absence of Mr. Hamilton, entered upon the moiety of the said fishing the summer before he fled hence; whereupon it was found by office that he was possessed of the same at his departure, so that, if the bargain had been duly performed, the moiety of the fishing thereof had been in the King, and the money should by that means belong to Mr. Hamilton, who, being now in England, may be examined concerning the same by such commissioners there for Ireland as his Lordship shall please to appoint. In the meantime has made stay of the money till His Majesty's pleasure be further signified; for, if the fishing be the King's, then is the money Mr. Hamilton's, and may not be delivered to Mr. Manwoode. —Dublin Castle, 27 October 1609.

Pp. 2. Signed. Add. Endd.: "Recd. the 1st of Feb."

508. Sir Arthur Chichester to the Earl of Nottingham. [Oct. 27.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 146.

Sir Wm. St. John has arrived with letters. He demands 500l. for provision. Moreover, he claims the Spanish cannon of 1588 which were taken out of the sea near Dunluce, as being of his right, in virtue of his office as Vice-Admiral of Ulster.—Dublin Castle, 27 October 1609.

Pp. 2. Signed. Add. Endd.

509. Ralph Birchensha to Salisbury. [Oct. 28.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 147.

Hopes that his suit for his allowances to be paid in English money will be granted some other time. In support of his claim to this favour, states his diligence and his long and faithful services.—Dublin, 28 October 1609.

P. 1. Signed. Add. Endd.

510. Sir Oliver St. John to Salisbury. [Oct. 30.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 148.

Has attended the Lord Deputy in this last northern journey, and commends his great care and industry both in surveying the escheated lands of Ulster, and discovering the quality and pretences of the claimers of some part of it. The question of the Herenagh lands claimed by the Bishops has been the labour of greatest moment and most subject to contradiction. Dares not presume to preoccupy that which will plainly appear by the verdicts of the country; but cannot find that the Bishops anciently had or ought to have over the Herenaghs any other jurisdiction but spiritual, to confirm their elections, and to keep them in discipline by visitations and correction as often as they were found faulty in the duties belonging to their Herenaghs; nor that they had any interest or dominion over these lands more than an annual pension or rent, which was ever certain and might not justly be raised or altered; and that, howsoever length of time and the unfaithful degradation of those into whose hands they were first consigned have turned the true and original use of these charitable foundations into worse, they were undoubtedly the particular patrimony of the parish churches; for there is no parish church in Ulster but is built upon the Herenagh lands, and has an Herenagh belonging unto it. Nevertheless, as the case now stands with these lands, they are in the King's power to dispose; and the provision for the particular parish churches, being now ruined and wasted, is that which is most worthy of consideration in the disposing of them, which otherwise will hardly be framed into a competency to give maintenance to a worthy ministry.

The pretences of the natives have been many and their expectations equal, but the Lord Deputy, who is best acquainted with their qualities and merit, can best propound such allotments as shall give the best of them reasonable contentment.

The levy of the 1,000 men for Sweden came very seasonably to give a better passage to the plantation in general; and indeed the invention was very good, for it has discovered a possibility to compel those that live idly and unprofitably here to be transported into foreign countries, and will cause those who remain behind to learn to labour, in order to free themselves from such a just punishment.

The project of the Londoners for building Derry and Coleraine, if it succeed, will no doubt bring forth an effect of profit and security, the building of towns being the most necessary bridles for these countries. Their agents are gone back, it seems, well contented. If it go forward and be succeeded by other corporations in England, who may find as good places as those to set down in, it will be a means of a more speedy reduction of this people to order and civility.— Dublin, 30 October 1609.

Pp. 3. Signed. Add. Endd.

511. Sir Arthur Chichester to the Privy Council. [Oct. 31.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 149.

After his return out of Ulster, made stay upon the borders, to countenance and further the design for Sweden, wherein he was in many ways engaged and stirred up to do his uttermost. After he had been at Carlingford and had given order for the manner of proceedings in all other parts of Ulster, came hither on the 20th inst.; since when he is certified that the three ships which attended at Loughfoyle are departed thence with 800 men; more than their full number. The other at Carlingford is now at length ready to set sail with her full proportion likewise. She had been departed thence three or four days since, but for a mutiny that was raised amongst them, in which they took prisoner a gentleman whom he (Chichester) had appointed to superintend them, took possession of the ship, slipped the cables, and let her run upon a shelf with intention to land and to escape away; but in effect a contrary wind set in, with, which some other accidents, detained them in the harbour until with forces of some of the next garrisons and with boats they were forced to yield themselves within 24 hours after. Has given order to take an exemplary punishment of three, four, five, or six of the chief actors, and has given money to the master to provide compasses and other like necessaries for navigation, which in their drunkenness and fury they had broken and spoiled. Further relation is left to Sir Thomas Phillips and the other London commissioners who were witnesses of the events. To endear this service to their Lordships, assures them that about 900 of these men were natives of Ulster, and such as troubled the quiet thereof. For example to other parts, he began with the levy out of Inishowen, from whence are gone 30 tall fellows of those that were in rebellion with O'Dogherty; the rest were cessers upon the Pale (under colour of being soldiers) or of the septs of the Cavanaghtes, Byrnes, and Tooles out of Low Leinster; and to speak generally, they were all but an unprofitable burden of the earth, cruel, wild, malefactors, thieves; and amongst them all, Oghie Oge O'Hanlon, son and heir to Sir Oghie; Arte Oge M'Brian, M'Arte O'Neile, Donogh M'Quin Oge O'Cahane, Donogh O'Mullan, were most notorious and principals, as being those that have ever continued in action of rebellion, from the first defection of O'Dogherty until now that they were taken in upon protection, and with assurance given to depart. If hereafter His Majesty and his Lordship shall think fit to make any more such levies here, it should be left to the Deputy to appoint the commanders, such as he in his knowledge and experience of them shall think most popular with this nation, and best able to perform what is requisite; for they will distaste and avoid all strange commanders, and especially when they are not able to offer them some token and pledge of utility for going into a country so remote, and of no good fame amongst this nation; otherwise it will require a greater stir and compulsion than is fit to be often experimented and repeated.

Has suffered Captain John Maisterson, an honest servitor of this country's birth, Lieutenant Sampford, and Aurient Throgmorton (both English gentlemen and of good credit and opinions with the Irishry of Tyrone, Armagh, and Monaghan) to raise each of them companies in several quarters, and to go along to command them; besides these knows not three more of their nation, of any quality whatsoever, that have been suffered to go in this expedition. They have taken few arms with them, and those such only as were their own, and taken out of the bogs and other places where they had hidden them.— Dublin Castle, 31 October 1609.

Pp. 3. Signed.

512. Irish Levies for Swedish Service. [Oct.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 149 A,

The names of some of the Irishry, being principal men, who are bound for Sweden.

Art Oge O'Neale.—Is nearly allied in blood to the Earl of Tyrone, was a special leader with O'Dogherty, of little discretion, of a mutinous and seditious spirit, and apt to undertake any mischief.

Oghy Oge O'Hanlon.—Is nephew to the Earl of Tyrone, heir to Sir Oghy O'Hanlon, lord of a great country, has forfeited his inheritance by entering into action of rebellion with O'Dogherty; of a malicious, stubborn, mutinous disposition, and without doubt a traitor in his heart, and will be ready to undertake any mischief.

These above-named have in their companies about the number of fifty persons of their kinsmen and followers who have constantly followed them in rebellion, and will doubtless partake with them any villainy their masters shall attempt, of whose names or ways Captain Sandford can give information.

Shane O'Quin M'Neale.—His father is a special favourite of the Earl of Tyrone's; himself of a good estate at home, puts himself into this employment voluntarily, and, as it is credibly reported, to make his passage that way to the Earl, and to inform him with news from his friends in these parts. He would be ensign to Art Oge, but that is presumed to be a colour.

Captain Neale Oge M'Art O'Neale.—Is of a sept of the Neales which has ever been in opposition to the Earl and his sept. His father served against the Earl faithfully in the times of war; himself and his brother were captains in the Queen's army against O'Dogherty and served valiantly the day he was slain; and he is verily believed to be a loyal subject to His Majesty and likely to prove a good and honest captain.

Edmond M'Kenna, Densleat M'Kenna.—These are brothers. In times of peace they ever lived as thieves and murderers, and in war, notorious rebels. The one is lieutenant, and the other ensign, to Captain Throckmorton; they must be well looked unto, for there are not two such villains in all the regiment.

Donnogh M'Quin Oge O'Chane.—Is one of the best of that sept; was a leader with O'Dogherty, entirely affected to Tyrone, of a disposition apt to undertake any treasonable course. All these, being 80 men of the regiment which were raised in O'Cahane's Country, will without doubt adhere to him in any villainy he shall attempt.

Donnell M'Art O'Mullan.—One that was a leader in O'Dogherty's rebellion, of special credit with those of O'Kane's country next to Donnagh M'Quin, and a notable rebel.

Shane O'Reyley.—This sept has been lords of a great country, and this Shane is the son of one of the best, who was a captain in Queen Elizabeth's time, was slain at the battle of Blackwater, fighting valiantly on the Queen's side, and has many friends and followers behind him that will be willing to follow him if they hear well of his usage.

Conn M'Rorey M'Mahoune.—A young man of good birth, nephew to M'Mahone, best of that name, who is married to the Earl of Tyrone's daughter, and without doubt firmly devoted to him.

Pp. 3. Endd.

513. Sir Arthur Chichester to Salisbury. [Oct. 31.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 150.

By this bearer, Francis Annesley, has sent over, as directed, Sir Neale O'Donnell, Sir Donnell O'Cahane, and Naughten O'Donnell, son to Sir Neale, as Mr. Attorney has direction to make known their crimes and to declare against them. Has delivered to Annesley a brief discourse how they have been proceeded with since they first submitted themselves in the late Queen's time, that it may be known they have been justly dealt with. If it be otherwise, it is better known to Sir Henry Docwra than to him (Chichester), and he doubts not but they will say something there; but he has said the truth for them and his own proceedings with them.

Sir Neale, as his Lordship knows, is a hot-spirited and a stirring man, uncertain and unreliable. Sir Donnell O'Cahane has ever been reputed a man true of his word, valiant but inactive as may be seen. The crimes with which each of them is charged are foul, but more probable against Sir Neale than the other. The boy has more wit than either of them. He is a prettier scholar, apt to learn and desirous to be put to the University; he was kept at Oxford by the Earl of Devonshire, and since the Earl's death he (Chichester) has kept him at the college near this city. He has done no harm, neither is he charged with any, but is as proud spirited as his father. Thought it his duty to let his Lordship know this much, and the other particulars of their accusation shall follow with the King's Attorney.

His Lordship's of the 18th inst. arrived on the 22nd in the morning, which was the speediest passage he has observed. Is glad his letters of the 18th of the last gave satisfaction. Imparted them to Mr. Treasurer, being directed to them both, and must leave it to him to give an account and satisfaction in money matters. Are in great need of money; for this summer's journey, in which they were driven to employ sundry men upon extraordinary pay, and the Sweden dispatch in which ready money was for the most part used, have taken up much sent for ordinary payments, which he recommends to his Lordship's consideration.

Has not hitherto made any allowance to himself for travelling charges, but by direction under the King's hand, which his Lordship has been pleased to procure him. Will not now begin, but prays his favour for a letter of warranty such as heretofore he has had.—Dublin Castle, 31 October 1609.

Pp. 4. Add. Endd.

514. Case of Sir Neal Garve O'Donnell. [Oct.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 150 A.

He stands indicted of sundry treasons; and his indictment consists of two principal parts:—

1. That he moved and incited the late traitor O'Dogherty to enter into rebellion, and that he laid the plot of taking the fort of Culmore, and of sacking and burning the Derry.

2. That, O'Dogherty being in actual rebellion, and Sir Neale Garve having been received into the King's army as a captain, became a traitor in three points, viz.: (1). In betraying the counsels of the army to O'Dogherty. (2.) In giving O'Dogherty counsel and advice how to decline the King's forces. (3.) In giving him comfort and encouragement to persist in his rebellion.

1. That he moved O'Dogherty to enter into rebellion and to sack and burn the Derry, is directly proved by eight several witnesses, viz.:—

1. Phelim Reaugh [M'Devitt], O'Dogherty's chief follower and counsellor, examined by Mr. Marshal, 3 August 1608.

1. That two days before the burning of the Derry, O'Dogherty came to Sir Neale O'Donnel at Castle Finn, where they held a council touching the surprise of the Derry. That Sir Neale encouraged O'Dogherty to that enterprise, and that, whereas O'Dogherty only purposed to take the King's munition and spoil the town, Sir Neale advised him to burn the town and massacre the people. 2. That after the sacking and burning of the town, Sir Neale sent twice for his share of the spoil. 3. That he promised O'Dogherty that he himself would surprise the forts of Liffer and Ballishannon.

Phelim Reaugh examined before the Lord Deputy, 8 August 1608.

1. That Sir Neale sent 16 of his own men to assist O'Dogherty in the taking and burning of the Derry. 2. That O'Dogherty promised to send Sir Neale all the prisoners that he should take.

2. James Ballagh M'Allen, a principal follower of O'Dogherty, examined 10 September 1608.

That upon the Friday before the burning of the Derry, he himself was sent by O'Dogherty to Sir Neale with letters and a message; thereupon he sent for certain woodkerne among whom Dwaltagh M'Gillduffe was chief; and when they were come unto him, told this examinate, "Here are the men ready to go with you, and this counsel I give your master; let him divide his men into three parts, one in the market place, one in the upper fort, and the third in the lower fort; and in any case let him not fail to take the storehouse; and being entered into the business, let him spare no man." He advised further that as soon as O'Dogherty was possessed of the Derry, he should send away some soldiers to take the Liffer, and that Sir Neale himself would go over the mountains to betray Sir Henry Folliot, and take Ballishannon.

3. Dwaltagh M'Gillduffe, a principal follower of Sir Neale, and foster father to his son, examined by the Lord Deputy, 8 March 1608[9].

That he being upon his keeping with other woodkerne, Sir Neale sent for him, and told him of the plot which he had laid with O'Dogherty for burning the Derry, and persuaded this examinate to go and assist O'Dogherty; which he did, and was with O'Dogherty when he took the Derry. That after the sacking of the Derry, Sir Neale sent a priest and one other to O'Dogherty for his part of the spoil, which by agreement was the one half of all that should be gotten; but when they saw it was but small, they refused it, and said Sir Neale scorned it, the rather because O'Dogherty would not yield him a share of the arms.

4. Rorie O'Dogherty, brother to Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, examined 26 March 1609.

That he heard his sister Margaret, wife to young O'Hanlon, and O'Molarky, the priest, say, that before the burning of the Derry Sir Neale told Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, that if he went to Dublin he should lose his head, and therefore advised him to be a rebel; and promised that he would give him assistance, and thereupon told him of the plot he had conceived touching the burning of the Derry and taking of the Liffer and Ballishannon.

5. Phelim Dogherty, a monk, examined 22 June 1608.

That O'Dogherty, before the burning of the Derry, sent James Ballagh M'Allen to Sir Neale for the men whom he promised for his assistance; that after the sacking of the Derry, this monk wrote a letter by O'Dogherty's direction unto Sir Neale, signifying his success; that afterwards Sir Neale sent a priest and another for his share of the spoil, who took a note of the principal things of value.

6. Margaret O'Dogherty, sister to Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, examined 2 March 1608[9].

That she heard her brother Sir Cahir often say, that Sir Neale Garve was the cause that he entered into rebellion, and that she knew that divers messages and letters passed betwixt them not long before the burning of the Derry.

7. Jo. Lineal, whom Sir Neale used as his secretary, examined 15 June 1608.

That after the burning of the Derry Sir Neale O'Donnell was upon his keeping, and did not like of any protection sent him, nor of any promises made unto him by the Lord Deputy's letters, but protested he would never come in, if he might not have his will for the country of Tyrconnell, with a general pardon for himself and his followers without any proviso; and that if he went out into rebellion, he was sure that there was not one man in the north, or in the most part of Connaught, but would join with him; and that they did but stay to see what course he would take.

8. The Lady O'Dogherty, Sir Cahir O'Dogherty's wife, examined 1 July 1608.

She verily believes that Sir Neale joined with her husband in the whole plot of rebellion, and she knows that after the burning of the Derry divers messages passed betwixt them; and she affirmed to Sir Neale himself, in the presence of Mr. Treasurer, that Sir Neale sent to Culmore for his share of the spoil.

All which treasons above mentioned were committed by Sir Neale Garve O'Donnell before he received a protection from Mr. Marshall.

2. That Sir Neale O'Donnell, after he had received a protection from Mr. Marshal, and was come into the camp and made one of His Majesty's captains in the army,—

1. Did betray the counsels of the army to O'Dogherty. 2. Did give O'Dogherty counsel and advice how to avoid the King's forces. 3. Did give him comfort and encouragement to persist in his rebellion.

These three points are also proved by eight several witnesses examined at several times, and discovering divers messages sent by sundry messengers from Sir Neale to O'Dogherty.

1. Dwaltagh M'Gillduffe, Sir Neale's follower, and principal actor with O'Dogherty in his rebellion till his death, his confession before the Lord Deputy, 8 March 1608[9].

That, after Sir Neale had been with Mr. Marshal, he sent one Hugh M'Cormick unto O'Dogherty (which Hugh was servant to this examinate) with a message to this effect,—that they should disperse their creaghts or herds of cattle, for the Marshal was coming upon them with the army; but that they should themselves stay and make good the Glynnes; for hat, if the goods were dispersed, the army would never attempt them.

By another message sent by the same man, he willed them to be of good comfort, for he was sure unto them.

Afterwards, O'Dogherty being beaten out of Glanvagh, sent Brian Ballagh O'Mullarky unto Sir Neale, to know whether he were sure unto him, as his message imported; he returned answer, that he was, and would join with him if he had arms for his men. "But," said he "Sir Cahir has deceived me of the arms he promised, and now yet must stay till I can get arms from the Marshal, which I expect to receive out of the King's store."

2. Teig O'Carvell, examined 6 October 1608.

The night before O'Dogherty fled out of Glanvagh, one Hugh M'Cormick came from Sir Neale to O'Dogherty with this message, that the next morning the Marshal, then lying in camp at Loughvagh, intended to give upon him with His Majesty's forces in three several places; and therefore he advised him to be gone with his creaghts and kerne out of the Glynne; whereupon O'Dogherty gave present order, that his creaghts should be dispersed and should go to Sir Neale, giving forth that Sir Neale had order to protect them; and O'Dogherty himself and his kerne the next day left the said fastness.

3. Brien O'Harkan, examined 1 June 1609.

That the day before Mr. Marshal purposed to give on upon O'Dogherty in Glanvagh, there came a messenger late in the evening from Sir Neale Garve to O'Dogherty with intelligence sent by Sir Neale, that the next morning the Marshal intended to give on upon the said traitor, wishing him to provide in time for himself. The messenger was Hugh M'Cormick, who was brought to O'Dogherty by Dwaltagh M'Gillduffe, and by him conveyed out of the camp again; and that thereupon after the night was shut in, O'Dogherty gave order for dispatching his creaghts. This examinate was present, and saw and heard all that he hath deposed.

4. Makenhy (sic) O'Morison.

Deposeth the same in effect vivâ voce, at the arraignment of Sir Neale O'Donnell.

The four witnesses last above named were all brought in to give evidence vivâ voce at Sir Neale's arraingment, who maintained the premises to be true in substance, with many circumstances which are omitted in their examinations.

5. Phelim Reaugh, examined before the Lord Deputy, 8 August 1608.

That immediately upon Sir Neale's submission, he sent two men to Sir Cahir O'Dogherty's camp with a message that he should be of good courage, for the Marshal's forces were very weak.

That, the same day on which the King's forces were to go to Glanvagh, Sir Neale sent two of his horsemen on foot to O'Dogherty to a hill between Loghvagh and Glanvagh, who told him that the Marshal was coming and was too strong for him, and therefore advised him to shift away; and that the night before, Sir Neale sent two men to Glanvagh, wishing O'Dogherty to shift away his creaghts.

Phelim Reaugh, examined before Mr. Marshal, 3 August 1608.

That immediately after Sir Neale had been with Mr. Marshal at Killadonnell, he sent a message to O'Dogherty, willing him to be of good comfort for the Marshal was but weak, and that he himself would join with O'Dogherty.

And that when O'Dogherty was in Glanvagh, Sir Neale sent unto him Shane Oge M'Brien Ivallie and Donogh M'Gilleglasse, advising him to disperse his creaghts, for the army had a purpose to set upon him.

6. Shane Oge M'Brien Ivallie, examined by the Marshal, 12 August 1608.

That when the Marshal lay at Loughvagh, Sir Neale sent Donogh M'Gilleglasse with a message, and this examinate as his guide, unto O'Dogherty, then being in Glanvagh, where Donogh had secret conference with O'Dogherty, and that instantly after their conference, O'Dogherty dispersed his creaghts.

7. Donell O'Dogherty, base brother to the rebel Sir Cahir; his voluntary confession, sent by him under his hand to the Lord Deputy.

That Sir Neale sent his cupbearer and another horseman unto Sir Cahir, advising him to leave the Glynne, for that the English forces were coming upon him.

Sir Neale also sent word to O'Dogherty that he did but stay to have some pieces from the English, which, when he had gotten, he would come to Sir Cahir.

8. Brien O'Quynn, examined before the Lord Deputy, 8 August 1608.

That Sir Neal, after he came in to the Marshal, sent two several messengers to O'Dogherty, advising him to shift away his creaghts; the messengers were Patrick O'Galchor [O'Gallagher] and Ferall M'Donell M'Mulcata.

And that he sent a message to O'Dogherty by Donogh M'Gilleglasse and Shane Oge M'Brien Ivally, that, as soon as he could get arms from His Majesty's store, he would leave the Marshal and join with O'Dogherty.

These treasons only which are laid in the second part of the indictment were committed by Sir Neale after he received his protection from Mr. Marshal; but because there is a limitation in every protection that the party protected shall enjoy the benefit thereof as long as he behaveth himself as a good and loyal subject, and no longer;—therefore by these later treasons he hath broken his protection and lost the benefit of it; so that now he standeth chargeable with all the treasons laid in the first part of the indictment, namely, the moving and inciting of O'Dogherty to enter into rebellion, and the sacking and burning of the Derry, &c.

The state of the cause touching Sir Donell O'Chane.

The points of treason wherewith he standeth charged are in number six.

1. He moved and procured Shane Carragh O'Chane, his brother, to enter into actual rebellion.

2. He gave direction to Shane Carragh, being in actual rebellion, to commit divers robberies and murders, and to take prisoners, which Shane Carragh did accordingly, and sent such prisoners as they took to Sir Donell O'Cahane.

3. He relieved Shane Carragh and his followers, being in actual rebellion, by receiving them into his house and participating of their spoils.

4. That he adhered to the traitor Tyrone after he had committed the treasons whereof he is now lately outlawed and attainted; and that he purposed to have departed with Tyrone and to join with him if he had returned with foreign forces.

5. That he sent a messenger to the Baron of Delvin after he was escaped out of the Castle of Dublin, with a message that he would join with him in action of rebellion.

6. That he sent divers messages to Brian M'Arte's son, Ferdorogh M'Owen's sons, named Gillaspecke and Randall, being then in actual rebellion, promising that he would join with them and assist them.

These points are proved by sundry witnesses.

The first point is proved by—

Shane Carragh O'Chane, his voluntary confession before the Lord Deputy, 14 March 1607[8].

That there had been some difference between Sir Donell O'Chane and this examinate, but about Christmas, after Tyrone's departure, Sir Donell sent for him and desired him to be friends and to run his courses, promising him a ballibetogh of land free, whereunto this examinate assented; then he willed this examinate to get as many men as he could, with arms, to strengthen himself against the return of Tyrone, and that in the meantime he should be upon his keeping.

Gilliduffe O'Mellan's confession, 15 March 1607[8].

That, Sir Donell O'Chane and Shane Carragh, his brother, being enemies, Sir Donell O'Chane sent for Shane Carragh and promised him that, if he would join with him in war or peace, he would give him a ballibetogh of land, advising him that he should gather together as many idle men as he could and arm them, and take meat and drink up and down the country, and so continue in arms till they could take some good pledges, namely, the Bishop of Derry, Sir George Pawlett, or Sir Thomas Phillips, who should be kept prisoners till they had made their peace or at least procured liberty for himself and his followers not to come to any sessions, till aid came out of Spain by the coming of Tyrone or otherwise.

Hereupon Shane Carragh entered into actual rebellion, and was afterwards taken and executed.

2. The second point is directly proved by—

Shane Carragh and Gilliduffe O'Mellan in their said confessions. Aveny O'Chane examined 29 June 1609. Patrick O'Donelly examined 15th February 1607[8].

That after Sir Donell O'Chane had moved Shane Carragh to draw idle men with arms unto him and to stand upon his keeping, he sent two of his followers to Shane Carragh, willing him to do all the mischief he could to one Patrick Roe O'Donnelly, and to take off his head. Whereupon Shane Carragh and his followers took certain mantles and aquavitæ, being the goods of the said Patrick, which they found in the house of one Jo. Rosse, but found not Patrick himself. The goods and aquavitæ they carried to Sir Donnell O'Chane's house, where they were received. But Sir Donell O'Chane was displeased with them because they had performed no greater matter, for he would have had them to take the Bishop of Derry or Sir Thomas Phillips prisoners.

3. The third point is proved by—

Aveny O'Chane and Dermot O'Chane, examined 29 June 1607. Gilliduffe O'Mellan, examined 15 March 1607. Manus O'Chane, brother to Sir Donell O'Chane examined 8 November 1608.

That upon Christmas day after Tyrone's departure Shane Carragh, being upon his keeping without pardon or protection, Sir Donell O'Chane sent for him to his house, who came accordingly with some of his followers. Shane Carragh remained with Sir Donell all that night, and four of his followers were sent by O'Chane and Shane Carragh to take away certain arms from one Patrick Clabb.

That these examinates, with others, being followers of Shane Carragh and upon their keeping, the next day after sent to Sir Donell O'Chane to speak with them in a wood where they lay all night, who came to them accordingly and carried them home. That after Shane Carragh and his woodkerne had taken Patrick Roe O'Connelly's goods, they went all to Sir Donell O'Chane's house, and were received by them and then made a new combination to be sure to Sir Donell in war and peace. That he was daily told by Sir Donell O'Chane's servants and all the country that Sir Donell maintained Shane Carragh in his rebellion, and received him and his crew and spoils into his house.

4. The fourth point is proved by—

Manus O'Chane, brother to Sir Donell O'Chane, examined 8 November 1608.

That albeit Sir Donell O'Chane and Tyrone seemed to be enemies, yet at the last sessions holden at Dungannon before Tyrone's departure, as soon as the commissioners were gone, he saw Tyrone, O'Chane, and one Shane O'Mullan, a friar, in private conference together, after which time they were good friends. And that upon that very day, when the Earl took shipping, this examinate met Sir Donell O'Chane early in the morning riding in post haste towards Culmore, where he desired to pass over the river, but could not by reason of the absence of the ferryman. And he was then told by one of Sir Donell O'Chane's servants that Sir Donell had that night late received letters from Tyrone.

This point is confirmed by the letters of Sir George Pawlett and the Lord Bishop of Derrie.

That this examinate, meeting with Sir Donell O'Chane after he had refused to come to His Majesty's commissioners, being often sent for, told him he did not well, and wished him to be better advised; whereunto Sir Donell answered that he would come to no Englishman till May-day was past, which was the day affixed by Tyrone for his return.

Shane Carragh, examined 14 March 1607.

That Sir Donell O'Chane never meant to come to the Lord Deputy nor any of the King's officers till May-day were past, which speeches he heard him utter very often.

Denis O'Mullan, examined 15 February 1607.

That the night before Tyrone's departure out of Ireland O'Chane said to his smith he would give 40l. his horse were shod; that O'Chane that night received letters from Tyrone, willing him to meet him the next day; and that the general voice in the country was that O'Chane rode to the ferry at Culmore to pass over and to go with Tyrone.

Hugh Duff O'Mullan, examined 15 February 1607.

That this examinate having obtained a warrant directed to Sir Donell to appear before His Majesty's commissioners to answer a bill offered against him, came to Sir Donell and showed him the warrant; to whom he answered he would not go to any English officer till May-day were past.

5. The fifth point is proved by—

Aveny O'Chane, examined 19 June 1609. Gilliduffe O'Mullan, examined 26 June 1609.

That the Baron of Delvin being escaped out of the Castle of Dublin, Sir Donell O'Chane took a mantle from one of his followers, and gave the same to one Donogh O'Chane, and thereupon sent him with a message to the Baron of Delvin, to this effect,—that he desired to know what course the Baron would hold, and that he would join with him.

This message was sent by O'Chane when he was upon his keeping and refused to come to His Majesty's commissioners, but the message could not be delivered because the Baron hid himself.

6. The sixth point is proved by—

Aveny O'Chane, examined 29 June 1609. Gilliduffe O'Mellan, examined 29 June 1609.

That Sir Donell O'Chane sent this examinate and his brother to Brien M'Arte's son, being in actual rebellion in Tyrone, with a message that he should come unto Sir Donell, and that Sir Donell would give him bonnaght upon his country if he would come and do what he would direct him; and willed the said Brian M'Arte's son to give order unto two Irish smiths in Killetragh to make 120 pikes and to send them unto him, for which he would make payment in money or cows.

Dermot O'Chane, examined 29 June 1609.

That when Sir Donell O'Chane was coming up to Dublin he met Brien M'Arte's son, being then in rebellion, upon the way, and talked with him.

Manus O'Chane's letter to Sir George Pawlett, 27 December 1607.

That Sir Donell O'Chane did at that time combine himself with the rebels named in this article.

Pp. 9.

515. Earls of Salisbury and Nottingham to the Lord Deputy. [Oct. [ ].] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 151.

Direct him to procure some person to undertake the victualling of the ships in Ireland, at the same rates as Sir Marmaduke Darrell and Sir Thomas Bludder contract to do it in England.—Hampton Court, [ ] October 1609.

Pp. 2. Signed.

516. Instructions for the Survey of the Derry Plantation. [Oct.] S.P., Ireland, vol. 227, 152.

Instructions by the City of London to their agents appointed for survey of some fit part of Ulster for a plantation, particularly the Derry and adjacent country, with the report of the said agents at their return:—

The viewers are required to survey what place is fittest to plant; to make a platt or map thereof; to report on its natural benefits and commodities, the nature of the soil, whether it will afford great quantity of fells, viz., red deer, foxes, sheep, lamb, coney, martin, squirrels; whether also hemp and flax; materials for building, and for building of ships; on the timber in the woods of Glankankayne and Killatrough, and what length and breadth; on the sorts of wood for soap ashes and dyeing ashes, and for glass, iron, and copper ore; on other sorts of wood, as pipe staves, hogshead staves, hoop staves, clapboard staves, wainscot, and such like; on the commodities of the sea and river, and the depth of the harbour; how near to the Derry the road of Portrush and Loughswilly is, and what kind of road it is; the sea fishing; the store of train oil, of seals or other fish; the sea-fowl; the store of fish in the rivers; whether there be any store of pearls upon the coast, especially within the river of Loughfoyle, and of what value; the fitness of the coast for traffic with England and Scotland, and for supply of provision from and to them; and whether it lies open and convenient for Spain and the Straits, and fittest and nearest for Newfoundland.

The answer returned by the viewers who have lately been at the Derry in Ireland, to the several instructions and directions to them given concerning the intended plantation there to be made:—

For situation whereon to inhabit and plant, they conceive none more fitting than the Derry, being the likeliest place for safety of the inhabitants; a very commodious harbour for all sorts of shipping, lying also convenient for transportation of all land commodities.

For the other, the abbey of Colrayne is the fittest, as well in respect of the natural condition of the place for defensive fortification, as also for the goodness of the air and the fruitfulness of the lands adjacent.

The places are sufficiently furnished with springs, brooks, and rivers, and sundry shrubby wood grounds, but much wasted, and plenty of good and wholesome turf to supply the want of other fuel.

The said country is most fit for breeding of all kind of cattle, as horses, mares, kine, goats, sheep, hogs, &c., the kine as fair and likely as the ordinary cattle of England. Swine are there both plentifully bred and fed. The land is apt for all kind of husbandry, and where it is well manured yields increase answerable to the ordinary sort of lands in England, will produce store of butter, cheese, tallow, hides, all sorts of grain, as wheat, barley, beare, oats, &c. and also of madder, hops, wood, coal, rape, hemp, flax, &c. There is store also of red deer, foxes, sheep, lambs, conies, martins, otters, squirrels, &c., the prices of each being, viz., red deer at 2s., foxes, 20d., sheep fells at 4d., martins and otters at 4s. per piece, lamb, coney, and squirrels of small or no value.

In the woods of Glankankayn and Killatrough are great store of goodly oaks, fit for all manner of building, ash also, with elm of great bigness. The country in every place is plentiful of stone, apt for any uses; clay and sand in divers places thereof for making brick and tile; limestone is there also in great abundance, and in the river of Loughfoyle great and plentiful shoals or sheaves whereof the inhabitants for the more easy charge make a sort of good lime. There is also a sort of slate, but not very good nor plentiful, and therefore the inhabitants easily supply themselves with an excellent sort of that material out of the isles of Scotland, the coasts of Wales, and the Isle of Man.

Of timber for shipping or for any other building, the woods of Glankankayn and Killatrough afford great plenty, as also good store of pipe, hogshead, and barrel staves, clapboard and hoops. For soap-ashes, &c., it is likely there may be store made, but they conceive the woods may be converted to better use. Soap-ashes have been and are daily made.

Of minerals there is no certainty, except of iron ore, and of that in sundry places some four miles from the main woods, and in the mountains of Slewgallen further distant yet not far from the river Mayola which divides the woods of Glenkankeyn and Killetrough.

The harbour of the Derry is a most commodious harbour, safe and convenient for all sorts of shipping. Portrush is dis tant from thence 12 miles, and Loughswilly 30 miles. Portrush is a sufficient road for the summer time and not so safe in the winter, lying open to the north-east wind. Loughswilly is a tolerable harbour, being subject to the north winds only, which overblowing there is safety notwithstanding, running further into the land.

It is likely upon the said coast, store of cod, ling, skate, and other fish might easily be taken, if they were as diligently sought for as elsewhere; but as they find none through the whole country pliant for fishing, they cannot certainly make report thereof; but it is certain that infinite store of cods, herrings, &c., are there, and upon the near adjacent islands of Scotland, yearly taken by Scots, Flemings, and French, whereof they learn there are 200 sail many times together.

Find great store of seals, whereof the inhabitants complain exceedingly, supposing that they are much hindrance to their herring fishing, which, if they could be taken, would yield plenty of train oil.

Sea fowl are found in great abundance, swan, goose, barnacles, godwite, plovers, duck, mallard, &c., being thereof so great plenty as it is almost incredible to be reported.

In the rivers of Loughfoyle and Bann, besides salmon and eels, there is great plenty of trout, flounders, and other small fish, and the said rivers by computation yield 120 tons of salmon yearly, and sometimes more.

Learn also that in the river of Loughfoyle pearls have been and are taken, but cannot report of the quality and quantity thereof.

The coast is apt and safe, taking a first wind, to go for all parts and such as are convenient for trade both to the north and to the south.

Pp. 2. Endd.: "Dec. 1609. The plantation of Ulster. The instructions those of London gave to the agents they employed for survey of some fit part in Ulster to plant in; with the report of the said agents at their return."


  • 1. See supra, pp. 250–1.
  • 2. Tepoitt na long, "Theobald of the Ships." See Four Masters, A.D. 1599, III., p. 2122.