Spain: September 1525, 11-30

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1873.

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'Spain: September 1525, 11-30', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526, (London, 1873) pp. 327-349. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no1/pp327-349 [accessed 16 April 2024]

September 1525, 11-30

11 Sept. 203. The Duke of Savoy (Carlo Emanuele) to Lope Hurtado de Mendoça.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 35,
f. 265.
Has read attentively all he has written about the quartering of the Imperial troops; and although he has no doubt everything has been done in conformity with the instructions received from the Emperor, yet he cannot help thinking that the resolution taken in that affair is a strange one, and contrary to the wishes and intentions of His Imperial Majesty. As far as he is concerned, he sees with wonder and sorrow that his poor subjects—well nigh exterminated already—are to get no redress whatever, but that their grievances and complaints of the soldiery increase and multiply every day, without that remedy and redress which they expected at his [Lope Hurtado's] hands. Has sent Signor de Confignone to talk the matter over with him, and devise the best means for putting an end to the scandal. Begs that full credence be given to the words of his ambassador, who will be the interpreter of his sentiments in so delicate an affair as the present, his subjects having been driven to the very verge of despair.—Ex Sancto Johanne Maurianæ, 11 of September 1525.
Signed: "Dux Sabaudiæ, Carolus."
Addressed: "Il Magco. S.gr don Louppes Hurtado de Mendoça, Ambassiatore de la Cesarea Maesta, amico nostro carissimo."
Indorsed: "From the Duke of Savoy, 11th of September."
Italian. Original. p. 1.
13 Sept. 204. Antonioto Adorno, Doge of Genoa, to his Ambassador in Spain. (fn. n1)
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 35,
f. 266.
Monsieur de Bourbon is expected this evening at Savona, and has announced his intention to embark in four or five days; but though all possible speed has been made, he (the Doge) is very much afraid that the Duke will not be able to sail before the 23d, as the galleys still want many things requisite for their voyage. This delay is no fault of his, but owing entirely to various causes, and principally to the want of means. The country is poor, and completely exhausted, having been plundered several times by the French and others. Has done everything in his power to engage 50 men for the service of the oars in the said galleys,—no easy task, indeed, considering the treatment to which former ones have been subjected. He (the ambassador) is to ask and earnestly request that, immediately upon the arrival of these galleys at the port, the men on them be paid and dismissed, as well as the crews on those of Portundo, such being the engagement taken with all of them. There is no other way of avoiding the clamour and complaints of the families of sailors, retained much beyond the period of their engagement.
The ambassador is also to make due representations concerning the Uneglia affair. On the plea that a prompt and exemplary chastisement was to be inflicted on Antonio di Udena and his band, five or six companies of Spanish and German infantry, under Vargas, the general, were sent to those parts; but, instead of doing any good, they have consumed what little substance remained in the country, having hitherto achieved nothing save keeping the said Antonio di Udena and some of his men closely besieged in the castle of Uneglia, making in its immediate neighbourhood greater ravages and depredations even than those of that captain himself. The remainder of the infantry under Vargas has spread over the country of Araxio and its port, treating the inhabitants of that district as if they were so many enemies, robbing and beating them, and committing all manner of crimes and excesses, as if he (the Doge) and his subjects were rebels to His Imperial Majesty. Such a state of things cannot be tolerated; the citizens and country people are exceedingly discontented, seeing that, instead of being rewarded for their fidelity and services, they are so shamefully treated, without obtaining the least demonstration or sign of sympathy in their favour. As far as he (the Doge) is concerned, he can only say that he would prefer death to being witness to such an affront, and to hearing the incessant clamouring of his people. He (the ambassador) is particularly instructed to call on the Emperor, and warmly complain of the insolence of his soldiers, humbly beseeching him, in consideration for his past services and constant fidelity, to put a remedy to this evil, and make such provision and redress as may satisfy the country people, and preserve them in future against similar attacks.
The ambassador must be aware that Giovanni de Medici took certain castles belonging to these Marquises Malespini, and that the Emperor, through his Viceroy at Naples, granted them permission to recover the same as they best could. In consequence whereof, the said Malespini deputed a commissary of theirs, who, in virtue of the Imperial orders, succeeded in obtaining possession of some of the estates. But it now happens that the said Giovanni di Medici, unwilling to give up the remainder, has been for some time, and is still, collecting a large body of men, wherewith to invade the estates of the Marquises, straining every nerve, not only at Florence, but also at Pisa and the neighbouring countries, for that purpose. He (the Doge) considers it his duty to inform the Emperor of this event, that a prompt remedy may be applied to such evils; for certainly it is not creditable that the Emperor's commands should be thus disregarded, his true vassals assailed with impunity, and that those who pretend to have claims should take justice into their own hands when he ought to be the supreme Lord and dispenser of it. Besides which, such is at present the state of affairs in Italy, that on no account ought the said Medici to be allowed again to make a movement in these quarters, much less to establish his footing in those parts of the Lumigiana, as this would prove highly dangerous, not only on account of the late business of San Giorgio and the jealousy he may cause, but also on account of the avowed projects and designs of the said Giovanni de Medici, as exhibited in his last letter to Archbishop Fregoso, just intercepted, and of which a copy is enclosed. (fn. n2)
Glad to hear that His Imperial Majesty is willing to remedy the damages caused at sea by Andrea Doria. Believes that a strong demonstration is required in that quarter, as an example for the future.
Letters from Milan, dated the 11th inst., report that the Duke (Francesco Sforza) was improving in health. Not only had the fever abated considerably, but the physicians thought that he would very shortly be quite free from it.—Genoa? 13 of Sept. 1525.
Signed: "Antoniotto Adorno."
Indorsed: "Extratto di lettere del Duca di Genoa al suo Ambasciatore. Date a xiii. di Setembre."
Italian. Contemporary copy. pp. 3⅓.
14 Sept. 205. Prothonotary Caracciolo and Alonso Sanchez, Imperial Ambassadors in Venice, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 35,
f. 235.
He (Caracciolo) arrived at Venice on the 5th instant, and on the 8th waited on the Signory, in union with his colleague Alonso Sanchez. Could not call before, owing to a slight indisposition. The audience being public, the ambassadors spoke in general terms, expatiating at large on the goodwill and righteous intentions of the Emperor towards the Signory of Venice, and his ardent wish for a universal peace.
On the 11th the Imperial ambassadors called again on the Signory, when, in conformity with their instructions, they proceeded to explain, one after the other, all the heads of the agreement in contemplation. Although the Doge and Signory asked for time to deliberate and make a suitable answer—as is their custom on such occasions—their general manner was such as to confirm the ambassadors' suspicions, that the Venetians intend to take, as a general basis for the present negotiations, the agreement previously entered into between them, the Viceroy of Naples [Charles de Lannoy], and M. de Bourbon. So it proved, for in the course of conversation the Doge declared that the Signory had resolved to stand by the terms agreed to on that occasion. The ambassadors' reply was that the agreement alluded to was not a definitive one, they (the Venetians) having refused to sign it unless previously ratified by His Imperial Majesty, and that the ratification by the Emperor not having come [from Spain] it was quite evident that the treaty could not be enforced. Had they subscribed to it then and there, the Emperor would not have failed to honour duly the signature of Lannoy and Bourbon; but such not being the case, and the matter being again referred to the Emperor, he had, after mature deliberation, decided to propose new terms.
This morning the Doge sent for the Imperial ambassadors, and gave them the following answer to read, the substance of which, after many fine words and protestations of fidelity and affection, as well of their sincere wish for the Emperor's prosperity and aggrandisement—on which last point they laid more than usual stress—was as follows: With respect to the outlaws (fuorusciti), that their claims had been sufficiently discussed at the time of the last treaty of peace, it being then and there agreed to give them 5,000 ducats, which was more than the said outlaws could expect or wish for. The money had been paid, and the Viceroy had consequently withdrawn his application.
As to giving money instead of infantry, as demanded, that could not be. (fn. n3) They were ready (they said), for the Emperor's gratification, to pay down the sums offered by them, and accepted "both by the Viceroy and Monsieur de Bourbon, and therefore begged the ambassadors not to insist any longer upon that point.
To the above answer the ambassadors replied, saying: That with regard to the agreement entered into by them with the Viceroy of Naples and Duke of Bourbon, they had nothing to add to their former declaration. It was no agreement at all, since it had not been ratified at the time. If, however, the Signory explained their views on the subject, the ambassadors would hear them with pleasure, because, though well aware of the Emperor's disinclination to grant their request, yet they had frill powers to treat and come to any just and friendly composition.
Their reply was: "This is the last resolution of the Senate; it cannot be changed." Upon which, observing their obstinacy, and that nothing more could be got out of them, they (the ambassadors) left the room, not deeming it consistent with their authority or with the Imperial reputation to discuss that point any longer.
(Cipher:) The ambassadors cannot help thinking that this brief and resolute answer of the Venetians, so contrary to their usual practice on similar occasions, must have some connexion with the intended journey of Madame d'Alençon to Spain, and the negotiations said to be on foot between His Imperial Majesty and the French King. On the 12th instant the ambassadors of that monarch were closeted for one hour with some of the senators here, and although the object and particulars of this interview are still a secret, there is every reason to suspect that something against the Emperor is being discussed.
(Common writing:) The ambassador of the Duke of Ferrara, residing in Venice, informed them, two days ago, that his master has decided to go over to Spain, for the purpose of holding a personal interview with His Imperial Majesty. The Duke was only waiting for an answer from His Holiness the Pope, to whom he had written to ask for a suspension of hostilities during his absence from Italy.—Venice, 14th Sept. 1525.
Signed: "El Prothonotario Caracciolo," "Alonso Sanchez."
P.S,.—This is a duplicate of another sent to the Marquis de Pescara to be forwarded by a land route. It goes by way of Genoa, addressed to Lope de Soria, Imperial ambassador at Venice.
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King our Lord."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Venice. From the Ambassadors, 14th of September. Answered."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering. pp. 3.
14 Sept. 206. Alonso Sanchez, Imperial Ambassador in Venice, to the Empepror.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 35,
f. 282.
Has received the Imperial letter, in date of the 25th July last. Prothonotary Caracciolo has since arrived with the instructions, and both have commenced negotiating with the Signory, as will be seen by their joint letter of this day. (fn. n4)
(Cipher:) The answer made by the Signory, quick and decisive as it has been, without resorting to their usual practices of gaining time, &c., has been to him and his colleague a matter of great amazement, especially under the present circumstances, when His imperial Majesty has all the world at his feet, and when they must know, as they do, that a truce has been concluded with the French King. In his (Sanchez') opinion, His Imperial Majesty ought no longer to keep the negotiations with the Signory in suspense, but throw them aside at once. If determined to be satisfied with their answer and offers, the Venetian ambassador at the Imperial court (Navagero) must on no account be made aware of the fact; on the contrary, something ought to be told him showing that the Signory's present conduct is not approved of. He (Sanchez) might, in the meantime, try to have the conditions improved, though he very much doubts of his success.—Venice, 14th Sept. 1525.
Signed: "Alonso Sanchez."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King our Lord."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Venice. Alonso Sanchez, 14th of Sept. Answered."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering, p. 1½.
14 Sept. 207. Lope de Soria, Imperial Ambassador in Genoa, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 36,
269–71.
Wrote on the 4th by a servant of the Bishop of Salamanca (D. Francisco de Bobadilla), and on the xi. by way of Lyons. Writes now by a vessel that takes despatches to Barcelona. Has received from the Marquis of Pescara a copy of the treaty of truce, to have it publicly proclaimed at Genoa; but finding that pestilence is still prevailing here, and that the city is almost deserted, has, at the Doge's request, had the proclamation postponed, until the senators and chief inhabitants return to the place. (Cipher:) In his opinion it is not only the health of his capital which has prevented the Doge from having the truce publicly proclaimed. He (Soria) takes it to be that the Doge and the Genoese not being expressly named in the treaty, and there being a doubt as to whether they are at all comprised in it or not—notwithstanding the words, "All the kingdoms, dominions, and subjects of His Imperial Majesty,"—they naturally shrink from the duty imposed upon them, alleging that the word "confederates" is for them a more suitable one than that of "subjects." He (Soria) has given them to understand, in the best possible mariner, that, Genoa being a fief of the Empire, they are His Imperial Majesty's subjects and nothing else, and therefore that they are included in the present truce. There are, however, among them several badly-intentioned people [intent upon mischief].
Respecting the Duke of Milan the news is, at times that he is dead, at other times that he is recovering. Micer Andrea del Burgo is still suffering, and has lately received orders from the Infante (Archduke Ferdinand) to return to Germany. It is said that Don Pedro de Cordoba is going [to Spain] instead of him.
His Holiness sent him (Soria) a brief for the release of his two galleys, which Commander Ycart had incorporated with his fleet, without allowing them to depart when they arrived at Savona. He has since consented to their being added to the Imperial fleet that is to escort M. de Bourbon on his voyage; but in order to show that this is against his will, and that his galleys are, as it were, pressed for the said service, has directed the captains of them to protest. (Common writing:) Juanin de Medicis has raised levies of men, and given assistance to the outlaws (foraxidos) of Lucca. Uniting his forces to theirs, he has taken a castle belonging to the people of that city, who, on their side, have made preparations to retaliate and do their enemies all the harm they can. The said Juanin [de Medicis] is increasing his forces, pretending that he intends to attack the Marquises of Malespina in the Lunigiana. (Cipher:) Movements of this kind at a time like this are anything but favourable, especially when the said Joanin is known to be a favourite and creature of the Pope. He [Soria] fears that these alterations may only be the beginning of more serious disturbances, principally in Genoa, if the Italian potentates persevere in their project of declaring themselves against the Imperial service.
Has already informed His Imperial Majesty how a captain named Antonio di Udena, whom M. di Bourbon sent with 500 men to the assistance of the Lord of Monego, having arrived at Onegia, (fn. n5) a town of this district, belonging to the Doria family, where a good number of Genoese citizens, with their wives and families, were staying at the time on account of the plague, took it into his head to plunder the place, which he did without the least provocation, after taking possession of its castle. On the receipt of this intelligence M. de Bourbon and the Marquis of Pescara sent thither some companies of Italian (fn. n6) infantry, under a sergeant-major (forriero) named Vargas, who, if possible, have committed still greater ravages than the above captain and his men whom they had orders to chastise. So that it is now impossible to inhabit places where these troops pass, since friends and enemies alike fall upon them and plunder their valuables. The lands of this Community ought to be respected, because, besides their having been to a certain extent already wasted and destroyed on former occasions, the inhabitants themselves are good subjects and servants of His Imperial Majesty.
The Lieutenant of the Sumaria sailed from Savona on the 10th, on board a ship belonging to Captain Portundo. Baron de Simonte accompanies him.
Has already advised that, in consequence of the accident to Nicolao Grimaldo, his brother Stephano had lost so much of his credit that he would find it difficult to pay the remainder of the 24,800 ducats. He neither has money in his coffers to meet that engagement, nor can he find merchants to advance it; besides which he alleges that, in opposition to the Emperor's express orders, his property is still under embargo. All these things put together have hitherto prevented his fulfilling the contract, but knowing that if he were to leave Genoa now, without paying the said sum, M. de Bourbon's voyage to Spain might be delayed, he (Soria) has pressed him so much that, being, as he is, a good servant of His Imperial Majesty, he has already paid the second instalment, and promised to pay the third and last at a very short date. With this money he (Soria) has been able to give M. de Bourbon the remainder of the 10,000 ducats which he was to have for his voyage, and the pay of the galleys that are to escort him to Spain.
The Duke [of Bourbon] is now at Savona, preparing to embark. He has requested Soria to freight two caracks and now he wants a third for his suite and horses, which shall also be procured.
Lope Hurtado [de Mendoza] writes from Milan on the 7th, already recovered from his illness.—Sestri, near Genoa, 14 Sept. 1525.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Genoa. Lope de Soria, 14 Sept."
Spanish. Original (by duplicate). Contemporary deciphering, pp. 4.
14 Sept. 208. Prothonotary Caracciolo to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 35,
f. 277.
Wrote from Milan, announcing his departure for Venice, and though in bad health arrived in this city, where, in company with Alonso Sanchez, his colleague, he has attended to business ever since, and gone to the College Hall (Collegio) three different times.
On the first occasion the reception was public, and the discussion turned on general matters, he and Sanchez expatiating on the extreme benevolence of His Imperial Majesty and his constant wish that the arms of the Infidel should be kept away from Christendom. How—provoked and attacked on more than one occasion — the Emperor had been compelled to take up arms in his own defence, and, when successful, had used his victory with the utmost moderation, as was plainly seen and recognised by all parties. He had always offered them peace and good friendship; and now that, by the grace of God, his enemies had been vanquished and were partly at his mercy, he thought of nothing save establishing a firm and durable peace among Christians, that might enable them to turn their arms against the Infidel, their common enemy. To this end he had sent them his ambassadors, to see if there was any means of bringing about such a convention.
At the second audience the ambassadors explained some of the heads of the proposed treaty'; and at the third, which took place this very morning, an answer was returned in the very same terms contained in their joint despatch. (fn. n7) Although the ambassadors observed they had full powers to treat and conclude on these matters, without waiting for further instructions from home, the senators would not go beyond their former declaration, and obstinately refused to enter into further details.
Knowing the nature and condition of these people, and how fond they are of gaining time in all their negotiations, the ambassadors cannot but wonder at such a decisive and conclusive answer as the one given by the Council on this occasion. This must spring from one of two causes, either from their being still in treaty with the French—as there can be no doubt they are, for the ambassadors of that nation had, a few days since, a long and secret audience at the College, the purport of which is not yet known—or else it must proceed from a firm confidence and belief of their own that His Imperial Majesty cannot fail to be satisfied with the conditions formally agreed to between the Signory, the Viceroy [of Naples], and Monsieur de Bourbon; namely, the payment of 80,250 ducats at once, and 30,000 more at one years date putting aside all claims of the fuorusciti, and reserving only the sums owed to them in virtue of the last treaty, which it is their intention to renew and confirm without adding or changing anything to it. What most displeases him (Caracciolo) in this, their final resolution, is that they try to persuade the people that by so doing they do not infringe in the least on the terms of the treaty.
He (Caracciolo) is greatly annoyed, and his indisposition is not a little aggravated by the obstinancy of these people, who, knowing full well His Imperial Majesty's righteous intentions and his ardent wishes for universal peace, are so deliberately throwing obstacles in the way of its promotion. He, however, consoles himself by thinking that, whatever may happen, the world at large will be convinced that no efforts have been wanting on the Emperor's part to bring about so desirable an object. Besides that, by persevering in such a righteous path, God Almighty is sure to help and prosper him, whilst the Signory will be worsted and baffled in their designs, unless they change their conduct. In case, however, of the Signory persisting in their resolution, as he fears they will, the Prothonotary asks for instructions how to act in conformity with the best interests and the dignity of the Imperial-crown. Very often he (Caracciolo) has faithfully and most humbly recommended from Milan some suitable composition with all the Princes of Christendom, and especially with this Signory. Persuaded, as he is, that nothing can be better for God's service, and for the accomplishment of the Emperor's pious intentions, than the consolidation of such universal peace, he still perseveres in his opinion, and, notwithstanding the little effect hitherto produced on the Signory by his words and arguments, and the intractability shown by them, his advice is that means be sought for bringing them to reason.
(Cipher:) He (Caracciolo) has been informed that the draft of the treaty to be concluded between His Imperial Majesty and the King of France has had the effect of increasing the fears of the Signory. They are afraid that the object and purpose of the agreement is to establish such a union and binding obligation between the two parties that the most Christian King may never again take their part and become their ally in war, so that they may be utterly ruined and all the Christian Princes placed at the Emperor's mercy.
Has received the Imperial letter dated from Toledo the 15th of August last.—Venice, 14 Sept. 1525.
Signed: "El Prothonotario Caracciolo."
Addressed: "Sacræ Cesareæ Catholicæ Majestati."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Milan. Prothonotary Caracciolo, 14 Sept. Answered."
Italian. Original. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. Pp. 4.
15 Sept. 209. Lope Hurtado [de Mendoça] to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 35,
f. 292.
Donato de Targis (Tassis) left on the 11th inst. with despatches of the Marquis of Pescara, and took also his (Hurtado's) advices up to that date.
Since his departure, Hieronymo Moron has sent a packet containing letters for the Duke's ambassador (Cavalier Bilia); also the draft of his agreement with the Infante (Archduke Ferdinand). This he sends, according to promise, for him. (Lope Hurtado) to examine and return to him to Milan after ratification in the Emperor's name.
It must, however, be observed that during his stay at Milan for that purpose the Duke constantly refused to see him [Hurtado] on that or any other business. Has taken out of the packet the above-mentioned draft that he now forwards for His Majesty's inspection and further instructions, begging that the Duke's ambassador at the Imperial court be apprized of what has been done, as he himself has already informed Hieronymo Moron.
Antonio de Leyva wrote to him a letter, the copy of which is enclosed, that His Imperial Majesty may see the turn affairs are taking at Milan.
Has come [to Turin] for the express purpose of excusing himself with the Duchess of Savoy (Beatrix) for the Emperor's orders not having been punctually fulfilled. Imagines that both she and the Duke would be satisfied if the convention proposed by the Marquis of Pescara was carried into effect; but its execution is at present out of the question, for the men-at-arms will not evacuate the territory and go elsewhere unless they are paid their arrears; and, on the other hand, if they remain where they now are without money or food the country is sure to be completely ravaged (abrasada) and desolated, and serious evils are to be apprehended.
Sends by post a copy of the terms proposed.
Such is the wish of the Duke and Duchess to see this affair satisfactorily settled that they no longer talk of the past, and would, in his opinion, consent to everything, provided, however, the Duchess were reimbursed of the 15,000 ducats which they say she borrowed on her own jewels. She is now suffering from fever, and is besides in the family-way. The Duke is every day expected from Savoy to attend her in her illness.—Turin, 15 Sept. 1525.
Signed: "Lope Hurtado."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Emperor our Lord."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Turin. Lope Hurtado, 15 Sept. Answered."
Spanish. Original. p. 1.
19 Sept. 210. The Duke of Sessa to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A 35,
f. 307.
The present letter was written on the 11th or 12th inst., and kept until to-day's date, owing to the want of conveyance to Genoa. It now goes by the general post through Lyons. The duplicate was sent by a gentleman of the Duke of Ferrara who was going to Spain.
Nothing new to report since. The Pope is only waiting for an answer from the Duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d'Este) to issue the brief he has applied for, as he wants some security on his part that the lands of the Church shall not be invaded during his absence [from Italy], and no innovation made in the present state of affairs. It is true that His Holiness was lately very much annoyed and hurt by the murder of a gentleman of Modena by some of the Duke's followers; and that he made in consequence some stir on the frontier of the Modena, sending thither his light cavalry; but he (Sessa) does not attach much importance to this, and imagines that no further complications are to be apprehended for the present.
The Imperial ambassadors in Venice have no doubt communicated already the answer made by that Signory to the late proposals, which is, in substance, that they are willing to stand by their previous engagement with M. de Bourbon and Marquis de Pescara, and pay down the 80,000 ducats in money, but on no account to go beyond that sum or grant other demands. No sooner was he (Sessa) informed of their resolution, than he called on the Pope, and, with all possible caution, tried to ascertain what his views on the subject were. His Holiness said to him that nobody wished as much as himself for a satisfactory arrangement of the present difficulties between His Imperial Majesty and the Republic of Venice. That he did not think that the impediment consisted so much in the money as in the new conditions imposed, such as the substitution of a sum of money for the contingent of men which they were obliged to furnish, and the compensation to the "fuorusciti," to which he well knew they would never consent. His Holiness kindly offered to interfere and speak to the Venetian ambassador, besides instructing his own Nuncio in Spain to use every good office with the Emperor.
(Cipher:) He (Sessa) takes a different view of this affair. He believes that the secret negotiations in which French, Venetians, and Romans are at present engaged, are the only cause and pretext of the dilatory course adopted, each party trying to gain time in order to improve his affairs and obtain better terms. He is therefore undecided as to the best line of policy to be pursued in the present circumstances; whether it be preferable for the Emperor, after arranging the Italian affairs, and increasing thereby his power and influence, to bring the French King to proper terms and conditions, or by keeping him in close confinement, raise himself to that stage of glory and reputation which would follow on the humiliation of his enemy. For, after all, the present intrigues of the Italian Princes have no other object than to temporize with each other until the Emperor's determination respecting his Royal prisoner be known.
(Common writing:) Private letters from Milan of the 10th and 12th inst. announce that the Duke (Francesco Sforza) is better, though not yet out of danger. Hieronymo Morone is still residing at the castle, which is a proof that he fears for his master's life. No news from England or from other parts. The plague still reigns at Rome and is getting worse every day.—Rome, 9 Sept. 1525.
Signed: "El Duque de Sessa."
P.S,.—Notwithstanding his last message to the Siennese, remonstrating strongly against their having lately expelled from the city certain of their noblemen, and cast others in prison, they still persevere in their ill-doings. Seeing which, he (Sessa) sent a lawyer thither, bidding them to forbear from such measures until the case should be referred to His Imperial Majesty. In the event, however, of their refusing to comply with that order, the lawyer was to protest in the Emperor's name and return to Rome. He (Sessa) considers it his duty to inform His Imperial Majesty of the event, that a prompt remedy may at once be applied to such excesses.
Addressed: "To the most Sacred and Invincible Majesty of the Emperor, King of Spain and the two Sicilies, our Lord and Master."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Rome. The Duke of Sessa, 19th September"
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering. pp. 2½.
21 Sept. 211. Antonioto Adorno, Doge of Genoa, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 35,
f. 317.
His Imperial Majesty has no doubt received his last letters in favour of Micer Niccolo de Grimaldo and brothers, and knows already his motives for thus commending them to the Emperor's notice. Being in duty bound, as he is, to defend their interests and reputation whenever they are attacked, he considers himself under similar obligation to extol their high qualities and virtues, when they happen to confer, as they have just done, a new service on the Imperial cause. For, at the present moment, the said brothers, and more particularly Stefano di Grimaldo, who is residing at Genoa, has rendered a most signal one by paying into the hands of M. de Bourbon the 23,000 gold crowns of the last exchange, thus enabling that general to supply the wants both of the Imperial army under his command and of the fleet that is to take him to Spain.
Of all the services rendered by the said Stefano—who not only has frequently exposed his life in the field, but also risked his fortune for the Imperial cause,—this last one must be reckoned the most important, as the Duke [of Bourbon] himself cannot fail to acknowledge. For he (the Doge) is witness of the immense difficulties that banker has had to encounter in the raising of that sum, having, as is well known, lost his credit in consequence of the accident to his brother Niccolo in those parts.
Begs His Imperial Majesty, as humbly and effectually as he can, so to take the said brothers Grimaldo and their affairs under his protection, that they may profit by his intercession, and be restored to that honour and reputation which they so justly deserve.—Genoa, 21 Sept. 1525.
Signed: "Antonioto Adorno."
Addressed: "Sacræ, Cæsareæ, Catholicæ Majestati."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Genoa. The Doge. 21 Sept. Answered."
Italian. Original. pp. 3.
21 Sept. 212. Lope de Soria, Imperial Ambassador in Genoa, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 35,
ff. 314.
Wrote on the 14th inst. by Hurtado, King-at-arms in Naples, who sailed for Spain in a brigantine. The present courier goes by land, despatched by Stefano Grimaldo with all speed.
Having by his former letter answered at length the Imperial despatch of the 15th August last, has little to add, except that the said Stefano has actually paid into his hands the remainder of the 24,800 ducats, out of which he (Soria) has already remitted 10,000 to the Duke of Bourbon, and applied the rest to the payment of the galleys, as well as to the freight of three caracks to convey his horses and heavy luggage. The Duke is to sail in five days' time, as he is only waiting for the galleys to come down here, close to Genoa, and take on board the biscuit and other provisions prepared for them. Bad weather and contrary winds have hitherto prevented their coming, but they are expected this very day. He (Soria) intends to go on board one of them to Savona, there to remain until they have fairly taken to sea. There are 14 galleys in all, counting two of the Pope's, (cipher) who has had a sort of protest drawn, declaring they go against his will. He (Soria) imagines that this protest has been made only to please France, and that he will have to provide them with biscuit out of the Imperial stores, for which, however, he is quite prepared.
(Common writing:) It would be highly advantageous for the defence and security of this city if the galleys should return home as soon as possible; because the French fleet being so near at hand, and Andrea Doria, its commander, having so powerful a party of his own in Genoa, nothing would be easier for him than to bring about a revolution and create disturbances.
(Cipher:) The said Andrea Doria gives out that he is going to the Canal of Pomblin (Piombino) in search of Turkish privateers; but it is to be feared that, being in close intelligence with the Pope and with Juanin de Medicis, and the Fregosi, his intentions are very different; for the said Juanin has lately approached the frontiers of this Community in force, proclaiming that he comes against the Marquises of Malespina, and is shortly to be joined by troops of the Pope and Florentines. As no such armament is required for an enterprise of this sort, it is natural to infer that these people have some other object in view, which is to fall upon and destroy, if they can, the Imperial army. It is reported that the Duke of Milan also participates in the plot. He (Soria) cannot say whether the report be true or not; one thing, however, is certain, namely, that Hieronymo Morone has lately removed all his family and property to the castle of Milan; that he holds frequent interviews with the Venetian ambassador; and that Domenico Sauli has lately come from Rome [to Milan] to represent the Pope and Datary, all which are signs that something is being plotted against the Imperial service, as the Marquis of Pescara and others cannot fail to have apprized the Emperor.
Respecting this Doge and Community, Soria sees no real cause for suspicion, although the Abbot of Najera wrote, some time ago, to say that Julian, (fn. n8) the Doge's secretary, who arrived here last night from Milan, where he has been spending a few days, had been present at some of the above conferences and taken part in the discussions.
The Abbot could not say whether the secretary had accepted or rejected the offers made by the conspirators, but could affirm that he had been present at their deliberations. He (Soria) believes Juliano to have only joined them in order to penetrate into their secrets, and afterwards report to the Emperor's ministers.
(Common writing:) In consequence of the progress made by Juanin de Medicis, the Marquis of Pescara is thinking of sending 2,000 infantry to be quartered at this city (Genoa) or its immediate neighbourhood. Spoke about it to the Doge, who thinks they had better not come, as they are sure to lay the country waste, and commit all manner of depredations wherever they go. He proposes that they should be sent to the Spezzia, a district belonging to this Community, where they might be quartered, and make head against the said Juanin, if required; and in case of their not being able to resist him, owing to his superior forces, fall back on this city, and defend it from the attacks of the enemy. He (Soria) has written to the Marquis about it, that he may provide what is best for the Imperial service, but his own private opinion is that the 2,000 men ought to be quartered in this city or its suburbs.
Stefano Grimaldo has done more than could be expected of him concerning the payment of the last bills, as his credit is very seriously affected in consequence of his brother's late misfortunes. Stefano has always served with fidelity, and is well deserving of the Imperial favour, and that his brothers' affairs should receive kind consideration. Received, yesterday, the bills of exchange for 80,000 ducats sent by the Marquis of Pescara and Abbot of Najera; they were presented and accepted. Ansaldo de Grimaldo, upon whom 55,000 had been drawn, accepted the bills, saying he would pay them when due, not before, as he had received instructions from his correspondents [in Spain] not to advance any money upon them. Nevertheless, he (Soria) hopes to get some money from him, the Marquis having lately written that the wants of the Imperial army are still very great.
The remaining 25,000 ducats upon Joan (Giovanni) Batista and Thomasso de Fornariis, of this city, have been duly accepted, and will be paid, when due, that is, in ten days' time.
(Cipher:) Has been informed that in the last conference held [at Milan] by the representatives of the Italian Princes, it was agreed that the Pope should furnish 6,000 Italian infantry and 3,000 men-at-arms; the Venetians an equal number, besides some light cavalry; the Duke of Milan, 4,000. France and England are to contribute 9,000 gold crowns wherewith to raise 7,000 Grisons, who are to get possession of Chiavenna. The Marquis of Pescara has received similar intelligence from other quarters. How far the news is correct, he (Soria) cannot say, but one thing is certain, namely, that His Imperial Majesty has at present no other friend in Italy save the Doge of Genoa.
The Duke of Milan is not yet out of danger, though it is generally asserted that he has much improved in health of late. No one, however, can say what his real state is, for they do not allow anyone to see him.
The Duke of Ferrara wishes to go to Spain. He has already obtained from the Pope a brief, granting him permission to undertake this journey, and promising not to molest him respecting the tenure of Rezzo and Rubera during a period of six months.
Prothonotary Caracciolo arrived at Venice on the 5th inst. According to the last accounts he had already commenced negotiations, though with little or no hope of success.
Micer Andrea del Burgo left Genoa two days ago for the court of the Archduke (Ferdinand). He has not yet recovered from his late illness, but fancies that change of air will do him good.
The Doge will take charge of the castle of Oneglia, as His Imperial Majesty has ordered him to do.
Whilst he (Soria) is writing, the galleys are coming into port to lade with biscuit.
The Marquis of Pescara, Antonio de Leyva, the Abbot of Najera and the rest of the Imperial generals and ministers are at Novara.—Sestri, near Genoa, 21 Sept. 1525.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Genoa. Lope de Soria, 21 Sept."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering. pp. 4¼.
23 Sept. 213. Jean Jonglet, (fn. n9) Imperial Ambassador in England, to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 223.
No. 41, ff. 104–5.
Received on the 8th inst., by Richart, bearer of the present, the Imperial letter of the 12th of August last, with memorandum appended, and, next day (the 9th), the duplicate of the same by Richart Cocque. On the reception of which, and in obedience to the orders contained in these said letters, he (Jonglet) waited upon the Legate at his country residence of More, and explained, to the best of his abilities, the charge intrusted to his care, which was to show the said memorandum to the Cardinal, and beg he would induce the King to send to his ambassadors [in Spain] full powers to approve the Emperor's proposed marriage, as well as the consolidation and increase of their mutual friendship. Also to inform him of the truce and suspension of hostilities just concluded between His Imperial Majesty and the King of France, wherein the English ambassadors had intervened as chief contracting parties; to declare null and void all truces previously made and agreed to by Madame; and to say that the Emperor's intention is not to conclude any treaty with the French, except with the consent and approbation of the King, his master.
After carefully inspecting the aforesaid memorandum, which he (Jonglet) placed in his hands, the Cardinal addressed him, as far as he can recollect, in the following words: Both the King and he had received the Emperor's holograph letters brought by Richart Cocque, and also those of the English ambassadors [residing in Spain], explaining fully their contents and the peculiar circumstances under which the Emperor was placed. He (the Cardinal) expressed his satisfaction at the sentiments contained in the aforesaid memorandum, adding he had on the previous day despatched Secretary Briantucke (Brian Tuke) to the King, who was at a place 60 miles distant from London, to take the Emperor's letter to him, and ascertain the King's intention and wishes. He expected that Secretary back in a couple of days, when he (the Cardinal) would make a suitable answer on all points; though, he added, the whole affair had been decided upon beforehand, and the decision forwarded to the English ambassadors at the Imperial court, in conformity with the Emperor's wishes and demands, together with full powers to consent to, and approve of, the Emperor's proposed marriage [with the Portuguese Princess]. The said powers had been sent both by sea and land, though he (the Cardinal) had reason to believe that at the time the Emperor's letter was written neither had reached its destination. That the one sent by sea was fuller and more explicit than the one that went by land. The King, his master, fully appreciated the reasons alleged by the Emperor in his letters. He believed that the Princess [his daughter] was not of an age to satisfy the wishes and prayers of the Emperor's subjects. Had he been informed in time of the nature of the instructions sent to him (Jonglet), and of the commission brought by Commander Peñalosa respecting the marriage, he would at once have given his consent, and the affair would have been settled much sooner to the Emperor's full satisfaction. "For" (he added) "the King, my master, has never had other wish save that of being agreeable to the Emperor in all matters and living on the most friendly terms with him. Whatever may happen, he intends the close union and old alliance between them to remain unimpaired, not only in what regards the intercourse of trade, but in other matters generally."
With regard to the conditions stipulated by the English ambassadors on the margins of the said memorandum, the Cardinal declared to him (Jonglet) that they were no longer required, and ought to cease. "For," (said he) "respecting the first,—namely, that the Emperor is to make peace with France first before he concludes the Portuguese marriage, &c.,—it has already been fulfilled through the King of England having made peace with the French, which peace, though the Emperor is also comprised in it, leaves him in entire liberty to treat separately with France whenever, and on whatever terms, he may please. Though, he added, the King, my master, is so much inclined to foster the union and peace of all the Christian Princes—that they may the better resist the Turk and the Lutherans—that he advises His Imperial Majesty not to deal hardly with the French King, but to treat and negotiate with him as graciously as possible, since he must be by this time convinced that the General Estates of the kingdom will never consent to a dismemberment of the French crown."
To the above statement the ambassador replied that the Emperor claimed nothing but his own, and that it was no new thing for Princes and Kings, after an unsuccessful war, to yield part of their territory. It had been done often, and certainly could be done again.
With regard to the second condition, viz., the payment of debts, the Cardinal observed that in consideration of the present state of the Emperor's affairs, the King, his master, had already sent instructions and powers to his ambassadors to treat and conclude matters to his entire satisfaction.
Respecting the third condition, namely, that the treaties of Windsor and London be at once abrogated and superseded, the Cardinal stated his opinion that nothing could be more reasonable or just than the said abrogation, since the treaty of Windsor refers to the Princess' marriage, and that of London to the French war; and as the Emperor is about to marry elsewhere, and a treaty of peace has been already concluded with France, there was no occasion to maintain the said treaties any longer.
Nor was there need (observed the Cardinal) for the King to send fresh powers to his ambassadors [in Spain] to renew and increase the amicable relations between the two monarchs, since he had on all occasions declared his intention to keep and maintain their old alliance as regards trade and matters in general. He (the ambassador) might say so to his Court and put it down in writing. Although the King, his master, had often instructed his ambassadors [in Spain] to make similar declarations, he would now, for greater security, send by the present bearer (Richart) a memorandum of the same, whilst he [the Cardinal] would continue, as heretofore, to promote in every possible way their mutual friendship and alliance.
The conference over, the ambassador took his leave and departed, after duly thanking the Cardinal for his goodwill and intentions, begging him to continue in the same mind, and excusing himself as best he could for the alteration in Peñalosa's instructions, which he declared had been made in Flanders, without his (Jonglet's) knowledge, not by himself from malice prepense, as might have been supposed. Hearing which, the Cardinal again remarked: "I wish to God you had mentioned it at the time, for, as I told you before, matters might then have been settled to the Emperor's full satisfaction."
The French ambassadors are still here, for what purpose it is impossible to say. They conduct their affairs with such secresy that he (Jonglet) has been unable to obtain the least information about their doings.
Messire Gregory [Casalis], the Italian, is going to Rome, by post. A certain bishop, (fn. n10) Auditor to the Apostolic Chamber, is to follow him shortly. What the purpose of their journey thither may be, he cannot say. The King's Almoner (Dr. Edward Lee), who was to go to the Emperor [in Spain] is not yet gone. Cannot guess what may be the cause of the delay.
The Legate says that they are waiting for letters from the English ambassadors in Spain before they despatch this one.
The ambassadors from the Pope and the Duke of Milan, both residing in this capital, pretend to know nothing about the peace just made between England and France, and that the terms and conditions of the treaty are kept with great secresy.
Beseeches the Emperor to bear in mind his long services, and to appoint a fit person to replace him. When he accepted the charge of ambassador he was told by Madame that he would not remain long in England. He is old and infirm, and does not consider himself sufficiently qualified to fill so important an office. Begs for some small pension, in addition to his small estate, that the world may see that the Emperor is fully disposed to remunerate the services of his subjects.—London, the 23d of September 1525.
It has been decided to send Richart by a land route, rather than expose him and his despatches to the uncertainty of a sea voyage.
Signed: "Jonglet."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Original. pp. 6.
25 Sept. 214. The Bishop of Lodi to a Friar, confidant of Alonso Sanchez.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 36,
f. 5.
Reverend Father.—I have often told you to call on the Imperial ambassador, and warn him against Morone; you have not done so, or if you have, Alonso Sanchez gives no credit to my words. You will now see the effect of the letters written by the said Morone to France, for Madame the Regent—considering the Duke's death as inevitable—is about to send to Italy the Duke's brother (Massimiliano Sforza), with a fleet of galleys and a body of Switzers, followed by others you do not dream of. Had not the Duke of Milan been in so precarious a state of health, I have no doubt that the said Morone would have prepared some sort of Sicilian Vespers [at Milan] to get rid of the Imperialists. Your Reverence would not believe me then; you will soon witness the effect. If the Emperor's agents [in Italy] would only give me some assistance, matters might still be arranged, not otherwise.—Coyra, 25th of September 1525.
P.S.,—You will soon see Monsignor de Saint Pol in Italy.
Italian. Copy in cipher. Contemporary deciphering. p. 1.
27 Sept. 215. Lope Hurtado [de Mendoça] to the Emperor.
M Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 35,
ff. 331–3.
Wrote on the 15th inst. by Donato de Targis (Taxis?), whom the Marquis of Pescara despatched by way of Genoa, sending at the same time the deed of the Duke of Milan duly ratified and signed, as his ambassador had given it. Wrote again on the 23d, through the Duke of Savoy, who has kindly undertaken the transmission of his correspondence.
(Cipher:) Has since come to Novara, where the Marquis is at present residing. From what he hears and by letters of Antonio de Leyva and of the Abbot of Najera, the Italian Princes are intriguing more actively than ever. Indeed, the opinion and vote of these ministers is that some sort of demonstration ought to be made, and the Marquis would already have attempted it, had it not been that he is waiting for an answer to his late despatches, as well as for instructions how to act, and also trying to ascertain whether the report be true or not that the Switzers and Grisons are coming down to these parts.
The Marquis has his men quartered wherever they can be of most service in case of need, for it is evident that this late movement of Joanin (Giovannino) de Medicis, and the descent in Italy of the Marquis de Saluzzo are connected with the contemplated rising. The Marquis, however, is prepared to meet both, and is only waiting for orders. Until these arrive he cannot take his troops out of Piedmont; if he did, he would not know whither to send them, because in the marquisates (Mantua and Montferrato) which His Imperial Majesty designated as quarters for the infantry, there is neither room nor accommodation for them; in the duchy of Milan, if they went thither, not one farthing could be obtained for their maintenance. The infantry and light cavalry are quartered at Asti. According to the Emperor's instructions, whether for peace or war, the men shall be moved wherever they are most wanted; but a decision on this point is urgently required, for the country is completely exhausted, and the Duke [of Savoy] driven to despair. The men eat at discretion (comen à discrecion), nor would the inhabitants tolerate them otherwise, recollecting their late sufferings. The convention made by the Marquis [de Pescara] is to commence on the 7th of next month. How it will operate, and what measures will be taken to enforce it, is more than he (Lope Hurtado) can tell. Certain it is that the Duke of Savoy wishes so much for the fulfilment of the Marquis' promises on this point that he can hardly believe in them. The Marquis has asked his opinion about it, and he (Lope Hurtado) has answered that he approves of the convention, and that nothing could be better, under present circumstances, than the evacuation of Savoy by the Imperial troops.
The bills of exchange came in good season, although this is very much like throwing stones into the sea, so heavy are the daily expenses, and the ever increasing wants of this Imperial army. The Emperor ought to decide soon on the course to be pursued, for it is very hard, after defeating the enemy, to be obliged to maintain so large an army exposed to danger through the bad behaviour (bellaqueria) of some of his own servants; for this question of the quartering of the Imperial forces has been, and is still, owing to want of discipline and bad management, fraught with danger.—Novara, 27 of Sept. 1525.
P.S., (Cipher).—After writing the above, he (Lope Hurtado) has read letters which the Marquis [de Pescara] has received from Rome, Venice, Milan and other places. All agree as to the negotiations between the Italiand owers being far advanced, and some warlike demonstration being necessary. Antonio de Leyva and the Abbot of Najera especially urge the Marquis to action. His Imperial Majesty should send his orders by next post. The Marquis is of opinion that he (Hurtado) ought to go to Milan, there to ascertain from Berulano (the Bishop of Veruli), who is a friend, how far matters are advanced among the confederates. Intelligence is sure to come from Rome; and since the Duke of Sessa must have written at length about the recent defeat and dispersion of the bands under the Marquis of Saluzzo, he (Hurtado) needs allude to it no further.
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Emperor our Lord."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Milan. The Abbot of Najera, 27th Sept. Answered."
Spanish. Original mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet, pp. 2½.
28 Sept. 216. Prothonotary Caracciolo and Alonso Sanchez, Imperial Ambassadors in Genoa, to the Emperor Charles V.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 35,
ff. 335–8.
A secretary of the Signory called upon him (the Prothonotary), he being at the time ill in bed. Alonso Sanchez (his colleague) was present. They told the secretary how very much astonished they were at the abrupt and uncompromising answer given the Signory, which rendered all future negotiations impossible, especially as the Signory knew that they (the ambassadors) had ample powers to conclude a satisfactory treaty. Four days have since elapsed, and the Signory have made no overture whatever to them.
Have been informed, but do not know it for certain, that the Venetian ambassador in England (Orio) writes to say that peace between England and France is concluded and even proclaimed in France. Letters from Lyons confirm this intelligence, and add that the Kings of France and England are to be "friends of friends and enemies of enemies." Venice is included in the treaty. Between Rome and Venice public and private couriers are constantly on the road. The Prothonotary being ill cannot sign this despatch.—Venice, 28 September 1525.
Signed: "Alonso Sanchez."
Addressed: "To His Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty.
Indorsed: "Answered."
Spanish. Holograph mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet pp. 3.

Footnotes

  • n1. Probably Cavalier Bilia, mentioned elsewhere; for Giulino, who was also the Duke's secretary in Spain, had by this time returned to Milan.
  • n2. This letter of Giovanniuo de'Medici to Archbishop Fregoso is not in the volume.
  • n3. "Que el Virrey se habia dexado de la demanda de los foraxidos y que de dar el dinero en lugar de la infanteria que nos rogaban quisiesemos nosotros hacer otro tanto, y devenir al restablecimiento de la capitulation que por nuestras manos se hizo."
  • n4. See above, No. 204, p. 328.
  • n5. "Y siendo en Onegia, tierra de esta ribera de casa Doria," &c. Elsewhere written Uneglia (Moneglia?)
  • n6. In the letter which the Doge, Antoniotto Adorno, wrote to the ambassador on the 14th September complaining of these excesses, the troops sent by Bourbon are said to have been five or six companies of Spaniards. See above, p. 326.
  • n7. No. 204.
  • n8. Elsewhere written Gilino and Giulino.
  • n9. Jean Jonglet, Sieur des Maretz, was the ambassador sent from Flanders to represent Charles at the court of England after the dismissal of Praet and recall of Secretary Le Sauch.
  • n10. Girolamo Ghinucci.