Spain: October 1530, 11-15

Pages 753-766

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1879.

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October 1530, 11-15

12 Oct. 456. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 849,
f. 2.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 243.
Affairs of Siena, and negociations with Mario Bandini, the agent of that Signory.
Miçer de Philippo de Senis, a man well qualified for the task, and who is here dean of the Chamber, called the other day to exhibit certain articles (capitulos) sent, as he said, by Don Hernando de Gonzaga, which he (Mai) approved, for in reality they were just and moderate. Finds, however, as Lope de Soria writes, that they have since been considerably altered.
Upon the whole these matters of the Sienese are dangerous enough, and the people until now subject to all manner of corruption (mal infamada de sobornos y passiones). Now that His Majesty has there free and impartial ministers they ought to be settled at once.—Rome, 12th October 1530.
Signed: "Mai."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Holograph.
12 Oct. 457. Rodrigo Niño to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,308,
f. 93.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 237.
Describes the reception made in Venice to the duke of Milan. On the 5th the Duke was still at Ferrara with the intention of going on a pilgrimage to our Lady of Loretto; he suddenly changed his mind and came here. He entered yesterday, the 11th, and was sumptuously received by the Doge and Sages of the Land, the Council of Ten, &c., who went out in the Bucentaur to a monastery two miles distant from Venice. Describes the ceremony, which he himself did not attend owing to a question of precedence.
(Cipher:) The duke of Ferrara arrived also last Monday, and it must be said that his appearance here at the same time as that of the duke of Milan has given rise to many a conjecture more or less plausible. Respecting the latter, the rumour is that he comes to borrow money from the Signory. If so the pledge is sure to be Cremona, which Venice has at all times coveted.
As to Alfonso d'Este, they say he has come to renew his alliance with these people, and to strengthen himself against His Holiness, the Pope, whose aggrandizement he fears, especially at this moment that his nephew, Alessandro de' Medici, has gone to Germany for the purpose, as they say, of applying for the crown of Tuscany, which, if granted, the Duke says would be his ruin.
Letters have been received here from France announcing that the King is about to hold an interview with the Emperor at Cambray, at which this Signory is by no means pleased, fearing lest a league similar to that of 1509 should there be made against them, which they think will be followed by new matrimonial alliances, &c. This being, in their opinion, the principal reason why the Sforza has come to borrow money.
Will continue his inquiries and inform the Emperor.
French ambassador gone to Milan to claim payment of certain monies spent when both the duke and king Francis were confederates, and also to ask for the restitution to the former owners of certain estates which the King granted whilst in possession of that city.
Relates a conversation he had with the duke of Ferrara, who protested as usual of his friendship and regard for the Emperor, and gave all manner of excuses more or less plausible for his stay in this city. (Cipher:) He (Niño) accepted his excuses, but the truth is that in these and other matters the Duke is not always to be relied upon.
(Common writing:) Prothonotary Caracciolo wrote on the 25th ult. saying that he was still unwell. If he could he would come here to attend and accompany the duke Sforza.
With regard to the Council and the Turk, Your Majesty's instructions shall be punctually obeyed.
The duke of Ferrara related to me that about 10 days ago the duke of Mantua sent to the dwelling of queen Doña Isabel, (fn. n1) two friars and a notary, who said they wished to speak to her in the presence of Her Royal Highness the Infanta (Giulia), for the purpose of notifying to her in the Duke's name that being already married to Madame Maria Paleologo of Monferrato "per verba de presenti" at the time he contracted matrimony with her daughter [Giulia] this second marriage was not valid, and therefore he wished this declaration to be made before witnesses, that the lady might hence-forward consider herself free and marry whom she pleased. The Queen informed the Duke [of Ferrara] of this, and counsel's opinion having been procured, it was decided that the two friars should not be allowed to see Isabella's daughter. They, however, called again on the mother, and notified to her as above, to which the Queen replied that the Emperor had married her daughter Giulia to the Duke, and that she herself had nothing to say to it except to obey orders.
An ambassador from Sigismond, king of Poland, has arrived here to communicate (as they say) that he has declared his son (Sigismond II Augustus) as his successor. The ambassador is going to Bari, and thence to Rome. An agent of the Vayvod, who has resided in France for the last eight months is also here, and is soon returning to his master.
The Signory has accepted none of the three judges proposed by the Emperor as arbitrators in the difference between the king of Hungary and them. They present instead the bishop of Cività de Quieta (Chieti). Has written to His Highness, the King, informing him of this, and referring him to the Emperor, who knows who the bishop is. In his (Niño's) opinion the bishop is more to be trusted in a case of this sort than the duke of Mantua, especially after the requisitions and summons this latter has caused to be made at Ferrara.—Venice, 12th October 1530.
Signed: "Rodrigo Niño."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Original. pp. 6.
12 Oct. 458. Dr. Ortiz to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 19, f. 9. Has received orders from the Empress to come to that town [Madrid], that he may start at once for Rome, and plead the cause of the queen of England. Was one of the doctors who at the university of Salamanca gave opinion in favour of that princess, whose sanctity and virtues are well known to all. Will start for Italy as soon as the papers and instructions of which he is to be the bearer are ready, and once there will work strenuously in this holy cause, which cannot fail to be victorious in the end, as all good ones are, notwithstanding the numerous train of doctors which the king of England is said to have; and whatever the arguments of the latter against the letter of Holy Scripture may be, the best part of the doctors of the Church, and the majority of the writers on scholastic Theology, hold his marriage as lawful and in-dissoluble.
The principal reason for his leaving the Sorbonne and coming to Spain was his wish to serve the Queen and the Emperor in this matter. Will not fail to report on the whole the moment he reaches Rome.—Madrid, 12th October 1530.
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
13 Oct. 459. Muxetula to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 849,
ff. 71-2.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 246.
Describes the inundation at Rome caused by the overflow of the Tiber. The water rose 12 feet over the usual mark, submerging many houses, and causing the death of many people. The Pope himself was in great danger for being at Hostia (Ostia) when the river began to rise, he determined to come back, and could only accomplish this after much fatigue and danger.
On his (Muxetula's) arrival at Rome his first care was to visit cardinal d'Osma and Miçer Mai, and communicate to them the instructions of which he was the bearer. Called a few days after on His Holiness, and spoke at length of the measures to be adopted for removing the Imperial forces from Italy, and sending the Spaniards to Hungary. (Cipher:) His Holiness at once said he was willing to contribute a sum of money towards the said object, and promote also the general crusade against the Turk. He was ready for this purpose to urge the Christian princes [of Italy] to give assistance, and hoped to be successful; but as to the others he had very little hope. The Venetians (he thought) might not be very willing, but the expedient suggested by us of two-tenths (dos decimas) to be levied on the revenues of their clergy, which they themselves had asked for, would, he thought, make them more tractable.
Quartering of the Imperial forces.
The money expected from Naples has not yet arrived. The Cardinal (Pompeo Colonna) advises that part of it was to leave on the 8th inst. It will be welcome, for of that furnished by the Florentines none remains, the whole of it having been handed over to the Germans.
(Cipher:) In conversation with the Pope this very day, he told him (Muxetula) that the king of France still wished to have the duchy of Milan for himself, and that he (the Pope) considered that his request could not well be denied. Many other circumstances did His Holiness relate, all tending to shew that king's passionate and self-interested motives in that quarter.
Having then asked him what could be the real cause of the duke of Albany's coming to Rome, he said, without hesitation, that the Duke was attending to the business of his grandniece, (fn. n2) the daughter of Lorenzo de Medici, and daughter also of the Duke's brother, whose landed property, inherited from her father, is retained in France. He also said that the Duke himself wished the young lady to marry the king of Scotland, but has been directed not to speak about this to the Pope, inasmuch as Francis himself had asked for the hand of the lady for his second son, the duke of Orleans, if he (the Pope) would consent to his having the duchy of Milan. All these (the Pope observed) were intrigues of the French for the sole purpose of getting possession of Milan one way or the other. He did not believe they were in earnest, but the Venetians, from fear of the Duchy passing into the hands of the French, had lately shewn greater disposition to advance some money towards the expenses of the Turkish war.
The duke of Milan has also asked for the hand of the Pope's niece, but he has been referred to the Emperor, without whose consent the marriage could not well take place, though the Pope thinks, and we also think the same, that it might turn out very advantageously under present circumstances, as it would deter the French king from proposing first one and then the other of his sons.
Has also been told by the Pope that the king of France has written in favour and commendation of the king of England and of his divorce suit, and sent orders to Mr. de Tarbes (Gabriel de Grammont) to speak in his behalf; but to assure him (the Pope) at the same time in great secrecy that if he (the King) takes any steps in the affair, it is only for the purpose of obliging his brother of England, and complying with his earnest request; otherwise he would not for the world displease His Imperial Majesty, or do offence to the Queen's right.—Rome, 13th November 1530.
P.S.—After the above was written, His Holiness told him that the cardinal of France (fn. n3) is to leave to-morrow and go home. It appears that yesterday, whilst taking leave of the Pope, he (the Cardinal) suggested, as from himself, that in order to bridle the Lutherans, and hasten the departure of the Imperial forces from Italy, it would be advisable for each Christian prince to make an effort, and contribute a sum of money towards maintaining the Imperialists in Hungary, or on the furthest frontiers of Germany, and in this manner relieve Italy from their presence. That was his advice (the Cardinal remarked), and he would propose it to his master immediately upon his return to France.
Signed: "Jo. Ant.. Muscetula."
Addressed: "Sacræ Cesareæ et Cath. Mati."
Spanish. Holograph partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 4.
15 Oct. 460. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
c. 226, No. 42.
The King, perceiving that the Pope will not accede to his wishes, as Your Majesty will have learnt from my last and preceding despatches, called together the clergy and lawyers of this country to ascertain whether in virtue of the privileges possessed by this kingdom, Parliament could and would enact that notwithstanding the Pope's prohibition, this cause of the divorce be decided by the archbishop of Canterbury. To this question the said clergy and lawyers, after having studied and discussed the affair, have deliberately answered that it could not be done. On hearing which answer the King was very angry, and adopted the expedient of proroguing Parliament till the month of February, in the hope, as may be supposed, that in the meanwhile he may hit upon some means of bringing over to his opinion the said lawyers as well as some members of his Parliament, with whose power he is continually threatening the Pope, and see whether by compulsion or persuasion he can ultimately gain his end. The same day that the said clergy and lawyers gave in their report, the King, before publicly announcing his intention to prorogue Parliament still further, wishing to make a virtue of necessity, and somewhat conciliate the Pope, sent for the Nuncio under colour of communicating to him news received from various quarters, but in reality for quite a different purpose, as Your Majesty will see from what follows.
Next morning early, in pursuance of the King's request, the Nuncio went to Hampton Court, where the King was with a great number of the said clergy and lawyers and several other courtiers, among them Jehan Jockin, who has been received here and treated with much greater consideration than the Nuncio himself, since the latter has but a small lodging assigned to him outside the Court, whereas the former has magnificent apartments within. After dinner the King spoke privately with the Nuncio for a long while, saying, without much circumlocution, and repeating to him two or three times that he much regretted having to declare his intentions respecting the divorce, and still more his determination to carry the same into execution, which he certainly would if things continued as they were. He then began to complain that the Pope would not, in observance of the privileges belonging to England, order the hearing and decision of his cause in his country; also that he had not sent him a certain decretal (fn. n4) issued at Orvieto of the tenour and importance of which Your Majesty has no doubt been fully informed by cardinal Campeggio. On the subject of the "signatura" alluded to by the King, I have heard that the latter was commissioned by His Holiness to shew it to the King and then return it to Rome by the same messenger that had brought it to this country, and that the Cardinal (Campeggio), fearing lest so dangerous and important a document should be seized on the way back, having shewn it in the proper quarter, as he was instructed to do, committed to the flames in the presence of the very messenger who had been the bearer of it.
After greatly reproaching the Pope for his conduct in this affair, the King proceeded to say that if His Holiness would not shew him in future more consideration than at present he (the King) should take up his pen and let the world know that he (the Pope) possessed no greater authority than that held by Moses, which was only grounded on the declaration and interpretation of the Holy Scripture, everything beyond that being mere usurpation and tyranny, and that should he be driven to take such a step, the damage and injury thereby inflicted on the Apostolic See would be irreparable, far more fatal than that caused by the writings of others, for with his learning and rank, kings, princes, and all others would side with him. (fn. n5) He, therefore, charged the Nuncio to write all this to the Pope, as otherwise he would be responsible for the consequences, and moreover would be summoned at the right time and place to give evidence as to the warning he had received. All which the Nuncio says was spoken by the King with much shew of regret and with tears in his eyes. The King said further that the great concourse of people present had come solely and exclusively to request him to summon Parliament for the punishment of the clergy (pour donner la bastonnade a ces prestres), who were indeed so hated throughout his kingdom, both by nobles and people, that but for his protection they would be utterly destroyed, and yet that in spite of this urgent request he had determined to prorogue Parliament till the month of February next, to see whether the Pope would in the meantime adopt a different course of action towards him.
The King having complained that the Pope granted him so short a time, only 15 days to answer, which, he said, was hardly sufficient for the post to go and return, the Nuncio observed that the Pope had already so frequently delayed proceedings in this business, that without the consent of the other party concerned it would be unjust to do so any more, and that if the King had consented to the election of judges and arbitrators to decide on the case, some further delay might have been granted, as he (Borgo) stated at his first audience. To which the King replied that he had not paid much attention to what he (the Nuncio) had said about the judges, inasmuch as he had expressly said that he was only speaking his own mind thereupon, not in His Holiness' name and with his authority. Had that proposal, he said, come from the Pope, he might have returned a different answer. This looks as if the King would readily consent to other judges being chosen; but I am, nevertheless, quite sure that as far as the Queen herself is concerned her consent will never be obtained, as she will fear that the King will tamper with the judges, or if he finds them disinclined to do his bidding, will challenge them, as he now does those of the Rota, and that then the suit will have to begin over again, which would be a new source of anxiety and regret to her. Meanwhile, her enemies prosper, and are only seeking delay in the hope that the Pope or the Queen herself may die. Indeed she has already suffered so much, that she is almost on the brink of despair (au bout de sa patience).
The Nuncio, as it would appear, is quite ready to forward the King's proposal about the choice of new judges, principally, whatever other motive he may allege, to relieve the Pope, whom he does not want to fall out with the King. He rather thought at first that as the King seemed disposed to agree to this appointment of judges, it might be as well to carry out this suggestion thoroughly before proceeding to the hearing the case, but on my representing to him the advantages to be derived from immediate decision and the evils of delay, he (the Nuncio) agreed with me to write to the Pope, as he is now doing by the enclosed letters, (fn. n6) that whatever overtures may be made to him by the English ambassadors are simply with the view of delaying the proceedings, and that the only way to bring the King to the point amicably, or otherwise, is to have the case proceeded with at once; for finding himself hard pressed he will quickly agree to some reasonable compromise. I have also suggested to him that in order not to lose time His Holiness might, whilst the case is being heard, ask Your Majesty's consent to the said choice of judges and arbitrators, all which the Nuncio has promised to do, counting upon Your Majesty's and the Queen's assistance. Should this plan seem advisable, Your Majesty will, perhaps, inform me and your ambassador at Rome of what had better be done.
The King also told the Nuncio that he strongly suspected that the nuncio, recently sent by the Pope to France, had gone thither rather to oppose his personal interests than otherwise, and he ended by informing him of the advices he had received from his ambassador at the Imperial court, such as the departure of the duke of Saxony [from Court], of the articles demanded by the Lutherans, and the breaking up of the diet of Augsburg (et de la rotture de la journee Daixpurg) without coming to any decision. After which the King observed that all these doings would not greatly redound to Your Majesty's honour, and that if you wished to mend matters in that quarter you would be obliged to grant most demands, even if they included the best part of your paternal dominions. After which, yielding to this very evident desire of casting a slur upon Your Majesty, and forgetting his previous irreverent language and contempt of Papal authority, he added: "I will soon establish a much stricter rule in this my kingdom than has been done in Germany, touching the suppression and punishment of the Lutheran errors,"—a boast for which there is a little more foundation now than there was eight days ago, for since that time he has had five or six merchants imprisoned for being Lutherans. (fn. n7)
As the Nuncio was leaving the room the King made some slight excuse for having written to Rome without first informing him thereof; but he said the fault rested with those of his Council who had sent off the courier whilst he was out hunting. Neither has the Nuncio nor have I been able to discover the nature of that despatch, nor the reason of its being sent. It may be among others, to bring over here an old Jew, now at Rome, who says he can prove incontrovertibly that the King's marriage was unlawful. (fn. n8) Has advised Messire Mai of this, so that should the Jew be a man of such learning and parts as to inspire confidence, he (Mai) may prevail on the Pope to stop his coming [to England], at least until his arguments have been heard, so that the bishop of Rochester may be prepared to refute them, a task the Bishop desires above all things.
The Nuncio has also informed me that the King had said that he knew quite well that all those whom the Pope had consulted or to whom he had entrusted the examination of this case were of his (the King's) opinion. I therefore begged the Nuncio to write to His Holiness to make sure of his men, and especially to keep an eye upon a Jacobite named de Finario, (fn. n9) who, judging from some letters which had been received in Paris, seemed greatly to incline to the other side. The Nuncio promised to write and acquaint the Pope with every particular.
Brian left yesterday to go to the king of France, to whom I believe he is to present two fine horses which this king has had spendidly caparisoned and equipped. (fn. n10) I have yet been unable to learn anything positive about this mission. It is said the Chancellor is still in danger of being dismissed, and this solely because he hesitated to sign with the others the King's letters to the Pope, of which Your Majesty has beep advised.
The King has sent to the Tower a Welsh gentleman named Ris (Sir Rhese ap Thomas), who married one of the duke of Norfolk's sisters, because (as report goes) not satisfied with his wife having some months ago besieged the governor of Wales [in his castle] for several days, and had some of his attendants killed, he himself has threatened to finish what his wife had begun.
The duke of Norfolk has begged the Nuncio to obtain a dispensation for one of his sisters to marry the earl Dalbi (Derby), who had been formerly married to one of his daughters. The Duke does not wish to let this alliance slip, as there is no other in the kingdom through which he could more strengthen himself. Many even think that had he had no sister to offer the Earl the Duke would have proposed to him his other daughter, who has been promised to the duke of Richemont (Richmond). This is the marriage which the duchess of Norfolk most wished for her daughter, but the Lady Anne opposed it, and used such high words towards the Duchess that the latter narrowly escaped being dismissed from Court.—London, 15th October 1530.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp. 6.
15 Oct. 461. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 849,
ff. 107-8.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 255.
Wrote on the 13th inst., both to the Emperor and to the High Commander (Covos), reporting upon general events up to that date. Will now relate what has happened since.
Describes his interview with the Pope, to whom he communicated His Majesty's wishes respecting the duke of Mantua's proposed marriage. Told him that whatever the decision in this case, it was the Emperor's wish that no injury should be done to Doña Giulia. The Pope referred him to the Mantuan ambassador, who called next day and said his master, the Duke, wished to know whether Doña Giulia considered herself his wife in conscience or not; if she was not free to marry she could not be his wife. (fn. n11) His (Mai's) answer was that if Giulia was not free before she was so now, the more so that having obtained sentence against the other, she was actually free to marry as long as the sentence was not revoked. The Mantuan ambassador then observed that the Duke, his master, had been told that the lady was 32 years old. Answered, he knew nothing about that; it ought to have been ascertained before marrying her with the Emperor's intervention. Would not say any more on the subject, only observed how strange it was for the ambassador, the Duke himself, and the whole of his household to wear mourning for the lady just dead, when the report had come by way of Venice that the deceased had already been betrothed or was about to be so to another man. This was said on purpose, because these Mantuans lay much stress on this fact, as if they were in possession of that marriage in order to throw disrepute on this other one. Wishes for further instructions on this point.
Tarbes is going every day, but is not gone yet. He remains here, as it is stated, merely to promote the affairs of the king of England. The day before yesterday the Pope undeceived him concerning the three points proposed by the English ambassadors, viz., that the cause should be committed to the archbishop of Canterbury; 2, or to him and the clergy of his diocese; 3, or that, if the King should take any positive step (de hecho), the Pope should not fulminate censures against him. The same night cardinal Ravenna came to inform him (Mai) of it. He is a good servant of His Imperial Majesty. Tarbes made a long reply in the matter. He has since introduced another article suggesting that the cause be delayed, and that the king of France intervene (se ponga en ello). He (Mai) replied: "Let justice be done, and in due time the most Christian King may, if he pleases, intervene," which answer the Pope gave to Tarbes.
As the Hungarian ambassador, Muxetula, and I myself were to-day coming out of the Pope's chamber we met Tarbes, who was going in. He took me to a window, called my colleagues round, and then said that I had placed myself and the world in great danger through the course I was deliberately pursuing. He knew for certain that a great scandal was impending, and that Your Majesty would be the first to blame me for my conduct. It would be far better, he observed, to grant a delay than run the risk of the king of England acting for himself. He (Tarbes) had also been an ambassador, and when he saw that an affair was turning to his master's prejudice he cared not for the letter of his instructions. This he said as a Christian and a prelate who had no mandate whatever.
At the request of the Hungarian ambassador and Muxetula, I undertook to answer (Tarbes') objections. I said; "That both Your Majesty and the Queen had been instrumental in inducing the Pope to grant six or seven delays already, and that I could in nowise consent to a new one without consulting home." "In my opinion," I observed, "not one of the various delays granted had been in any way beneficial to the cause. The queen of England was not a person to be treated with such indignity and made to wait at the mercy of her opponents. (fn. n12) And whereas Your Majesty had previously granted such delays, I (Mai) would not consent to this new one unless I was positively ordered to do so." The conversation lasted some time, Tarbes repeating the same arguments with more or less warmth until he left us and went in to the Pope.
After Tarbes' departure Muxetula called my attention to a part of the Frenchman's speech, in which he positively promised that the king of England would not move during the suspension of the proceedings, and inquired whether the thing could not be managed in that way. Told him that the proposal had been discussed at Bologna, and that notwithstanding that my orders were positive not to consent to any further delays.
I will press for the new inhibition; but I fear that it will not be granted. If they refuse I will complain to the Pope of this notorious injustice with more reason than the English do.
Tarbes has owned to me that this English business alone detains him at Rome, and that he is going away soon. I have been told that Ascanio Colonna has presented him with horses and other pleasant gifts (gentilezas), which would be a fair ground for suspicion were it not that he is, as the report goes, at this present moment surrounding with walls some of the towns in his estate. (fn. n13)
The Vayvod had an agent in France, who is now returning to his master. Should like to know of this beforehand, to write to Esçalenga to have him arrested on his coming to Italy. Some orders have already been issued about this, but he (Mai) is afraid that they will not be in time at the frontier. The agent, it appears, has sent a secretary of his from Mantua to the Pope, announcing that he is first going to Venice and then to his master. He has told the Pope three pieces of news from the court of France: 1, that his master, the Vayvod, has made a new treaty with the Turk, still more binding than the last; 2, that the marriage of [the king of] Navarre has been broken off, and therefore that he is still free to marry Her Royal Highness [Doña Maria], to whose hand he pretends; (fn. n14) and 3, that this present peace between the Christian princes is only feigned, and will not last; he knows it well. But little attention is paid to news of this sort, as they may have been invented for the sake of bringing credit to the newsmongers.
The news of the duke of Albany coming to Ravenna by water has turned out untrue.
The Duchesina, the Pope's niece, has arrived, and a house has been prepared for her reception. To-morrow Miçer Andrea del Burgo and he (Mai) will call on her.
This last inundation has caused great damages in Rome; one-third of its houses are down or tottering in their foundations. Famine and plague are also apprehended.
Captain Scrivan came yesterday from Naples with 22,000 crs. He has been dispatched to the camp.
According to Tovar, Don Ferrante Gonzaga is now attacking a town of the Sienese.
Treasurer Alonso Sanchez is daily expected here, though many think that to save time he will go [to Germany] by way of Trent.
Refers to Muxetula's despatch of the same date, where a full account of their negociations with the Pope is contained.—Rome, 15th October 1530.
Signed: "Mai."
Addressed: "To the Sacred Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 4.
15 Oct. 462. Muxetula to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 849,
f. 70.
B. M. Add. 28,581
f. 253.
Has fully explained in his despatch of the 23rd inst. the state of the negociations. He and cardinal d'Osma find the Pope better disposed every day in this affair [of the Turk], which is so well calculated for the benefit of Christendom at large. To-morrow a congregation of cardinals will take place, and messengers will be sent, as we are informed, to all the Italian potentates to contribute money towards the undertaking. Should the sum thus raised be insufficient, His Holiness is fully determined to allow the Christian princes to levy a tithe (decima) on the clergy of their dominions; since the patrimony of the Church (el patrimonio de Nuestro Señor Dios) is everywhere destined for the protection of the Faith. If the Christian princes are unwilling to spend their own substance on such a holy undertaking, they cannot well refuse to apply the sums bestowed by the Church, for if they do they will be regarded as more Lutherans than Luther himself; and besides, His Holiness will be perfectly justified in employing against such defaulters his own spiritual as well as temporal arms. In this way the Imperial army will be enabled to march to Hungary and meet the Turks there or wherever they may be.
Conversing the other day with His Holiness it was agreed between him and us that in the meantime, and whilst the money for the pay of the Imperial forces is being collected, the duke of Mantua (Federigo Gonzaga) should divide them into small detachments so as to prevent the danger of mutiny, and of the excesses consequent thereupon, which are likely to occur unless the money is forthcoming for the payment of their arrears. A sum of 22,000 crs. has this very day come from Naples, which will be sent to the camp to-morrow.
Tavora (fn. n15) arrived here yesterday from Florence with the news that the Germans had already been licensed and left the camp. The Duke (Gonzaga) sent to request the Sienese to point out a village within their territory whereat the said licensed Germans might quarter and wait for their money from Naples. The Sienese refused, and the village offered some resistance, upon which the Duke sent thither some Spaniards with orders to enter the place.—Rome, 15th October 1530.
Signed. "Jo. Ant.. Muscetula."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.


  • n1. Isabella, the widow of Frederic, the last king of Naples.
  • n2. "Que el Duque venia por adovar sus cosas sobre lo hecho de su nieta, hija del magnifico Lorenço, que tambien es hija de hermana del Duque, y tienenle todos sus bienes que esta muchacha ha heredado en Francia." Nieta in Spanish, from the Latin neptis, means, properly speaking, a grand-daughter, but is here used in the sense of "grand-niece," for such was Caterina to Clement. That lady, born in 1519, and, therefore, only 11 years of age at this time, was the daughter of Lorenzo, who in his turn was Clement's nephew. Caterina's mother was Madaleine de la Tour d'Auvergne.
  • n3. "Hame dicho despues el Papa que partiendo mañana el cardinal de Francia á Francia le ha hablado como de si, &c." The Cardinal is no other than Gabriel de Grammont, bishop of Tarbes, in Gascony, whom this and other Spanish writers of this time usually designate under the appelative of Monsieur de Tarba.
  • n4. "Et paralliemant de ce quil ne luy avoit envoye une certainne [signature que le Pape avoit decerne estant a Orvietto] de la teneur et emportance de la quelle vostre maieste pourra entierement estre informe [du cardinal Campegio.]
  • n5. "[Quil mettroit main a la plume et feroit congnoistre au monde que le pape na autre auctorite que celle quavoit Moyse], que nestoit sinon sur la declaration et interpretation de [l'escripture], et que toute la reste nest sinon [usurpacion et tirannie], que sil est contraint a ce fere, yl fera ung domage irreparable au siege apostolique, plus que tous les autres quont [escript par cy devant], cart pour estre du sçavoer et de la qualite quil est et roys et princes et la reste adhereroint a luy."
  • n6. The letters alluded to are not in the packet, unless that of the 16th of September under No. 429 be one of them.
  • n7. "En apres ung peu denvie de notter aucunemant [votre maieste, luy faisant oblier la braueries quil avoit fait contre le pape, le esmeut a dire quil mestroit bien autre ordre en son royaulme touchant la prohibition et pugnicion de telles erreurs] que lon navoit point fait en [Allemaigne. Ceste vantance luy est mieulx de pardonner quelle nestoit huyt jours paravant car dempuys ce temps yl a fait mettre en] prison cinq ou six marchans de ceste ville pour Lutheriens."
  • n8. "Forsque entre autres choses que cest pour ammenner ung vieux juifz quest a Romme qua dit quil feroit apparoistre inconvinciblemant (sic) que le marriage avec la royne est illegitime."
  • n9. "Sur ung Jacopin nomme de finario."
  • n10. "Que ce roy a fait triomphalemant arnesche[r]."
  • n11. "Dixome á la clara que el duque de Mantua queria saber si era su mujer por lo de la consciencia, que sino era libre no seria su mujer, y io le dixe que si entonces no lo era, que agora lo es, quanto mas que teniendo sententia contra la otra, hasta que fuese revocada, no podia hacer otra cosa."
  • n12. "La serenissima Reyna no era pieça para suffrirse tanto, siendo tractada como lo es, con maneras indignas."
  • n13. "Que seria harto sospechoso, pero no seria mucho segund está él, que me han dicho que cerca agora de muros no se que lugares de su estado."
  • n14. The widow of Ladislas, king of Hungary.
  • n15. This name is written in such a manner that it is difficult to say whether Tovara, Tavora, or Tarva is meant, but I am inclined to think that Tovar, which is frequently spelt Tobar, is meant, the more so that it is the name of a noble family closely allied with the Fernandez de Velasco, constables of Castille. One Francisco de Tobar is spoken of in part 2, p. 415, as a captain in the Imperial army.