Spain: October 1530, 16-25

Pages 766-784

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1879.

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October 1530, 16-25

17 Oct. 463. Dr. Garay to the Emperor.
P. Arch. de l'Emp.
Neg. Pap. de Sim.
1,483, No. 58.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 259.
Considers himself in duty bound to report on the proceedings now being taken with regard to the divorce, for it may perhaps add to the information received from the ambassador in England (Chapuys) and at this court [of France], as well as at Rome. Should the information he is about to give agree with that sent by the said Imperial ambassadors, let it be settled that some steps must be taken to counteract the designs of the enemy. Should his report, on the contrary, turn out untrue, let the fault rest with the Italians and Frenchmen, from whom he derives his information.
On the 1st inst. the Council (convokation) of England, as Your Majesty has no doubt been informed, commenced its labours principally for this business of the Queen. As the king of England cannot find his way to the Pope, he thinks that having the opinion of the majority of this Faculty, and that of other universities in his favour—although such an opinion is quite worthless in consequence of the corruption used, as His Holiness has been sufficiently informed—he will, as many presume, shew all such opinions in his Council and assembly (en su consejo y ayuntamiento) of laymen and ecclesiastics, among whom are several prelates and nobles of his kingdom representing what he calls the Anglican Church. The King's purpose is to tell them for his own justification, as is his wont, that he has been during all these years married contrary to the law and commands of God; that during this time and with proper regard for the Queen (hecha la salva á la Reyna) he has, in order to quiet his conscience, applied to His Holiness (who would not consent to the divorce) in several ways, begging him to authorize the said divorce. The Pope having hitherto delayed giving his sanction to it, the King, no longer able to resist the cries of his conscience, has sought for and obtained the signatures of several doctors and universities both in England and abroad, all of whom are in favour of his opinion. That the object for which he presents the said papers and opinions is that a bishop elected by the assembly may give him permission to separate from his Queen, since the Pope will not do him that justice. (fn. n1) With regard to the interdict, as well as the censures and excommunications with which he and his kingdom have been visited, the King says that he heeds them not, for he has appealed against them to the General Council; but as this does not meet, and indeed there is no appearance of its ever meeting, he will no longer remain in peril of his soul and in a marriage contrary to Divine Law. With this the King will no doubt consider that he has fulfilled his duty towards God and man.
These are the motives which the King has alleged and will probably allege for his conduct; whether he will or not ultimately gain his end remains to be seen. He (Garay) believes he will not; others, and among them many men of learning, morality, and wisdom, think that he will, considering his insistence upon this wretched divorce (esta desventura).
All the arguments and reasons hitherto adduced by the English have been so often repeated and have so little plausibility, that it is unnecessary to record them here. The Emperor must by this time have become a more subtle theologian than himself (Garay), and has plenty of eminent divines at his court capable of refuting them. One argument, however, occurs to him (Garay) at this moment, which is this: (fn. n2) How is it that the king of England, after living 23 years with his Queen in such union and love that she governed him and his kingdom, for when he was absent from home she gained a battle against the king of Scotland, and slew him on the field, as great a deed as that of Judith when she killed Holofernes? How is it, I say, that after so many years of virtuous life, a prince so generous, and claiming so much learning in these matters, never spoke a word of this before, but began, through passionate love of a lady-in-waiting to his own Queen, and hatred to Your Majesty, to feel scruples about his marriage, and after consulting thereupon the principal prelates of his kingdom—the most learned and moral—dismissed them and sent them away far off, because they told him the simple truth in order to quiet his conscience and ensure his estate! Let them ask him why he deprived of her rights a princess so adorned with beauty, virtues, chastity, and wisdom, that she has not her equal in the world? For in thus depriving her against all Divine and human law of what was her right, he certainly committed a greater sin than if he had actually despoiled her of her worldly goods, after all only affect the comfort of the body, whereas the others concern the soul and constitute an injury to God and a great scandal in the sight of men. (fn. n3) The King alleges that he is married contrary to Divine Law, but the following dilemma might be proposed to him. He is either certain or uncertain about this. If certain, why has he disturbed (revuelto) all men of learning in Christendom? For one, it seems to me, was enough to tell the Pope how matters stood, besides that all the doctors who from the Apostles down to our present time have treated this question, are in favour of the Queen; and even those who allegate on their own judgment and without quoting authorities are against him. (fn. n4) If probabilities even were strongly in his favour, but he had no absolute certainty, the Church ordains, expressly under pain of excommunication, that in such cases at least the husband should give his wife her due. (fn. n5) Quotes in corroboration the text of a decretal beginning "Inquisitioni."
What the King ought to have done was to cast away from him, and from the service of his Queen, the lady who is the cause of all this evil. She might have been disposed of in marriage, or shut up in a convent, or sent to Madame [Margaret] with a post of honour in her household. This being done, and the King fasting for several days upon bread and water, with severe penance besides for the scandal given, he should then have commended himself to God and placed the affair in the hands of His Holiness, the only authority in such matters. I would consent to lose my head on the block, if after a month of such a life the King did not become a better husband than ever he was before, and retrieve his soul, ensure his estate, and restore the Queen in all her rights so unjustly taken away from her. Should he do that he would no longer suffer from scruples, and everyone would consider him a good Christian.
But I am very much afraid that the King, blinded as he is by passion, and having already begun to lose all shame and fear of God, as well as all respect to the Pope, may one of these days commit some scandalous act that may be difficult to redress and fatal in its consequences. That is why I beg and entreat Your Majesty to request the Pope publicly to declare in Consistory, in the presence of all the members of the Rota, and in his own words as bearing greater authority, that the King's marriage is perfectly valid according to the Faith; that the Papal dispensation was quite sufficient, and that he (the Pope) should at once annul all that may have been said or done against the said marriage, depriving of their offices and ecclesiastical benefices all who oppose this his opinion, and excommunicating whomsoever should in future oppose his decretals. This being done, the King will not dare prosecute his purpose, lest his vassals should take the law into their own hands (no le apedreen). Should he disregard the Papal sentence and appeal from it, Civil Law (el Derecho) affords sufficient means for the punishment of rebels, however exalted their rank may be; otherwise justice would be altogether banished from this world.
With regard to the Pope he must know by this time what has taken place here. I am told that he dares not expedite the brief to chastize these intrigues (bellaquerias) from fear of losing altogether the French king's friendship; but the truth is that if he has the will, he also has the power to do it, and should fear no one in this business except God. I am rather inclined to believe after all that the Pope is really afraid of offending the kings of England and France, that being the reason of so many delays in the proceedings. That is why I think this the fit moment to urge the Pope at once to pronounce sentence in this case, which sentence can no longer be delayed without notable danger to the Church and to the Apostolic See; and since His Holiness is so much indebted to Your Majesty, that even the blind confess that he owes to you his life and his chair and everything, he cannot but do justice at once, as I have had occasion to represent to him, or forfeit the authority which his predecessors have enjoyed for 1,030, and he himself for five years in this kingdom of France, and thus place the whole of Christendom in imminent danger.
Your Majesty will forgive me if I am too prolix, but the truth is that perceiving the king of England's obstinacy, and the Pope's coldness, seeing this king bent upon favouring the other, and the injury about to be inflicted upon so great a princess; bearing in mind the atrocious wars and dire calamities of past times, I begin to think that God is about to visit our many sins with a Turkish invasion as powerful and destructive as the past.
I can no longer be of use here. If Your Majesty wants my services in England or at Rome, I am ready to go whereever I am ordered.—Paris, 17th October 1530.
Signed: "Garay."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 5.
18 Oct. 464. Martin de Salinas to Secretary Juan Vazquez.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
c. 71, f. 248 v..
On the receipt of Your Worship's letter I called upon Alvaro de Lugo to pay me the money by weight, and in the same bags in which he had received it. This he refused to do, and gave as an excuse the reasons specified in the enclosed papers, upon which, seeing that time was passing, and that the agent of the Fuggers might perhaps be already at Fuentarrabia, though I had no notice of his arrival there, I resolved to accept the money, and give receipt for 200,000 ducats, counted one by one, discarding those that seemed to me not to be of sufficient weight. (fn. n6)
I returned to Tordesillas on Sunday the 16th, three hours before daybreak, and hid the money in so secret a place that the earth itself cannot say where it is (que la tierra no sabe dello). Yesterday, Monday, I sent a message to the man who had the 50,000, and he came immediately. To-morrow I will dispatch the bastard of Orrus (du Roeulx), and the rest of the week will be employed in preparing for Mercado's journey. This latter will be followed on Monday next by the treasurer himself.—Tordesillas, 18th October 1530.
Addressed: "To Secretary Juan Vazquez."
Spanish. Original draft. p. 1.
19 Oct. 465. The Same to Ferdinand, King of Bohemia and Hungary.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
c. 71, f. 249.
Wrote last by Don Enrrique de Rojas advising his arrival at the court of the Empress, and has since reported at various times on the progress of his mission. The bastard of Orrus (du Roeulx) is good witness that it is no fault of his that the money has not been sent to Fuentarrabia sooner.
Respecting the daughter of Don Pedro Lasso, whom His Highness recommended, a place has been obtained for her in the Imperial household as one of the Empress' ladies-in-waiting (damas). The appointment has been communicated to her father.
With regard to the specie and the suspicion that it was not of good alloy, every possible precaution has been taken. The best that could be had in the kingdom was obtained. The silver coins were scrupulously examined one by one, and when found deficient in weight put on one side, so that there ought to be no loss in the total amount.
The law-suit of Martin de Guzman, respecting which His Highness makes inquiries, though tried in Council has not yet been decided. Spoke about it to the Empress, who referred him to the President. The latter, who knows the great interest His Highness takes in this affair, as well as his reason for so doing, shewed at once every disposition to exert himself to the utmost. He said that the reason why the process had not been determined at once was that the prosecuting officer had died, and also most of the councillors who had tried the suit. Another lawyer had been appointed in his room, named Alvar Perez, but he was young and had no knowledge whatever of the affair. In his opinion, Guzman's case was not a judicial but an administrative one, which ought to be decided by the Emperor himself. Offered to write to the High Commander of Leon [Covos] about it, as he has done since, &c.
Alonso de Mercado is sending a brother of his with the bastard [Du Roeulx], first, for the greater security of the trust [in money]; and secondly, because he wishes him to see the world and be two years absent from Spain. Warmly recommends him to His Highness' notice as the son of one who has served faithfully.—Tordesillas, 19th October 1530.
Addressed: "To the King, my Lord."
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 1½.
19 Oct. 466. The Same to the High Commander of Leon.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
c. 71, f. 250 v..
Would have written before had he had at hand a cipher to communicate with his Lordship, as the business which brought him to Spain was of so secret a nature as to require every precaution. Has, however, written to Secretary Castillejo, whose cipher he possesses, giving a full account of the transaction, and how the money was obtained at last and forwarded to Fuentarrabia. Needs scarcely point out the trouble he has taken in this affair and the precautions used not to arouse suspicion.
Begs leave to recommend Treasurer Ochoa de Landa, who, as reported in his letter to Secretary Castillejo, has sustained great losses through his honourable conduct. The Marquis is writing to his son, Don Enrrique de Rojas, about it.—Tordesillas, 19th October 1530.
Addressed: "To the High Commander of Leon."
Spanish. Original draft. p. 1.
18 Oct. 467. Rodrigo Niño to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,308,
ff. 84-7.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 262.
Wrote on the 12th announcing the arrival in this city of the duke of Milan. Visited him in Your Majesty's name on the 14th, and was very honourably received by him. On the 16th the Doge (Duque) with all the Signory called at his lodgings, and were with him a good while. Next day the Duke returned the Doge's visit, and asked for a secret audience, which was granted in the Ducal Palace and in the presence of the Council of Ten, the sages, grandees, and councillors, and lasted one hour and a half.
Having obtained through the General of the Augustinians, of whom I have spoken in former despatches, all the information that was to be had on the subject of the Duke, and his interview with the Doge and Signory, I called upon his ambassador here, and tried to find out whether his report agreed with that which I had heard. The ambassador's answer was that the Duke, his master, had come to Venice for seven different objects. 1st. To visit the Signory and thank them for past favours. 2nd. To state the great want in which he is of money to pay Your Majesty. 3rd. The intelligence he has received from France that the King has sent to offer to Your Majesty the remainder of the 900,000 ducats owed by the Duke, on condition of the investiture of Milan being transferred to his son, the duke of Orleans, who is to be married to the daughter (fn. n7) of queen Eleanor. This the King suggested might be easily accomplished, inasmuch as the Duke (Sforza) had not paid the money at the stipulated dates. The Emperor, however, had, to his knowledge, rejected the overtures, and not allowed the matter to be entertained.
The 4th was to tell the Signory which were the fortified towns in his estate, and which were not. The fortified were Carmona, Lodi, and Alessandria; those that were not and required to be so, Pavia, Milan, and Como.
The 5th to inform them that the most Christian King of France had sent to ask him to restore the property confiscated from the "fuorusciti," as well as the pensions and grants which the King had made them when in possession of Milan.
The 6th to ask their advice respecting the various matrimonial alliances proposed to him, such as that of the Pope's niece and daughter of Lorenzo de' Medici (Caterina), or that of a daughter of the marquis de Montferrato.
The 7th, and last, to beg they would wait for the amount of his debt to them until he has paid Your Majesty in full.
Called again on the Duke, who confirmed the statements of his ambassador. Had a long conference with him, which was interrupted by the arrival of cardinal Pisani, and then took leave of the Duke, who promised to call at my lodgings and tell me the rest.
[Cipher:] In going out, the Milanese ambassador accompanied me. A person worthy of credit having told me that among the various offers of marriage made to the Duke, one was that of the daughter of the king of England, and knowing that this was the case, I said to the Milanese ambassador: "I cannot tell you how affectionately fond I am of the Duke, your master, and how delighted to see him on such good terms with the Emperor. Have you ever thought of the princess of England, for I fancy that would be a, very suitable marriage?' "My master," replied the Milanese ambassador, "intends to send an ambassador to England for the purpose of asking the King for a loan, and also of treating for a marriage with his daughter." "Has there been any talk about it?" was my next question. "No," answered the ambassador; but this was said in a manner that made me think at the time that there was some reason to doubt the ambassador's veracity. I have since remembered that in a conversation I had about 20 days ago with the English ambassador on the divorce case I asked him: "What will the king of England do if he gains his wicked purpose, and how will he dispose of his daughter?" He answered: "The King wishes to find a suitable marriage for her (como es razon)" I then observed, that whoever married her would expect to succeed to the throne. He replied that many means might be found to prevent this.
All this makes me suspect that there must have been some talk about this marriage, and indeed I should not be surprised if the king of England, being what he is, were to give his daughter to the duke Francesco, although he is actually without feet or hands, or has lost the use of them, which comes to the same thing. I report this to Your Majesty, because even were the King to do so it would not be nearly so bad a treatment of the daughter as of the mother.
The duke of Ferrara is also in Venice. I have not yet been able to ascertain what his object in coming here may be; but as the Papal Legate at the Imperial court has to my own knowledge set spies upon him, we shall soon know what he is about. The arrival of cardinal Salviati at this moment, and when the two Dukes [of Milan and Ferrara] are in Venice may also lead to suspicion. The latter [Alfonso d'Este] came last night from the lake of Garda.
The plague at Constantinople.—Venice, 18th October 1530.
Signed: "Rodrigo Niño."
Spanish. Original. pp. 15.
19 Oct. 468. Dr. Garay to the Emperor.
Arch. de l'Emp.
Neg. Pap. de Sim.
No. 59.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 270.
Nearly a year ago, at the request of Monsieur de Alachaulx (La Chaulx), now deceased, and whilst the Emperor was at Bologna before his coronation, he (Garay) sent a manuscript book (codice), in Latin and Spanish, wherein he had written down what he knew on this matter of the divorce. Since then he has had occasion again to study the subject, adding to his manuscript work many valuable quotations, besides preparing an answer to the fallacious arguments of our adversaries, which have been of such nature that had he not feared to prejudice the affair itself and offend God, as a priest, he would willingly have used his hands rather than his tongue.
Relates what passed in the Faculty of Theology, and that having exhibited a, paper signed by him and explaining some of the reasons why a conclusion could not be taken in favour of the King, even in the event of the majority of the doctors being in his favour, his motion was not taken into consideration. It was no use telling them that the Pope had advoked the cause to his court, and that the inhibition had been already published both in Flanders and in Savoy, they would in no wise listen to him, and even refused permission to the secretary or to the bedel of the Faculty to certify our joint protest, took from us the book in which our votes had been written, and hid it so that it might not be found.
Recapitulates every argument he (Garay) made on other occasions. Of the five councils appealed to in the King's favour not one contradicts the conclusion that the Pope could dispense, &c.—Paris, 19th October 1530.
P.S.—Humbly requests that the Imperial ambassador here [in Paris] be instructed to ask for the University register, where the opinions of this Faculty are written, or if not for an authentic copy of the said opinions, that the Pope may learn that the majority of the doctors are for the Queen.
Should this be obtained it would greatly turn to our favour and to the confusion and shame of our adversaries. If queen Eleanor, Your Majesty's sister, could be written to it would be a good help for the ambassadors to get what we want.
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 10.
19 Oct. 469. Martin de Salinas to Secretary Castillejo.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
c. 71, f. 251.
(Cipher:) Don Enrrique de Rojas, who left for Flanders on the 14th ult., was the bearer of a letter giving an account of my journey—a long and fatiguing one—of my arrival at Court, and of the audience I had from the Empress. Spent at Madrid seven whole days exclusively occupied with the business I had in hand, and obtaining orders for the treasury, &c. Left for Medina del Campo, where I thought I might have found Alvaro de Lugo, and the money, but he was absent at Valladolid, of which town he is now "corregidor." Went thither accompanied by Ochoa de Landa, the treasurer, and after confidentially informing Lugo of the object and nature of my mission exhibited my credentials, and the warrant signed by the Empress and the president of her Council. Lugo shewed all readiness to comply with the orders, but said to me, "Your Worship must have patience and wait seven or eight days, for I have no knowledge whatever of this affair, and the accountant cashier, who has received, and is to pay, the money, is now absent on leave at his native town, ten leagues beyond Burgos." A special messenger was immediately dispatched in quest of the said clerk, and in the meantime I came here [to Tordesillas] to avoid suspicion, and select persons to accompany Mercado and the others for the better fulfilment of their duty. Two court operatives (oficiales cortesanos) of my acquaintance were found at Tordesillas, willing to undertake the job, and keep the secret; one of them, Machin, the High Commander's sailor, a married man. generally residing here at Valladolid; the other a hosier (calcetero) of the name of Muñoz, also a married man, residing at Medina del Campo, but they were not quite ready to depart with the bastard (of Rœulx), who was to be the first to start (el primero de la escala), and, therefore, Mercado and the bastard were instructed to inquire secretly at Medina [del Campo] where they then resided, whether there was any trusty individual willing to serve in this affair. As no one could be found to accept the charge, Mercado offered to send along with the bastard one of his own brothers, that he may travel and see the world, &c. The offer has been accepted, and Mercado's brother is soon to depart in company with Du Rœulx.
It is now settled that the bastard will leave in a day or two, taking with him 18,000 crs. in silver, of which he is to give full account, after deducting his own personal expenses and those of Mercado's brother, who, as mentioned above, accompanies him, as well as those of a courier, who is to guide them to Fuentarrabia, engage post horses for them and so forth. The courier to come back immediately to inform Mercado and Francisco de Salamanca of the bastard's safe arrival [at Fuentarrabia]. The bastard's first duty on his arrival at the Imperial court will be to present himself to Your Lordship and give a full account of his mission.
During my stay in this town (Tordesillas) the bishop of Astorga (Don Fray Alvaro de Osorio), now residing at Valladolid, sent me a special messenger to complain of my having been in the neighbourhood without letting him know, and gave me an appointment for Simancas, where he offered to come at any time. My answer was that I was ignorant of the fact of his being in that town. Had I known of it, I should have not failed to visit him and kiss his hands. Agreed to meet him somewhere on the road, though it seemed to me an act of very bad breeding indeed to make an appointment on the road when I was so close to Valladolid. However, this town of Tordesillas is in the keeping of the marquis de Denia, (fn. n8) who will not allow people to come to it, and when they do, has them expelled. I was obliged to name a place more than half-way between this town and Valladolid, for my appointment with the Bishop, and there he agreed to meet me. In consequence, however, of the "reformador" of St. Bernard—who is a great friend of his, and also of yours—happening to be at Valladolid the Bishop changed his mind, and appointed a farmhouse belonging to the monks of that order, between Simancas and Aniago. The said reformer having expressed a wish to accompany him, both met me at the farm at the appointed day and hour, where I was splendidly entertained, and earnestly requested to inform them about His Royal Highness' health, the object of my mission, the state of affairs in Germany, &c., to all which questions I answered as best I could, though absolutely concealing from them the real object of my mission, &c.
The letter for your friend Escalante I delivered to his brother, Licte Escalante, now Oidor of Valladolid, to be forwarded to him by the first opportunity. He is now absent, and as during my stay in that town I have been obliged to keep in doors from fear of exciting curiosity, I have been unable to ascertain what has happened to him and what is the cause of his absence.
From Madrid I sent a messenger express to Toledo to inquire how far the work of the steel cap (capaçate) had advanced. He brought me answer that Blas Caballero, the workman, was absent at Valladolid, Wrote to him by Diego de Lequeitio, giving him the news of our court, and inquiring whether the steel piece was already in his possession. His answer was as Your Worship will see by the two enclosed letters. (fn. n9)
On the 1st inst. Francisco de Salamanca and Juan, his secretary, arrived with Your Worship's letters to me, in answer to which I can but express my sorrow at your indifferent health. In the same packet came letters for Señor Pedro de Castro, and others for Ciudad Real, all of which were duly sent by me to secretary Juan Vazquez for him to forward to their destination. That which came for the bishop of Avila [D. Rodrigo Mercado] I intend taking myself, as there is almost a certainty of the court removing soon to that town.
The Dean (el Señor Dean) sent me a memorandum to procure for him certain pillow cases and hand-cloths (fundas de almohada y paños de mano) worked. The bastard of Orrus (Du Rœulx) is about to take them. They are the best that could be bought, and are in two bundles covered with oilcloth (lienço encerado).
In the letter brought by Francisco de Salamanca there was a paragraph advising that the 100,000 ducats had been negociated with the Fuggers, to be delivered at Fuentarrabia; but as their agent here has not yet made his appearance at court, and there is no intelligence of those bankers being at the frontier, I have decided that the treasurer and Diego de Lequeitio go as far as Vitoria with the money, leaving his companion behind. The former is to go as far as Fuentarrabia to see whether the agents of the Fuggers have arrived, and in case of their being there agree as to the mode and time of the delivery. Francisco de Salamanca and his secretary are also to go with him. Should the Fuggers be at Fuentarrabia they will return to Vitoria, take the money to them, and get a proper receipt with which they will proceed to Germany. But if they (the Fuggers) have not arrived, the treasurer, after waiting a couple of days, will write to Salamanca, and his secretary, and give them notice of the whole transaction. The funds will be meanwhile at Vitoria in a safe place. The reason why I have taken no personal part in this affair is that I am well known on this road, having travelled it more than once. Were my numerous friends and acquaintances to see me again followed by a long train of pack horses (azemilas), heavily laden, they could not fail to suspect what I was about. Had it not been for this, I should much have preferred to saunter about Vitoria and enjoy myself than be thus exiled from court.
I do not write to the High Commander the details of this affair, because I have no cipher by me to communicate with him, and the whole affair must needs be kept secret. Your Worship no doubt will inform him of all this.—Tordesillas, 19th October 1530.
Addressed: "To Secretary Castillejo."
Spanish. Original draft deciphered. pp. 6.
20 Oct. 470. Muxetula to the Emperor.
S.E. L. 849,
ff. 65-6.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 275.
Relates his conversations with the Pope respecting the sums to be contributed by the Italian princes. His Holiness agrees to pay 10,000 ducats monthly towards the support of the Imperial forces, whilst they remain in Italy, provided the other Italian powers contribute 20,000 between them. Should any of them refuse to pay the sum agreed, the Pope proposes that the troops be quartered on their territory; because if they are the cause of the troops not going to fight the Turk it is but just that they should suffer the penalty. Encloses the list of contributions as proposed by His Holiness.
Bad state of the finances in Naples.—Cardinal Colonna writes to say that he cannot proceed to the sale of confiscated property until an answer comes to his despatches.—The estates of the duke of Gravina, deceased, and of the prince of Melphi are in that situation, as the Cardinal says, and cannot be disposed of until the instructions he has asked for come from court. But it appears to him (Muxetula) that those charged with the sale of confiscated and Crown property ought rather to look out for buyers than purchase the estates themselves, for many considerations which he passes over in silence. He (Muxetula) says this much because he hears that the Cardinal (Pompeo Colonna) has himself bought for 10,000 crs. the estate of Venafro, &c.
Institution of the cingolo militare.
(Cipher:) The king of France, as the Pope tells him, has secret intelligences at Genoa. He has also sent an ambassador to the duke of Milan about the will of his brother [Massimiliano]. The Pope says that the Milanese ambassador has shewn him a letter written by the French king to his master, requesting him to restore the property to those to whom he himself gave it when he ruled at Milan. The Duke's answer was that he would cause an investigation to be made and would let him know.
The duke of Milan and Ferrara in Venice.
Begs to be allowed to quit Rome, as the business for which he principally came is nearly finished. If the Emperor gives him leave, he intends repairing to Court and verbally informing the Emperor of many things that cannot conveniently be committed to writing. It would be a great satisfaction to him if Alonso Sanchez could be present also, as he can better than anyone else inform the Emperor of these Neapolitan and Roman affairs.—Rome, 20th October 1530.
Signed: "Muscetula."
Addressed: "To His Imperial Majesty."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 3.
21 Oct. 471. Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 849,
ff. 105-6.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 286.
I wrote on the 15th inst. about my conversation with cardinal de Agramonte (Grammont), and the delay asked for in the matter of the king and queen of England. Since then the Pope has tried to persuade me to agree to a suspension of 20 days, but I refused. He then sent for cardinal d'Osma, and desired him to exert all his influence to make me accede to this suspension, on the plea that in the interval the king of France, who had written in favour of the king of England, might bring the latter to reason, or at least induce him to hold his tongue, and speak no longer in behalf of his friend and ally. Fifteen or 20 days' delay in an affair of this kind (the Cardinal said to me) would be nothing in comparison with the advantages to be derived from it, and, besides, His Holiness had promised to write to Your Majesty about it. Such was the Pope's message to me, as delivered by the Cardinal. Replied that Your Majesty had always urged the prosecution of the suit, as he (d'Osma) could see by his letters. I then recounted all the delays which the affair had already suffered, the Queen's troubles and anxiety, and said how important it was for Your Majesty to have the thing decided at once, and not be perpetually hampered with the arbitration of His Holiness, and thus remove all occasions for the French and Lutherans, and all others who were hostile to Your Majesty, to disturb the peace. (fn. n10) The King's obstinacy in this affair could only be met by vigorous action, and it would be disreputable and shameful to consent to a further prorogation of the suit.
In spite of all my reasoning the Cardinal and Muscetula, who was also present, insisted that the delay was short, and the risk insignificant, when compared with the good that might come out of it, and both said that if Your Majesty were here (at Rome), they had no doubt the delay would be granted. I yielded at last to their representations, my principal reason being, as I afterwards told them, that I had not received then, any more than I have now, the documents I am expecting both from England and from Castille, without which the proceedings cannot possibly proceed; besides which cardinal Ancona, who is a good servant of Your Majesty, had advised me in the morning to follow this course. I, therefore, with the consent of my colleagues (d'Osma and Muscetula) went to the Pope and courteously informed him that his wishes would be complied with; I would in no wise grant a formal delay (sobreseimiento), but I would make one first term and not make another until 20 days after, which is equivalent to losing two within that period.
Letters have since come from the king of England; I have not yet been able to learn their contents, but hope to do so soon. As far as I can judge, from information received here from Bologna, whither Casale has gone to fetch his wife, the King instructs his ambassadors to promise in his name that he will take no new step until after next January. (fn. n11)
Three or four days ago letters came from the Baron del Burjo (sic), Papal Nuncio in England, through which Your Majesty will be able to judge of the King's intentions. They are here enclosed. (fn. n12)
I think I have told Your Majesty that the English ambassadors, when they demanded the three points about which I wrote, would not deliver the letters they had from their master to the Pope. Tarbes presented that of the French king in favour of king Henry, but he afterwards got it back by command of his master, alleging that although king Francis had full confidence in His Holiness, yet we were all mortals, and the letter might afterwards fall into hands where he" would not like it to be. I could not help telling the Pope that this was not an honourable way for kings to negociate, for they have no need of such stratagems. (fn. n13)
Have incessantly solicited the two remaining points of the memorial. I forwarded these some days ago, and yesterday cardinal Ancona, to whom the affair is particularly committed, promised me that whenever the Pope ordered him he would give his vote in the presence of the English ambassadors, besides which the Pope promised also to send for the latter to-day, and give them notice.
Rodrigo Niño writes that the bishop Theatino (of Chieti) will not write in this matter without the Pope's consent. Whenever he gets it he undertakes to write to the King himself I told the Pope this, and he was glad to hear it. It is not true, as the English pretend, and Niño writes, that the English have gained a very strong brief, besides the one about which I wrote to Your Majesty, and which, though vaguer than I should have wished, was nevertheless very different from what they say.
At Ferrara the same steps have been taken by the English as at Bologna and Padua. The Duke's officers opposed them at first, and they (the English) made all manner of excuses to no purpose (palabras excusadas). At last they promised to get the doctors of the College to give their candid opinion of the affair. The English were not satisfied with this, and wished the Ferrarese doctors to give counsel in favour of their king. But Your Majesty may be sure that all these are vain endeavours, because it is certain, and the English themselves know it quite well, that the cause will be finally determined according to justice and Canon law; and yet these men go on troubling the world with these theologians. (fn. n14)
Miçer Sigismondo Lofredo has sent from Naples some judicial allegations in which, as far as I have seen, this business of the divorce is ably discussed; but, as I have written to Your Majesty more than once, right is decidedly on our side; what we want is to prove facts, and yet notwithstanding my frequent applications for more than two consecutive years for the papers and documents required, notwithstanding that when I asked Joan Aleman for them at Burgos he fully promised to procure them immediately, up to this day they have not been received.
Should the Pope, instead of wishing the French king to mediate, and persuade the king of England to submit to his judgment, which no one believes he will do, want him to interfere in the principal affair, I must at once declare to Your Majesty that whatever cardinal Osma's and all the world's opinion may be in this particular, I shall never consent to it, for it strikes me that it is a far more important concession than the one we have just made, and in which I have shewn greater docility than is my wont, because, as I say, the harm is small, and the period short, besides which the delay is granted in a form that offends no one; to which may be added that it was an urgent case, and one in which there was no time for consulting Your Majesty.
Of one thing only I am afraid, and I told cardinal D'Osma so, that this negociation once established the grant of one delay may become the pretext for another. The Cardinal's answer was that he had provided for the case and spoken to His Holiness about it, and that it had been settled between them that the prorogation would only be for 15 or 20 days at the most, and in the manner above mentioned.
In the summary of the Nuncio's letter some allusion is made to two ecclesiastics, who wish to become cardinals; they are no others than the Auditor of the Chamber (Ghinucci), and a brother of Sir Gregory Casale, a very young man indeed, who resides in Venice [for the king of England], but I have already spoken my mind to the Pope about them.—Rome, 21st October 1530.
Signed: "Mai."
Addressed: "To the most August Majesty of the Emperor and King, our sovereign lord."
Indorsed: "Miçer Mai's letter of the 21st to be placed with the others about the divorce."
Spanish. Holograph almost entirely in cipher. pp. 3.
21 Oct. 472. Micer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 849,
ff. 105-6.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 289.
(Cipher:) Muxetula's mission is progressing fairly, as he himself will write to the Emperor. And certainly it was a very good idea to suggest that the money collected should be employed against the Lutherans alone, for, as Tarbes himself observed the other day in congregation, it is a more acceptable proposition than that of "Hungary and the Turk."
(Common writing:) It can easily be conceived that Andrea del Burgo, who has been trying for upwards of three months to obtain some sort of subsidy for his master, the king of Hungary, will not be very much pleased at this substitution; but he is a sensible man, and will take patience.
Treasurer Alonso Sanchez has arrived, and leaves to-day for Germany. He says that not only Naples will give not the 80,000 ducats promised, but that there is not one farthing left in the treasury to pay the army there, &c.
The Imperial troops are now within the territory of Siena; they have sacked a castle called Lucignano, and although the Sienese richly deserved all the harm they have since received, our men are still quartered in the territory of that Community, living on the inhabitants: a very bad example indeed when it falls upon people so constantly attached to the Emperor. Hopes that the Pope, to whom he (Mai) has applied, will soon determine where the men are to go for quarters.
There is still another question, which, if left unsettled, may possibly alienate the hearts of the Sienese from us, viz., the restitution of property to the "fuorusciti." Has written to Soria to send Philippe de Senis to him, that they may have a conference about it.
Cardinal de Agramonte (Gabriel de Grammont), with his habitual restlessness, went the other day and said to one of his colleagues, who repeated it to Miçer Andrea and him (Mai), that before the French would send a contribution in money for the German war (en las cosas de Alemanya), many things had to be done, meaning no doubt some agreement between the Emperor and them. He also said that their contribution would be in men, not in money; and upon his interlocutor objecting that perhaps Your Majesty would not place confidence in such a force (no se fiaria de la tal gente), he replied: "If such be the case, we shall send our money straight to the Germans." (Cipher:) The same cardinal (Grammont) said to the Pope that he knew as a fact that Your Majesty was journeying towards Flanders, and that the King, his master, wished to have an interview with you there; but he (the Cardinal) was determined to prevent, if possible, such an interview, as he knew that nothing good would result for His Holiness therefrom, but on the contrary a good deal of harm. He was (he said) sincerely attached to the Pope, and would at once go to France, and persuade the King not to see the Emperor. As the Pope knows his man well, he (Mai) had no difficulty in convincing him of what the Cardinal was aiming at.
Conjectures about the staying of the dukes of Milan and Ferrara at Venice.
French ambassador to Milan, and his demands from the Duke.
It is reported that the duke of Albany has been ill for some time, or at least has feigned to be so, and has now gone incognito either to Ferrara or to some other place; for what purpose is more than he (Mai) can say, for after all the intelligence may turn out untrue.
Cardinal Ancona gives good hopes respecting the nominations [of cardinals] and public prayers (nominationes y preces). Encloses the bull about Carlos Torrellas. Also a tract (libello) dedicated to the Emperor on the Ferrara affair and against the Duke. Has procured two copies; that of the Duke and another that came from France, in French. Is also trying to procure the Italian copy, that the Papal Nuncio sent from thence. If they do not all go by this post they will by the next.
The Pope says that he hears from his governor at Modena that the duke of Ferrara is every day making him most preposterous demands, all with a view to delay the termination of their pending affairs. He (the Pope) seemed not to be very much satisfied with Pero Çapata's doings there. Excused the latter as much as he could, and seeing the occasion at hand, suggested that the Duke might after all be wishing for a compromise. The Pope answered that if the Duke obstinately persisted in his idea of keeping that city to himself, no arrangement was possible. He promised, however, to look into the affair, and to-day the ambassador and secretary of the Duke have come and talked the matter over with him (Mai).
After writing the above, has heard from a good source that the most Christian King intends marrying the remaining daughter of Montferrato (fn. n15) to the marquis de Saluzzo. (fn. n16) Wishing to know whether the information was correct or not, sent to inquire from the Pope, and his answer has been that he heard it from cardinal de Agramonte (Gabriel de Grammont). Although information coming from such a source is not greatly to be relied upon, has deemed it opportune to apprize the Emperor thereof for two reasons of some weight: one is, that those two marquisates, if united under one head, would, from their geographical position and resources, constitute an important estate in Italy; and the other is, that perhaps the French, on account of the vicinity of Monferrato and Saluzzo to their own country, are better disposed to favour the said matrimonial alliance than that of any other Italian family. (fn. n17) —Rome, 21st October 1530.
Signed: "Mai."
Spanish. Original. pp. 5.
25 Oct. 473. Martin de Salinas to King Ferdinand.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 254.
On the 19th the Bastard of Orrus (Du Rœulx) left with 18,000 crs. Alonso Mercado, bearer of this present, will leave in a day or two, taking 17,000 more, for which he will duly account.
The day after the departure of the Bastard, an agent of the Fuggers, who are to receive the 100,000 crs., came to me, and said that he had been at Fuentarrabia, and left his partner there to receive the money. When the agent came I was just making arrangements to go thither myself. The agent saw the money with his own eyes. It was then agreed that the treasurer, Alonso de Landa, should be about the 2nd of November, at his own house in Alava, where, if convenient to them, he might make delivery of the money. The village where Landa's house stands is small, off the turnpike road, and, therefore, less subject to the inquiries of the country people. It could then easily be carried to the frontier, and given to the Fuggers there. No objection was raised to this plan, which the agent approved after consulting with his partner at Fuentarrabia. Everything, however, will be done as they choose, though I must own that the original plan seems to me by far the speediest and surest. There the money might have been received with greater security and secrecy, as there was nothing else for the carriers to do than on arriving in sight of Fuentarrabia, cross the river, and get into the town, without anyone suspecting what sort of goods it was, for the money was in coffers of the size and form of those generally used for apparel. At Fuentarrabia there is a garrison and many soldiers, and however secretly the counting be made, some one would inevitably get scent of it, and when the frontier was crossed into France there might be danger for the Fuggers, besides fear of the secret getting divulged. Cannot say what plan they will fix upon, but whatever they do His Highness may be sure that the secret will be kept by them and by us.—Tordesillas, 25th October 1530.
Addressed: "To the King, my Lord."
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.
25 Oct. 474. The Same to Secretary Castillejo.
M. Re. Ac. d.Hist.,
c. 71, f. 254.
Has received letters from the agents of the Fuggers at Fuentarrabia, saying that they are waiting for the money. To-morrow Alonso de Landa, the treasurer, will leave for that city. Mercado, the bearer of this, leaves to-day with 17,000 crs. The bastard left yesterday with 18,000.—Tordesillas, 25th October 1530.
Addressed: "To Secretary Castillejo."
Spanish. Original draft. p. ½.


  • n1. "Que muestra todo esto para que licitamente, con autoridad da un obispo que el escoja se aparten, pues el Papa no le haze justicia."
  • n2. "Como este illustrissimo Rey en xxiii años continuos que estuvo con su mujer con tanto amor que le gobernaba no solo á su reyno pero á su persona, y estando fuera de su reyno gano la batalla contra el Rey de Escocia, su enemigo, y lo mató en el campo (que no hizo mayor hazaña Judith en matar a Holofernes), en tantos años para un principe tan generoso y que tanto presume de letras, porque jamas ablo (sic) palabra en este caso, començo a sentir escrupulos por passion de amores de una dama de la Reyna y odio con Vuestra Majestad, confyado secretamente con los principals prelados de su reyno, asy en letras como en vida, lançolos tan lexos que no puede verlos, solo porque le decian la verdad por asegurar su conciencia y estado."
  • n3. "Con cuya autoridad, contra toda ley y derecho, mucho mas que si por fuerça la despojara en camisa de todo su estado, porque lo uno son bienes corporales, lo otro el alma, la afrenta á Dios y al mundo con tan grand escandalo."
  • n4. "Y los mesmos que alegan por sy son contra él."
  • n5. "Que á lo menos sea obligado á dar el debito."
  • n6. "En cada talegon avia cinco pesos de á a xxviii. marcos, que hazen 140, ó 370 á razon de lxxi. y medio (?) por marco; los quales se contaban por mi, y entre ellos avia algunos quebrados, que les faltaban pieças, y estos quedaron con los otros que sobran por las faltas; en cada talego lo suyo."
  • n7. Princess Mary daughter of Dom Manuel, king of Portugal, who was Eleanor's first husband.
  • n8. Don Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas, at this time keeper of Doña Juana, Charles' mother, who was still confined at Tordesillas.
  • n9. Not in Salinas' copy-book.
  • n10. "Por no estar siempre colgado del arbitrio del Papa, y ahun de la occasion que tomaran franceses y lutheranos, y los que no tenian buenos fines."
  • n11. "Es que el Rey comete que prometan que no innovará cosa alguna de fecho hasta por todo henero."
  • n12. "Habra tres o quatro dias que vinieron otras cartas del baron del Burjo, que es alla Nuntio en Anglaterra, el retracto (sic) de las cuales va en esta; en él vera Va Magd los buenos fines que allá se tienen."
  • n13. "[No?] he dexado de decir a su Santidad que ni este es modo de negociar de reyes, ni de negociar con virtud y justicia, porque ellos no tienen necessidad de usar de estas cautelas"
  • n14. "Segun la dispusition de los derechos y de los doctores canonistas, y estos andan barbullando (sic) el mundo con theologos."
  • n15. Margaret,—the eldest, Maria, having died shortly before.
  • n16. There were at this time two marquises of Saluzzo: Giovan Luigi, who being dethroned by his brother, fled to France, and Francesco, who was slain at the siege of Carmagnola in 1537.
  • n17. "La una es que si aquellos marquesados se uniesen, por el lugar en donde estan serian gran parte en Italia, y tambien quiza ellos [los franceses] podrian inclinar mas facilmente a este casamiento por este mismo respeto y por la vicinidad que no á otros que les estuvieran mas lexos."