Spain: August 1533, 16- 31

Pages 771-787

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

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August 1533, 16-31

18 Aug. 1116. The Cardinal of Jaen to the Emperor.
S. E. Roma L. 860,
f. 167.
B.M. Add. 28,585,
f. 339.
The Emperor's letter of the 19th ulto (fn. n1) came duly to hand. With regard to events [at Rome] and the ordinary transaction of business, he (Merino) can give no news at all, for the count de Cifuentes (Sylva) never by any chance tells him what he is doing. Will, therefore, refer to the despatches of that ambassador.
Respecting the English business he (Merino) wrote at length on the 17th of July and 14th instant. Will now follow the Emperor's late instructions, especially with regard to the Pope's overtures about France and England. Must however, observe that inasmuch as the proposition originated entirely with the Pope, he himself offering to make the attempt, there can be no danger whatever in undertaking the negotiation, because even if the project should be bruited about it might still be beneficial, and if nothing else was gained through it than arousing the jealousy between France and England, that much would be secured; for the English being naturally suspicious some dissension could easily be got up between them and the French. (fn. n2) But since His Majesty positively commands him not to speak any more about this he (Merino) will be silent on the subject. Ever since the Pope first mentioned the thing to him he (Merino) has purposely avoided all conversation, waiting to hear His Majesty's pleasure about it, &c.
His Majesty has no doubt heard from Eustace Chapuys the English news. The very moment the king of that country heard of the sentence, he wrote to his ambassadors here to take leave of His Holiness and go back; at which he (Merino) hears His Holiness has shewn much disappointment and grief, saying to his most intimate courtiers: "I consider that I have now entirely lost the obedience of England." Needs scarcely say that when he (Merino) heard of this he went up to the Pope, and tried to console and comfort him by saying that although the King for his manifold sins fully deserved to lose his kingdom should the Papal censures be carried into execution, the Holy Apostolic See would not lose for that cause the obedience of England; even if it should be for some short time alienated from the Church it would be after all only an island, otherwise unfruitful for the Roman See, whereas by administering justice and performing the office of a good shepherd His Holiness would certainly secure the good-will and love of other more important kingdoms. (fn. n3)
His Holiness further remarked to him (Merino) that it was necessary, nay, indispensable, as he had on many occasions told the ambassador (Sylva), that during these three months granted to the King for amending his conduct, His Imperial Majesty should inform him (the Pope) what his views and intentions were respecting the execution of the sentence, and subsequent deprivation of kingdom. Considers it his duty to apprize His Majesty of this, because though the step seems very advisable, it might be convenient to delay the answer until His Holiness comes back from the conferences for fear that he and the king of France, knowing what the Emperor's intentions in this particular are, should turn the intelligence to account for other purposes.
On the other hand, if His Holiness' timid and vacillating nature be taken into consideration, he (Merino) thinks that much encouragement will be required to make him take the necessary steps, &c.—Rome, 18th August 1533.
Signed: "G[abriel] Cardlis Giennen[sis]."
Indorsed: "To His Majesty, from the cardinal of Jaen, viii. (sic) of August."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. pp. 3.
23 Aug. 1117. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
. 228, No. 49.
On Sunday last Master Jehan de la Saulx and I were summoned to Windsor, where the Court at present is, that we might hear the King's answer to our petition about the Staple of Calais. On our arrival there the King ordered the Dean of the Chapel to invite us to dinner, which he did, the other guests being the duke of Suffolk, the bishop of Vuincestre (Winchester), Cromuel, the Grand Chamberlain, and other members of the Privy Council. After dinner Cromwell introduced us to the King, who received us very well. After offering his excuses for not granting us audience sooner, owing as he said to his own physician's illness, as he had previously informed us through his Privy Council, we began to explain the nature of our charge, the substance of which was as follows: That considering the Staple of Calais had always been in times of old the mart where the merchants of Flanders and the Low Countries bought their wools, it was a strange measure and one much open to suspicion in these present times to cause it to be closed (l'avoer faict serrer), thus introducing an innovation in the intercourse of trade (contractation), which, independently of the advantages and profit resulting therefrom to both parties, was a true bond of mutua friendship and good neighbourhood between the said Low Countries and this kingdom. On these grounds we earnestly requested him to allow the wool staple to go on at Calais as before, or if that should be impossible either at present or for the future, to make a formal declaration of the prohibition and its causes, that the merchants of the said Low Countries might look out for other marts whereat to buy their wools.
The King's answer was: that certain differences which had arisen between himself and the merchants of Calais had been the cause of the trade with foreigners being for a time suspended. It was not (he said) a formal prohibition, as we had been wrongly informed, but only a momentary suspension of commercial intercourse, which did not interfere in the least with the existing treaties, as what he (the King) had done was only intended to punish his own subjects for their misdemeanours, and that he (the King) might so recover from them certain moneys due to him. (fn. n4) The merchants of the Low Countries had, therefore, no ground of complaint for his (the King's) having forbidden for a time the usual intercourse of trade, which after all had only been suspended at Calais. That was not a stoppage of commerce (he said) since the subjects of Your Majesty might come here [to London], and provide themselves with merchandize as easily and on the same terms as at Calais. And since the dowager queen of Hungary, your sister, wished to hear from him what his decision was in these matters, and whether he intended to re-establish the said staple as it was formerly, or accept, if offered, her mediation between him and the merchants of Calais, that was a matter on which he might well be excused from giving a cathegorical answer, for whether the queen of Hungary offered to mediate or not, he should certainly act all the same at her pleasure and to the satisfaction of the merchants. Respecting the first point, namely: whether he intended to re-establish matters as they were before, or insist on the prohibition, he did not consider himself in any way obliged to declare his intentions for the future. (fn. n5)
After which, addressing himself to the said Master Jehan [de la Sauch], the King added: "If you have no other commission or business in this country I must say that you have come on a very trivial errand (bien legierement) and insufficient ground. For if it be true that your merchants wish to purchase our wools, without which they certainly cannot get on (for I am told that the late closing of the staple has already made them cry out murder!), the proper thing for you would be to hold a different language, and own at once without dissimulation the immense damage which your merchants must sustain through the measure. Should, however, the application be made in another form, and should the merchants of the Low Countries request the trade in that commodity to go on as before, my answer would be such as to give Madame, the dowager queen of Hungary, and the whole of that country, complete satisfaction. They might then have as much wool as they pleased, provided I could be sure that the merchants of this country experienced no bad treatment abroad in the Emperor's dominions."
Our reply was that he was greatly mistaken if he thought that the Low Countries could not dispense with English wool: they might have plenty from Spain, besides which he could very well see that the French, who manufactured more cloth even than the people of the Low Countries, did not care a straw for the Staple of Calais nor for its wools, and wove very fine and admirable cloth without, however, possessing as fine wool as the Spaniards, and that for this reason the people of the Netherlands could very well do without the English wools. (fn. n6) Already several merchants of those countries had proposed to send for Spanish wools and give up entirely that of other countries, but the queen of Hungary, fearing lest a measure of that kind should be interpreted as a commencement of any alienation of that friendship which existed between the Low Countries and England, and which she wished to foster as long as possible, had sent to inquire what were His Highness' views on the subject. Not that she presumed in the least, as he had hinted, to meddle between him and his subjects, or say that he was bound to repeal the measure, but merely on account of the above considerations of friendship and good neighbourhood. We fancied that the Flemish and the Dutch, who had greater interest in the woollen trade, would be glad to be deprived of that English commodity that they might oblige the people of Brabant to provide themselves with cloth elsewhere than in England. With regard to the treatment of the English frequenting or residing in the ports of the Low Countries, we firmly believed (said I) that there was no cause for complaint.
Upon which the King repeated his former answer, adding that he knew well that had Spanish wool been better and cheaper than English the merchants of the Low Countries would not have hesitated one moment in procuring it, and, moreover, that the people of Brabant would neither at the solicitation of the Flemish and Hollanders, nor of any other nation, deprive themselves of English cloth. He knew that his subjects had hitherto been well treated in the Low Countries, but was not so sure as to the future. No doubt the King fears that the interdict, and other Apostolic censures which he has incurred, may be proclaimed one of these days in Flanders, and that steps will be taken for their execution, to avoid which he is evidently looking out for a capitulation.
Perceiving that the King, as above stated, stopped at certain points, of which some had no foundation, and others were by far too metaphysical for the occasion, not to engage in useless debate, and that he might not presume our need of the English wools to be greater than it really is, I cut him short in his arguments declaring that our mission was not to dispute the measure, but merely to request an answer in writing. This the King promised to do, and to-day the 22nd of August Cromwell has put into the hands of Master Jehan [Le Sauch] a letter for the dowager queen of Hungary, besides a gilt cup presented to him by the King, telling him verbally that he hoped in two or three days at the latest the differences between the King, his master, and the merchants of Calais, would be settled, and the wool trade replaced on the old footing.
About 10 days ago there came from Lubeck to the Downs, at Dover, seven ships perfectly armed and equipped, having on board, as I am told, 2,200 men, all fine and well appointed fellows. (fn. n7) The King allowed them to take provisions on that coast on condition of their paying for them, and sailing off as soon as the wind was favourable, without attempting to do any harm on the coast of Flanders, sending them a message at the same time, that owing to the alliance existing between Your Majesty and himself, and the friendly relations of this kingdom with the Low Countries, he neither could nor would allow of their remaining longer on the coast of England. At least, such were, as Cromwell informs me, the words of the message. Since then news has been received that they had captured two small vessels going out of this river, one a Galician, the other a Biscayan, of which as well as of the long stay of the Lubeckians on this coast I have since officially complained. The King has shewn so much displeasure at this seizure of the two aforesaid ships that he has issued orders to the governor (consul) and principal merchants of the Easterlings (la nation Austerline) to go at once on board the said Lubeckian ships, and make them restore their prizes, and quit this coast immediately, as otherwise he will make the nation responsible for it, make them pay for the damage, and deprive them of their privileges, which are very great in this city. I fancy that the said Easterling merchants will do everything in their power to compose this matter considering the enormous quantity of merchandize they have in store, amounting, they say, to upwards of 500,000 ducats. (fn. n8) Indeed, I have been promised by the members of the King's Privy Council that nothing shall be forgotten likely to bring about the restoration of the said prizes, the departure of the Lubeckians, and the prevention of the evils that might come hereafter. And at my solicitation a message has been sent to a port of this neighbourhood, wherein 15 hulks from Holland had lately anchored with a cargo of salt, commanding the inhabitants of the said port and town to give the Dutch all manner of help and assistance against the Lubeckians in case of their being attacked. These last, as I am informed, give out that their principal object in coming to the Downs is to seize the Dutch fleet on its return from this country after unloading the salt. They had no particular grudge against us, but only against the people of Holland, Zeeland, and Brabant, alleging that the capture of the two Spanish ships was only a retaliation for injuries which certain Spaniards had inflicted on the master and crew of one of their ships, and for which they had been unable to obtain satisfaction or redress at Antwerp. (fn. n9) As soon as the governor (consul) and others of the Easterling nation return with the answer of the Lubeckians I shall not fail to apprize Your Majesty thereof, and in the meantime will do my best to get proper provision on the whole.
There was last week some appearance, as I informed Your Majesty, that owing to the news received from Rome, and the late decision of the Rota in the divorce case, the King's great affection and passionate love for the Lady had greatly diminished, and that he was beginning somewhat to acknowledge his error; but now, after holding a conference with his doctors and canonists, he is again more persistent than ever, the latter having given him to understand that the Pope has done him great injury; that the sentence declaring his second marriage illegal nowise binds him to the first; and, moreover, that the appeal he has addressed to the future Council will have the effect of protecting him against all censures and acts emanating from the Apostolic See of whatever kind they may be. In consequence of this advice the King has now turned coat (changé voyle) and resumed his former course, inasmuch as I hear that he has lately been encouraged by a letter received from the duke of Norfolk telling him that he ought not to care a straw whether the Pope issues sentence or not in this affair of his, since there would not be wanting people willing to defend his right at the point of the sword. That the best and surest means of obviating his present difficulty was to allow all the English emigrants to return home and restore them their property and lands. Which piece of advice, on the part of the Duke, has been so much to the King's taste that he keeps repeating it at all hours of the day to the gentlemen of his chamber. (fn. n10)
The Duke's letter has also had another effect on the King. Ever since its receipt he has commenced re-arranging the Queen's household, changing the officers who had taken the oath to her as Princess Dowager, and allowing her about 30,000 crs. a year for her maintenance, out of which 12,000 will be pocket money for her wherewith to pay the ladies of her chamber. The rest to be administered by a royal deputy who will attend to the table and pay the servants, wages, &c.
The Queen, as may be presumed, is very discontented at this arrangement, and has written to me that she would rather die or go out begging for a charity than consent to it, even if they offered her seven millions of ducats every year. This she says under the impression that if she ever consents to any innovation or reform of her usual household it will be a burden upon her conscience; which she would rather suffer 1,000 deaths than do. I have written to her that considering the many protests already entered in good and sufficient force, and considering that she is bound to have patience, the repetition of the said protests can in no manner prejudice her right, and that I was of opinion that if she could not attain her object, rather than proceed to the extremities of which she spoke, she had better tacitly accept the terms offered to her. I will do my best to persuade the Queen to this course as more convenient and at the same time more comformable with Your Majesty's wishes and instructions, and if anything should happen in the meantime shall not fail to write.—London, 23rd August 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original. pp. 9.
27 Aug. 1118. Martin de Salinas to king Ferdinand.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 259.
In compliance with Your Majesty's orders I came to this court on the 6th inst., and was well received by the Emperor and the members of his Privy Council. Met Luis de Tobar, who gave me full information of the state of affairs.
Bavaria and Wurtenberg.
Doctor Juan de Sustfringen (fn. n11) and his appointment to a place in the Royal Council. I have spoken about it to Granvelle, who finds some difficulties in the way.
With regard to the bishop of Trent, Luis de Tobar sent home a copy of Granvelle's answer, stating what could be done for him at present. A similar answer was given to me by High Commander Covos. Will not cease to solicit the reward due to the many services rendered to Your Majesty by that prelate. Neither has there been an opportunity yet of speaking about Castelalto (sic), the captain of Trent.
Respecting the knighthood of Santiago for His Holiness' Nuncio, the High Commander (Covos) has been spoken to, and made fair promises.
I have also spoken to the Emperor himself concerning Gonçalo de Guzman's libration; he referred me to Covos, who shewed much good-will, and will, I think, do everything in his power to please Your Majesty.
Both the High Commander Covos and Monsieur de Granvelle have confidentially told me that Your Majesty's interference in the small affairs of Italy, as well as in the business of the duke of Sassa (Saxony) had caused the Emperor some uneasiness, and to a certain extent displeasure. It would appear that the Imperial ambassador in Rome [count Cifuentes] has written that in his conferences with the Pope and cardinals respecting the future Council His Holiness, who has always shewn very little disposition towards it, said that the fit time had come to punish the Lutherans, and that such was also the advice of Your Majesty, as he had heard from your own ambassador. If so, Your Majesty must know how unprepared the Emperor is for an undertaking of that sort, and how he still insists on the Council being convoked, having sent instructions to his ambassador to press the Pope thereupon. However, as both Granvelle and Covos intend writing about these matters I will say no more at present. Meanwhile Your Majesty will receive copies of the French king's letter and the Emperor's answer.
The news from this court are that the Emperor is still holding "Cortes" here. He is in very good health, and works very hard. It is not known yet how long the "Cortes " will last, nor what will be resolved upon therein, but this I can say of them that our purses will be exhausted and our health completely ruined before they come to a decision, and grant the service demanded by the nation, or do any other good. (fn. n12) The Empress is in good health now, but owing to the severe illness she underwent last spring, and to the fatigues of so long a journey as she had to make, she was obliged to stop at Marturas (Martorell), four leagues from Barcelona until the 25th [of May], when she started to come to this place.
During my stay at Barbastro, where I had to spend some days before lodgings were prepared for me in this town of Monçon, I caused two fine cross-bows (ballestas) to be made for Your Majesty. When at Saragossa, whither the Emperor and suite intend stopping 10 or 12 days, I intend ordering two more from Master Miguel, who is in competition with the Barbastro maker.—Monçon, 27th August 1533.
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
27 Aug. 1119. The Same to Secretary Castillejo.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 261 b.
Gives an account of his journey to Monçon where he (Salinas) arrived on the 6th. Would not have started for that town notwithstanding the King's orders, had he not considered it his duty to obey, for he had no money at the time, and could not well leave Valladolid without first paying his debts.
The Fuggers having refused to send him funds, and having no great trust in Grospain's promises, it was not until Tobar's letter came to hand that he could leave Valladolid, having first borrowed money from the merchants of that place.
However, as no lodgings had been provided for him at Monçon, he (Salinas) was obliged to fix his quarters at Barbastro, three leagues off, until notice came that those which Dr. Escoriaza, the Emperor's physician, had formerly occupied were at his disposal.
Respecting the news of this court, refers him to his despatch to the King. Will only add that Luis de Tobar has obtained his knighthood of Santiago, and that Pedro Diaz de Mendoza, to whom he has spoken in the King's name, making him the offers contained in His Majesty's last letter, has accepted them with very good-will, promising to serve his place faithfully, &c.
Worms.—Secretary Brabo.—Letter from the bishop of Astorga, whom he (Salinas) met at Valladolid.
Juan Aramendez (fn. n13) and Mencia Albarez.—Secretary Pedro de Castro.
Granvela says that the commission entrusted to Pedro Gonçalez [de Mendoza] has given no satisfaction here. They say that it will cause jealousy, since he will naturally conclude that he (Castillejo) wants to deprive him of what appertains to him by right of his office (despojarle del negocio). Granvelle adds that it is entirely the King's fault and his (Castillejo's) own.—Monçon, 27th August 1533.
Spanish. Original. pp. 2½.
29 Aug. 1120. Dr. Ortiz to the Emperor.
S. E. Roma L. 860,
f. 32.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 341.
Congratulations upon the victory gained by the Imperial fleet over the Turkish in sight of Coron.
His Holiness leaves next week, though it is not yet stated where he is going, since he (Ortiz) hears that Nice is no longer to be the place of his meeting with the king of France. However this may be, he (Ortiz) is very sorry for the Queen, persuaded as he is that nothing will be done out of Rome or during the Pope's absence. So convinced is he of this that he begins to fear that the delay already caused by His Holiness in the declaration of the censures incurred by the king of England, and the postponement of those censures till the end of September, may be still further extended, and that the executorial letters now being taken out will not be intimated till after the interview with the French king.
The Count [of Cifuentes] has forwarded a copy of the sentence to Naples there to be printed and circulated. It would have been desirable that the Papal brief of the year 1531, issued by the consistory of Cardinals, in virtue of which this last sentence was pronounced, should also have been printed along with it, for then all good people [in England] who are in favour of the Queen might take courage, perceiving that for a long time previously everything done or attempted by the King in this case had been declared null and void (estaba irritado y anulado), and how all those who have assisted or given him favour are actually excommunicated and deprived of their offices. These last could but experience great confusion at hearing that the Pope's sentence had become public, &c. However, as the Count is naturally such a moderate man, he has not considered it necessary to push things to extremities, and would not have it printed without the Emperor's express orders.
It is also very desirable that the archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer) in consequence of the iniquitous and schismatic sentence he once pronounced against the Queen, should be at once deprived of his archbishopric. The abominable proclamation (nefando pregon) which in consequence of that sentence was fixed in the streets of London ought to be torn off and burnt by the hand of the hangsman, and pain of excommunication declared against all those who should dare give that Anne the title of queen, or try through threats to prevent the Queen from prosecuting her right. But inasmuch as no application of the sort has been made, owing, no doubt, to the multifarious business with which the Count has been, and is still, surrounded, and because he perceives that the Pope will not move a step, even if he is urged, and that his departure [for France] prevents any measure of the kind, he (Ortiz) will no longer dwell on this subject, but only refer to the Count's despatches, &c.—Rome, 29th August 1533.
Signed: "El Dr. Ortiz."
29 Aug. 1121. Jean de le Sauch to Madame Margaret, the dowager queen of Hungary.
Ar. d. Rome d.
Belg. Negot. d'
Angl. Tom. I.
In pursuance of the instructions which Your Majesty was pleased to give me on the 12th July ulto, and of which a copy is enclosed, I, Jean de le Sauch, beg leave to report my doings at this court of England as follows:
1st. On the receipt of the said instructions and mandate from Your Majesty, I immediately set about crossing the Channel, and arrived in London on Monday the 28th ulto, having alighted at the hotel of the Imperial ambassador, Monseigneur Eustache Chappuys (sic).
On Tuesday the 29th the Imperial ambassador and I (de le Sauch) sent to Master Crommovel (Cromwell), one of this king's Principal Secretaries of State, then in attendance on the Royal person at the country residence of a gentleman 23 miles from London, a message announcing my arrival in England with letters and credentials from Your Majesty, and also requesting him to apprize the King thereof, and be so kind as to inform us [Chappuys and myself] on what day and at what hour it would please the King to give us audience.
On Thursday, the last day of July, we both received an answer from Master Cromwell, saying that on the ensuing Sunday, the 3rd of August, the King would grant us audience, and that on the previous Saturday a gentleman [of the Royal household] would call to conduct us to the place where the King was staying at the time.
Accordingly, when Sunday came, we were conducted by the said gentleman to a place called Ockin ( ), 20 miles distant from London, where we found the bishop of Wincestre [Gardyner], the dean of the Chapel (Sampson), and Master Crommovel (Cromwell), who told us that the King had not yet arrived. He had (they said) fully intended to come and receive us both, as agreed, but owing to a very disagreeable incident which had occurred the day before in his own household, he had been prevented. The Royal physician himself (they said) had been suddenly taken with the sweating sickness (suerye); two officers of the household had died of it, and the King in consequence had moved to another place in the neighbourhood, not far from the rest of the household. We, accordingly, were desired to declare our charge unless it was so important that it could not be communicated to anyone else but himself (the King).
Upon which, considering the time and circumstances, and that the King evidently wished to hear the nature of my commission before giving us audience, for fear I might be the bearer of some disagreeable message, we agreed, the Imperial ambassador and I (De le Sauch), to comply at once with the Royal request, in order to save time and remove any bad impression he might have. Master Chappuys, therefore, proceeded to set forth the summary of our charge, which the above-mentioned councillors took down in writing, promising at the same time to report to the King thereon, and see that a prompt answer was returned. They would let us know (they said) as soon as possible the King's pleasure; we might return to London forthwith, and wait there until we heard from them when and where the King would see us. Not to trouble the King we went away and came back to London.
The whole of that week and part of the following one passed away without our receiving any intimation of the King's pleasure, until on the 14th inst. we got a message from Master Crommovel saying that the King had ordered our presence at Windesore (Windsor) for the following Sunday, the 17th of August. We, therefore, repaired thither and were conducted to the Royal presence by two gentlemen of his bed chamber. We found that he had just finished his dinner and was waiting for us. After the usual observances and compliments on your part, the King said to us that although he had been informed by his Privy Council of the nature and purport of our charge, yet he wished to hear it again from our own lips; upon which the Imperial ambassador (Chapuys) proceeded to state what your instructions were.
The King's answer was: that with regard to the exportation of English wool there had been no prohibition whatever. No such measure (said he) had been decreed. Your Imperial Majesty must have been misinformed on that point.
Touching the Staple of Calais it was perfectly true that for some months past, as we had stated, there had been no dealings, but that, he added, did not concern us in the least (fn. n14) inasmuch as in all his treaties with the Emperor, your brother, no express mention had been made of such a case.
The King declined giving us any answer as to whether the said Staple would again be opened or not. He was (he said) in nowise obliged to tell us how he would act in future in a matter exclusively concerning himself and the merchants of Calais. They (the merchants) had farmed it out for a period of years which had not yet expired, under certain conditions which had not been fulfilled; they had, therefore, forfeited all their privileges if they had any. (fn. n15) Yet they were in communication with the Government in England, and it was now under deliberation whether the Staple would again be opened or not. What might come of it he could not tell, but should not the mart be opened again Your Majesty's subjects might do what they pleased thereupon, as it was quite allowable for everyone to look out for his own interest. (fn. n16)
After this the King asked me (De le Sauch) if I had not some other commission. I answered in the negative, and he observed: "If so this is a very meagre and unimportant one, hardly worth a journey to this country."
This gave us, my colleague and me, occasion to reply; I in particular said that Your Majesty had not sent me on this mission hastily, but after mature consideration, and with the advice of your principal councillors and several other personages who found the affair much more important in its consequences than he (the King) described it. That Your Majesty wished to prevent the merchants of the Low Countries, who now bought English wool, from going to other markets to procure the same article, for should they once do so, and get accustomed to it, they might also go thither for all kinds of goods, by which the amity and frequent intercourse existing of old between the two nations might be seriously impaired to the great detriment and loss of himself and his subjects. That Your Majesty had duly considered all that, and that wishing to avoid all causes likely to engender ill-feeling and rancour (mechanté ou malveillance), and to foster on the contrary good and friendly communication between the Emperor's subjects and his own, you, Madam, had deemed it advisable to inform him of the loud complaints of our merchants and of their request that all impediments and difficulties in the way of intercourse of trade should be removed.
The King replied with the same arguments he had used before. There had been (he said) no absolute or partial prohibition of trade. He could do what he pleased with the Staple, and he was certainly determined to render it as profitable as he could for himself. If the Emperor's subjects were not satisfied with the present regulations they were at liberty to buy and sell elsewhere than at Calais. They were perfectly in their right, yet he had been told that the people of the Low Countries could in nowise do without the English wools, whereas he and his subjects could very well dispense with Flemish goods.
After this the King again asked me (De le Sauch) whether I had any other mission on the part of Your Majesty, and whether or not I had been instructed to propose means for the settlement of the difference between him and the merchants of the Staple; and upon my answering that I had no such mission, and that Your Majesty would never think of interfering between him and his subjects, he ended by saying: that I (De le Sauch) was welcome to England; I had heard what his intentions were, and therefore could return home with the answer. He himself would write in a day or two to Your Majesty, &c.
The audience at an end we took leave of the King, and returned to London, where we waited a few days for the Royal letters. These Master Crommovel brought us on Wednesday the 27th inst., with a message from the King purporting that he referred us entirely to the verbal answer he had made us some days previous; but that with respect to the Staple of Calais, the merchants of that port would on the following day call on him (the King) and decide whether they would accept or refuse the proposed settlement, adding that he fully expected that they would.—Gand, the 29th of August 1533.
French. Contemporary copy. pp. 3½.


  • n1. The original has xixix (xix-ix), which is evidently a mistake. The endorsement says xviii.
  • n2. Yo hare lo que V. Mt. me manda, aunque aquella platica no salió de mi, como escriví, antes fue motive dél, proprio del Papa, y pues él lo queria mover e intentar de suyo no me parece que se aventuraua mucho en la negociacion, porque si salia á luz era provechosa, y quando no se ganara otra cosa se pudiera facilmente poner celos entre Francia e Inglaterra, y como los Ingleses son sospechosos de su natura pudiera ser que entre ellos viniera alguna disension." The words in italics are in cipher.
  • n3. "Y que si la perdiese por algun tiempo seria una ysla infructuosa á la Sede Apostolica, y con hauer administrado justicia y hecho officio de buen pastor adqui[ri]ria benibolencia (sic) y mucho amor de otros reynos."
  • n4. "Car puis ce quil faysoit concernoit tant seullement luy et ses subiectz et pour juste cause a sçauoer pour la recouvrance de son deu."
  • n5. "Et quant au premier quil nestoit tenu ne avoit pu faire de desclayrer ne descouvrir sa voulente ou intention."
  • n6. "Et quil[s] pouvoint bien veoer que les françoys, que drappoint beaucoupt plus que ceulx des dicts pais denbas ne se soucioint pas ung grain de son stapple de Callaix ne de ses laynes, si faysoint ilz de tres singuliers draps, combien quilz neussent si fines laynes que les hyspagnolles, dont pour la dicte rayson beaucoupt mieulx les dits des pays dembaz se pouvoint passer des laynes dicy."
  • n7. "Dans les quelles a ce que lon ma dit y a passe deux mille et deux cents hommes de fort beaux rustres et bien en ordre."
  • n8. "Veu les grandes arres (sic) de marchandises quilz ont içy que lon extime passer vc mille ducatz et davantage."
  • n9. "Coulourant la prinse des dictes navieres hyspagnolle [s] pour quel que tord que certains hyspagnols avoint faict a ung de la bande, dont en envers nen peust avoeir rayson."
  • n10. "Sur ce que le duc de Norpholc luy a dernierement escript contenant en substance quil ne se debvoit soucier dung botton de la dicte sentence car il ne luy fauldroit qui deffendra son bon droit a la pointe de lespee, et que le meiu (sic) et plus sehur quil sçauroit pourveoer pour maintenant seroit de fere retourner en ce royaulme les subjects quen sont dehors, ensemble tous leurs biens, les quelx propos et les precedens le dict seignieur Roy a repete plusieurs foys ces jours devant tous ceulx de sa chambre priuec."
  • n11. Sustfringier in the original.
  • n12. "Las quales son mas parte de acortar nuestras bolsas y salud que de otro buen servycio que se le [h]aga."
  • n13. Sic, but perhaps it is an error of the copyist for Aramendi, or Armendariz, both Basque names.
  • n14. "Que touschant lestaple de Callais bien estoit vray que ja passé avoit aulcuns mois, comme luy avions declairé, quil nen estoit point wyde (sic) ne ais (mais) cela ne nous touschoit de riens."
  • n15. "Par quoy le deffault y estoit entrevenue."
  • n16. " Et quest loisible de fairo partout et a chacun pour sa commodité."