Appendix, Chapuys Correspondence

Pages 713-743

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 17, 1542. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1900.

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Appendix B.

Chapuys Correspondence.
A great part of this volume was already printed off when the Public Record Office acquired transcripts of MSS. at Vienna, of which the Editors had made their abstracts from the longer abstracts printed in the Spanish Calendar. In accordance with the rule to describe all documents from the original text, when available, new abstracts from these transcripts were made for the remainder of the volume (No. 687 to the end). It has also been thought desirable to give the following new abstracts, on the same plan, of several of the earlier documents of this year; and as these are intended to supersede the abstracts in the text no reference is made to the latter in the Index. The documents are all in French.
The following table shows what " numbers are hereby superseded :
No. in Vol. No. in this Appendix. No. in Vol. No. in this Appendix
16 1 438 20
17 2 439 21
57 3 441 22
63 4 442 23
Omitted. 5 454-6 24
92 6 478 25
Omitted. 7 480 26
Omitted. 8 481 27
Omitted. 0 490 28
186 10 Omitted. 29
Omitted. 11 513 30
245 12 515 31
251 13 516 32
252 14 517 (partially superseded.) 27(2)
Omitted. 15
260 16
293 17 534 33
311 18 562 34
363 19 Omitted. 35
10 Jan.
R. O.
1 [No. 16]. Chapuys to Mary Of Hungary.
Two days ago received hers of the 29th ult., and the documents therewith, concerning chiefly the departure of this King's ambassadors, (fn. 1) and the resolution taken upon their charge; upon which, until he has re-communicated with the King's Council, he can answer no further than in his letters of the 29th and 30th ult., except to praise her prudence in dealing with the ambassadors. In accordance with her said letters, remonstrated that the King should not halt at accessories like the intercourse, which concerned subjects privately, when there was question of the ancient amity between the Houses. Was answered, as he wrote on the 30th ult., that that was true, if those of Flanders had not made the accessory the principal [point], by alleging in the Edict that the King had made statutes contrary to the treaties. But when he had given the Council his opinion, they did not reply again.
As to the King's declaring to the French that in making closer amity or marriage elsewhere, he wished to be paid his debt; that must be believed, and also that he listened to the practice of the Princess's marriage, expecting some good sum of money as a preliminary. The French, when they began the practice, imagined, quite otherwise, that even if it had no other effect, they would redeem themselves from the importunity which this King was making for payment (as shown by two copies of the king of France's letters to his ambassador, which Chapuys sent) and would at least keep him from joining the Emperor. The French ambassador, as his man sent word yesterday, has no more hope of the marriage, and, not being so well [accepted] here as he used to be, has written urgently to his master for his cong. According to the man the ambassador's language and gestures last time he spoke with the King were as the King declared to Chapuys; and he was in Court on Sunday last to speak with the King about a private affair of a ship (for he has had no letters from his master since those of which Chapuys sent the copy), but did not see the King and only spoke with the Council.
As to the time of the last charge and revocation of the said ambassadors, thinks that it was since this King heard of the Emperor's fortune in Alger; but, for all that, neither the King nor his Councillors have shown themselves more arrogant for it
(ne sen sont monstrez plus bravez). Even if they wished to do so, they would dissemble until they see clearly how affairs will go between the Emperor and France; for if they see likelihood of war, it will be difficult to make them enter a new league except to their own great advantage, their instance for the league having only been for fear lest, if the Emperor and king of France were to agree, war might be made upon them.
Ten days ago arrived here the ambassadors, who, as he wrote, were to come from Scotland, the chief being the bp. of Albardin, who was in embassy here about nine years ago. There is also another bishop, (fn. 2) and a secretary named Valentin, and they bring a considerable company (assez grand train). They have already been twice at Court, well received, going and coming accompanied by the bps. of Winchester and London and other personages. They have had considerable communication with the Council. As yet nothing is known of their charge. The Duke of Norfolk has been sent for (? envoye guerre qy. querre?), by one of the King's chamber, to assist at these communications, he having been governor of the North and having deputed part of the captains on the Scottish frontier. Notwithstanding the demonstration of amity, this King, three days ago, despatched in post the master engineer (fn. 3) who began and planned th fortresses there, to hasten the work upon them. London, 10 Jan. 1541.
10 Jan.
R. O.
2 [No. 17]. Chapuys to Charles V.
Writes nothing of occurrents, but sends what he writes to the Queen Regent in Flanders.
Modern note, headed : Chapuys a l'Empereur, 10 Janvier 1542.
26 Jan.
R. O.
3 [No. 57]. Charles V. to Chapuys.
Has received his of 10 and 19 Nov. and the 11th and 18th ult., and understood his speech with the Privy Seal, and also what the Clerk of the Council told him about entering a new treaty with the King. Cannot answer further than in last letters, except to charge him again to learn, if possible, what the King intends to do for the Emperor in that case, and to certify the King and his ministers that the Emperor is no less inclined to it, provided that they show themselves tractable, and therefore it would be well if they declared confidentially and plainly their intention. No doubt Chapuys can draw out of them all that is possibleto send it as soon as possible, together with his own advice.
As to the Queen of England and the new divorce, has nothing more to say, except that he will be glad to hear what is done with the Queen, and the rest of the occurrents. Tour de Sillas, 26 Jan. 1541.
As to the saying of the French ambassador's man that the ambassador had ample instructions and power to conclude the marriage between Orleans and the Princess, and he knew the means to prevent it, but would not do so because he had yet no answer to his demands; dexterity must be used to know the said means, as far as possible, and to entertain the man, advancing him some money, if necessary, with assurance that the Emperor is mindful of his said demands, but is not quite sure what they are, and Secretary Bave does not remember them all, while the letters by which they were sent are lost in the sea. Another memorandum is to be sent at the first opportunity, in order that the Emperor may see what he can do for the man.
Heard that the King of England was wishing to take again the sister of the Duke of Cleves, which, according to Chapuys' discourse with the Clerk of the Council, seems unlikely; and yet he must have an eye to it, knowing how important it is to the Emperor that that reconciliation should not be made, and seek by all means to turn the King from it.
29 Jan.
R. O.
4 [No. 63]. Chapuys to Charles V.
Eight days ago received, together, the Emperor's letters of 2, 14, and 27 Nov. and the 29th ult.; since the date of which Chapuys' letters, especially those of the 29th ult. and 10th inst., will have shown the news here and this King's inclination to the affair of a new treaty, which he has so long sought. One of the principal causes which moved him to it was fear of the amity between the Emperor and the king of France, whom he thus tried to sever; and it is therefore to be doubted that, while he sees likelihood of enmity between them, he will make no suit for the proposed treaty, but rather will scarcely listen to it, especially if there is likelihood of immediate war, in which case he will temporise with both parties, both to avoid expense (of which he is now enemy) and, when both are wearied, to play upon a certainty (jouer comme a boule veu) and obtain more advantageous conditions. The Emperor is aware how changeable these people are, and that they know how to profit by the times. This King cannot be persuaded to a reconciliation with the Pope; and, if the conclusion of the aforesaid treaty depended only on the omission of that article, no imputation could be made upon the Emperor, who has so often pressed him to it. He cannot presume that Chapuys' language to him, these two last times, proceeds from the Emperor, seeing that Chapuys had already broached it to the lord Privy Seal in November, and had afterwards asked audience to speak of it, as his letters will have shown.
Has not been in Court since the date of his last, although this King's ambassadors (fn. 4) are returned from Flanders, and the Council informed him that they would soon recall him to communicate upon the affair of trade for which these ambassadors went to the Queen. Desires to be called in order to try and learn further of the King's intention, and especially upon the despatch of the bp. of London (whom the King has decided, since the coming of Mr. Guenevet's man, to send as ambassador in Guenevet's place) who is to leave, by sea, in ten or twelve days. It is he who was ambassador in France, when the Emperor passed that way, and was recalled for his haughty language to the King of France.
Neither has the French ambassador been in Court, and, unless within these two or three days, he has had no news from his master; but his man informs Chapuys that he has had letters from friends at Court, advertising him that Mtre. Chr. Richier succeeded marvellously in his embassy of Denmark, to the great satisfaction of his King. That King lately assembled his captains to consult about war, and concluded, upon the advice of Marchal Hannebault, first to amass money enough to keep a great army in the field for eight months. Another assembly has since been held, at which were the count of St. Pol and the Admiral; and the king of France had sent Vincentio Maggio and Captain Poulain to the Turk, and Marchal du Bies, governor of Boulogne, kept warning him that the fortification of Montoire near Ardres must be prevented, or else Ardres would remain between Montoire and Guynes like a quail between two hawks. It was also written that the king of France wished to make a fort and haven at Wyssant, between Boulogne and Calais, which would indeed make the English desperate.
Parliament lately commenced, and the principal point of the Chancellor's opening speech was the Queen's misdeeds, which he aggravated and exaggerated. Upon that article the lords and prelates, four days ago, declared the Queen guilty of treason and likewise lady Rochefort; and, as to the widowed duchess of Norfolk and her daughter, (fn. 5) that they ought to be condemned to perpetual prison and confiscation of goods for the same cause for which lord William and his wife, the other accomplices, were sentenced. That determination will in two days be presented to the deputies of the Commonalty.
Had just written the above when he was advertised that the Commons house this morning determined, in the above affair, as the lords and prelates have done; and it is to be feared that the Queen will soon be sent to the Tower, who is still at Sion making good cheer, fatter and more beautiful than ever, careful in her attire and more imperious and difficult to serve than when she was with the King, although she expects death, and only asks for a secret execution. It might be that the King would use mercy towards her if he had no desire to marry again, or if he found it lawful to leave her because of adultery and marry another (and the question has already been debated among doctors of theology), although hitherto there is no sign that the King seeks to re-marry or to serve any lady. She of Cleves has less hope of reconciliation than ever. At this New Year she presented to the King certain pieces of crimson, and he certain pots and flagons to her.
The ambassadors of Scotland are still here, and nothing can be learnt of their charge and business. Although on good terms with them, the King does not cease to push on the fortification of the frontiers of Scotland, and to provide for all things necessary, and now again he is sending one (fn. 6) of his Chamber to be captain of Ul, which town, although far enough from the frontier, is important because of its port. It may be that he is moved by Chapuys' language to him about the intelligence between the king of France and the duke of Holstin, for the ships of Eastland come usually to that port.
Forgot to say that many think that this King wishes again to ask money in this Parliament, which would put the people in despair. This is presumed because the Chancellor, in his opening speech, touched upon the great expenses which the King sustained, having to maintain
14,000 men in guarding the fortresses newly made and repaired, and in fortifying them further and making more.
The bp. of London has just sent to say that he is charged to speak with Chapuys before leaving, and will come to dinner to-morrow
. London, 29 Jan. 1542.
5 Feb.
R. O.
5 [Omitted]. Henry VIII. to Charles V
Credence for his ambassador, the bp. of London, sent to replace Sir Henry Knevith, who is recalled.
Modern note, headed : 5 Feb. 1542.
9 Feb.
R. O.
6 [No. 92]. Chapuys to Charles V.
By his last, of the 29th ult., advertised the condemnation by Parliament of the Queen and ladies Norfolk, her daughter (fn. 7) and Rochford. Until then this King had never, since he detected the Queen's conduct, shown joy; as he has done since, especially on the said 29th., when he gave a supper and banquet to the ladies, 26 of whom were at his table, with certain lords, and 35 at an adjoining table. She to whom, for the time, he showed most favor and affection was the sister of lord Coban and of the wife whom Mr. Huyet repudiated for adultery. She is a beautiful girl, with wit enough, if she tried, to do as badly as the others. It is also said that the King has a fancy for the daughter of Madame Albart, niece of the Grand Esquire, Mr. Anthony Brun. Likewise there is bruit of a daughter (fn. 8) of the wife of Mons. Lyt, formerly deputy of Callais, by her first marriage; and this is presumed partly because the said deputy, who has been nearly two years in close prison in the Tower, goes at liberty within it, and his arms, which were removed from the chapel (fn. 9) of the Order, are ordered to be restored. (fn. 10)
Two days ago the comptroller of the King's house, (fn. 11) went to Sion to break up the Queen's household and take her to the Tower, of which he is captain. Hears that it is not yet quite resolved what to do with her, but in two or three days all ought to be concluded.
The French ambassador's man says that the ambassador has received no letters of importance for a long time; and that by last letters his King only wrote to him to continue the practices and make every effort to keep the English from leaguing with the Emperor, and, among other persuasions, to assure this King that, with a treaty between them, he would have the Scots at his devotion. Since the receipt of these letters the ambassador was with some (partie) of the Council, and left so troubled that for three days he could make no good cheer, showing great dissatisfaction with the said Councillors, especially the lord Privy Seal. Upon that annoyance (marrissement), he has sent his cousin express to the French Court to solicit his recall. His dissatisfaction was not sweetened by the sending of the bp. of London to the Emperor, the bp. being taken for a bad Frenchman, as he has reason to be after the treatment he received in France.
The bp. of London came lately to dine with Chapuys, who could learn nothing of his charge; indeed, his despatch was not yet resolved, which was only delivered to him yesterday. He reckons to depart to-morrow. The ambassadors of Scotland, who were here, are returning, presented with about 1,500 ducats in plate. Cannot learn that they have other despatch, save that the King and his Council were so busy in Parliament that other affairs could not be heard; after the dissolution of Parliament the King would willingly hear what they came about The French ambassador's man lately undertook to spy something of their charge, of which, as yet, nothing is made public. [London, 9 Feb.]
Endd. : "De l'imbassadeur en Angl. du ixe de Fevrier, receues en Valladolid le ve de ce mois."
R. O. 2. Another modern transcript, with the date at the end, London, 9 Feb., and giving the endorsement as "Receues en Valladolid le 5 de Mars 1541 (sic)."
9 Feb.
R. O.
7 [Omitted]. Chapuys to the Queen OF Hungary.
"Lettre accompagnante une copie d'une lettre qui contient les occurrences. De Londres."
Modern note, headed : "Chapuys a la reine de Hongrie, 9 Fevrier 1542."
11 Feb.
R. O.
8 [Omitted]. Francis I. to Marillac.
Modern transcript of No. 97 from a copy at Vienna.
French, pp. 3.
25 Feb.
R. O.
9 [Omitted]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
By the copies herewith she will see all that he can write of news, &c. London, 25 Feb. 1542.

R. O.
10 [No. 186]. Marillac to L'Esleu Bayart.
It being necessary to send what has been said here of this marriage, and obtain new instruction upon the reply made to our answers, with moderation of our demands, unless we wish to break off entirely, I could do no less than despatch my cousin (fn. 12) express, to whom please deliver copy of the treaties, as I have, upon instructions, put forward things which those here will not admit and must settle the fact by inspecting the treaties. Begs ample answer, as soon as possible, to what he now writes to the King, if these affairs are to be soon ended; but thinks there would be no danger in delaying to see how affairs succeed elsewhere.
P.S.Begs him to pardon the shortness of this letter. Bearer will tell the chief reason, and can recount what is done here in England. Does not write to the Cardinal (Admiral?), presuming that he will hear what is now written to the King. Endd. : Double d'une lettre de l'ambassadeur Marillac a l'esleu Bayart, chiffres.
25 March.
R. O.
11 [Omitted]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
Since Chapuys's last, the French ambassador, upon some despatch from his master, was twice with the Council and once with the duke of Norfolk; and as yet Chapuys can learn nothing of his proceeding, nor can his man, who has just sent the documents herewith which there was no leisure to examine; and, although they may not be important, yet, to show the man's diligence, they are sent, and the translation of the broken cipher will habituate the secretary to deciphering similar letters. Begs her to let the Emperor know anything in them that is worth mention.
Parliament will, within three days, be dismissed until All Saints. Nothing is yet published of the Acts made there. Learns from a good quarter that they are considering an enhancement of the coinage (quilz son en termez de haulser lez monnoyez), after the example of the French. The Princess has lately been a little indisposed. Now, thank God, she is better. The King sends to visit her, and has also sent her his physicians; as he has done to Madam Anne of Cleves, who is ill at Richmond of a tertian fever. The wife of lord Vullien, who, together with three young ladies, was some time ago delivered from prison, spoke the other day to the King, and was well received. It is hoped that she will soon obtain the release of her husband and mother-in-law, the duchess of Norfolk. Eight days ago arrived here Count Claude Rangon, with another young count and a Captain Camille; who seem to have left France dissatisfied, for they have not visited the ambassador, and reckon to return to Italy by Flanders and Germany. Believes that to be more welcome to the King they gave out that they were on bad terms with the Pope; but for that they will not get much money from the King, unless they be willing to enterprise the death of Cardinal Paulo. London, 25 March 1542.
9 April.
R. O.
12 [No. 245]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
The courier, being ready to depart, leaves him no leisure to make this more than a notice of the receipt of hers of 31 March, together with the power and letters therein mentioned. Was glad to get them, as those of the Council who favour the Emperor were murmuring because the prefixed term of ten months was past without news of an affair for which he had been sought by so solemn an embassy. (fn. 13) They also suspected that Chapuys was suppressing letters and had not done his duty. Another unpalatable conjecture was the continual communications with the French ambassador, and especially on Tuesday and Wednesday last, on which day he had long audience of the King. Chapuys would have no fear of his practices hindering the closer amity if the Emperor's power and instructions were come; but he fears that hers will be little regarded, and rather interpreted as meant to espy their intention, especially as he is so little furnished with instructions. Begs to be more particularly enlightened how to proceed in this case, which, in his opinion, wants more prudent negociation. Meanwhile will strive to dispose affairs well and spoil nothing. After his return from Court, where he dines to-morrow, will write at length. London, Easter Day 1542.
16 April.
R. O.
13 [No. 251]. Chapuys to Charles V.
On Easter Eve received his letters of the 14th ult., and at once advertised this King, who, because of Easter Day and his taking communion (et qu'il se debuoit communier), deferred audience until Monday. Was then received as usual, and declared the first letters, and showed them, to the King's evident pleasure, adding that he had another letter of a day later which was much more ample; and thereupon amplified the first letter as seemed convenient, replying, when Henry expressed surprise that since leaving Italy the Emperor had written Chapuys nothing of the affair spoken of by Granvelle and Winchester, that (besides the legitimate excuses of the expedition of Argel, assembly of the Estates of Castile, affairs of his kingdoms, and absence of Granvelle) until the receipt of Chapuys' letters the Emperor could not think otherwise than that Guenebet, who was Winchester's colleague, had commission to treat of the said affairs. The King, however, insisted on saying that it was quite unnecessary to charge Granvelle to negociate with the Pope in his favour, for he had nothing to do with the Pope, and Granvelle had there treated troublesome things. Told him there was nothing to his disadvantage; and he answered that he had perceived nothing, for otherwise he would have already shown his resentment. He thought it a ruse to say that the Emperor had sent power and instruction by the other sea and not by this, where the way was open and shorter, and that the Queen Regent's power was merely meant to espy his intention; he had often been thus trifled with before, both by the Emperor and the French, but must be roundly dealt with. Answered that the way by the Eastern sea (mer de Levant) was best, in order that Granvelle, through whose hands all bad passed, might see the instructions, which had also to be seen by the Queen and Council in Flanders, since the principal part of what was to be treated concerned the affairs of the Low Countries, and there was shorter passage at this season when brigantines could navigate both with sails and oars. Assured him that he had no occasion to mistrust the Queen, and that the Emperor never went so roundly to work as now; and that now was the time to speak frankly, since the cause of distrust on both sides had ceased, viz., the intelligence with France, and moreover he might speak as confidentially to Chapuys as to any subject or servant he had, who would reveal nothing without his express command, and would write anything as of himself without revealing that it proceeded from him. Added that if he wished to go roundly to work there was no great need to wait for other power or instruction, for a prince so virtuous, learned, reasonable, and experienced would put nothing forward that Chapuys dared not accept, beseeching him, for the sake of his own honour and of Christendom, to take up this affair and order it as mediator and neutral.
He was greatly pleased with this language, which had been suggested to Chapuys by the lord Privy Seal, who knows his nature better than any man in England, and shows great devotion to the Emperor, although too cautious to speak to Chapuys at Court save in passing between him and Secretary Wrist, who shows no less affection. Added that it would be no labour to him to undertake these affairs, for he must have already resolved when he sent Winchester. He remained thoughtful and (not without irritation, which he showed several times while Chapuys was speaking) began to wonder that there was no news of Spain, especially of the doings of the Cortes of Castille. Chapuys said he heard that Castille had granted a great aid to the Emperor. He smiled, and, after some thought, said that that aid would not be so great and was, besides, conditional upon the Emperor's not going out of Spain and taking a wife; and he heard that the Emperor was in treaty to take her of Portugal, daughter of the Queen of France. Answered that the Cortes had indeed made these requests, but, after the Emperor's first speech to them, they had given up hope of the first; and as to the second Chapuys firmly believed that the Emperor had not accorded it, as he was intent upon making an expedition against the Turk, and therefore should not marry; for ladies dissuade such journeys, and, besides, it was not lawful for one to be too long away from his wife. He replied that if the Emperor had had such desire (euvre qu. envie?) to face the Turk, he might well have done it last year, as he had sufficiently warned him of the Turk's coming; and he might easily have broken the Turk's army and captured his person, to his own glory and profit. Reminded him of the difficulty of making the assembly when the pestilence reigning throughout Austria had depopulated the cities and made it impossible to get victuals, and the Emperor knew by experience that the Turk would retire without waiting for the Emperor's forces, as he did at Vienna, and as he did the last time, and, in order to follow him, the affairs of Germany must first be re-established (for which the Emperor must speak to the Pope) and the Emperor's realms provided for, especially Spain, which must be secured from the incursions of the Moors, as from it the Emperor must draw most of his men and money. Made the more of this as the King wished to blame the Emperor somewhat therein. Afterwards, when the King asked for other news, Chapuys gave him some from Italy, adding that it was written from Milan that there was good friendship with the French of Piedmont, who were bragging that he was offering them the Princess and pressing for an interview, but they made little account of either. The King then said that was wrong; for it was the king of France who made great instance for the marriage of his said daughter, and offered, when things were concluded, to come to Calais. Replied that, in such a case, the king of France would promise anything, and would not only come to Calais, but come with a great power to drive him out of it; reminding him how the bp. of Tarbe said in his presence and that of his Council, Chapuys standing by, that the house of France would never have made alliance by marriage with Savoy unless to step into the state of Savoy. He answered that there were many reasons against the affair, but it must not be considered impossible. Speaking of the Diet of Spire, Chapuys said he had letters from the King of the Romans desiring to be recommended to him, and trusting that, in this sacred enterprise against the Turk, he would not fail to give the assistance becoming so powerful and virtuous a prince, especially if the good intelligence with the Emperor was restored. He made no answer, seeming by his countenance to acquiesce; but only saying that he heard that the Lutherans had proposed something in the Diet which, if concluded, might turn to the disadvantage of the King of the Romans. After a conversation lasting an hour and a half, the King said he was certified that the Emperor, through the Pope, was soliciting a new amity with France. Chapuys answered that he did not believe it; but, if so, the best thing would be to hasten the treaty here. The King then said that he was going to read the letters from the Queen, which Chapuys had presented, and would, after speaking with his Council, communicate with Chapuys. The letters were in his credence, sent by the Queen in lieu of instruction.
Immediately after leaving the King, Chapuys received word from him to communicate with the Councillors, and accompanied them to their Chamber, where he repeated to them the substance of his speech to the King, enriching his own desire to promote the practice, and offering to despatch a man to the Emperor or go himself, and begging them to assist and get the King as mediator and neutral to lay hold of the affair. They seemed greatly pleased, and Chapuys left the Court.
Next day, Tuesday, the Council asked him to dine with them on the Wednesday, and bring his power and any other thing he wished to snow. Being with them and thinking to show his power, he found that his man had made a mistake and taken another instrument in its place; but they were satisfied with the substance as he related it, and so was the King, to whom the whole was at once notified by the lord Privy Seal and Secretary Vristley. Was thereupon asked to declare his charge and make overtures, but answered that, as was customary, the King should appoint deputies for the practice. They thought this reasonable, and the Privy Seal and Vristley returned to the King, who said he thought so too, but, as such matters would not be concluded suddenly, he had not thought it necessary for the time to make the power; and, had it not been that the duke of Suffolk, the Privy Seal, bp. of Winchester, and Secretary Vristley were occupied with a certain great affair, (fn. 14) he would have deputed them; in their place would be the Admiral, the bps. of Durem and Wamester, and Secretary Sadeler, Vristley's colleague, who would next day, Thursday, dine with Chapuys.
After dinner, showed them the power, and replied to their request for some overture, that the King must have thought over the affair of closer amity when he sent Winchester about it; there ought to be no ceremony as to who should speak first; on receipt of the Emperor's instructions he would roundly declare the whole, and meanwhile, to save time, the King should partly declare his intention; without the said instructions he could only resume the four articles which were already formulated, (fn. 15) the first two of which, viz., the King's reconciliation with the Holy Sec and the legitimation of the Princess, he would not say more of without a new command; as for the third, aid against the Turk, now was the time to treat of it, and to lay not only the Emperor and king of the Romans, but all Christendom, especially Germany, under an obligation to the King; as to the fourth, concerning the French, things were since changed, for the Emperor had a truce with them. To their question how long that truce would last, he answered that, in his opinion, the Emperor could already allege rupture of it, and it would last no longer than suited the French. After some further conversation they departed to report the whole to the King.
On Saturday, yesterday, the deputies returned, bringing the Emperor's letters of the 5th inst., which, at their request, he read and declared the substance to them, enriching the report of the honesty of Mr. Quenevet, with whom he fears that the King is not satisfied, but knows not the cause. They then said that the King thanked Chapuys for his good will to serve, and wished him (although he had not the requisite power) to be told that the confirmation of past treaties, upon which his power seemed founded, was not needed; for the King held them good and had always observed them, although they had been violated by the Edict in Flanders against lading in English ships (adding hereupon the contents of the bill presented to the Emperor by the bp. of London, and saying that, as no innovation was made in Spain, it could not have proceeded from the Emperor, but rather from some of the Council of Flanders, and praying Chapuys strongly to get the Edict revoked); the question was to consult for a closer intelligence in pursuance of what was said between Granvelle and Winchester, whereupon the King would desire Chapuys to make some overture. The King remembered well the discussion of the four articles he had touched upon, and it was prudent not to press the two first, for, as to the Pope, the Emperor would soon be more easy to convert to the King's opinion, and, as to his daughter, it was his own matter. As to the other two points, it must first be noted that he was in good amity with all the world, especially the French and Scots, and if he treated against the French he must be indemnified for the pensions due to him by the French. As to the Turk, they only said that, after the principal, the accessories would be easily managed.
Chapuys, with thanks for the King's good opinion, answered that there was no great occasion to again importune the Emperor for the revocation of the Edict, seeing that the Council of Flanders were fully instructed of the case and those of this Council could not answer what Chapuys alleged to them therein last summer, when he gave them his arguments in writing, which still remain unanswered (and here he repeated some of the arguments and showed how their last statutes contravened the treaties, especially the expelling of many of the Emperor's subjects, the compelling others to buy letters of naturalization and make a strange oath of fealty, and the prohibition to export almost every commodity); and that navigation was not forbidden to them in Spain they might thank the Emperor's absence, for, otherwise, his subjects there would have already importuned him to observe their ancient pragmatics, that no foreign ships should be laden while those of the country are there, whereby the Emperor would in six years have ten ships where there is now one, and more mariners than he could ask for; and, if only to repair the loss of vessels in Argel, Chapuys thought that the Emperor would be constrained to do it. At this the commissioners were much astonished, "et eussent bien longuement estonne dessus qui ne les eust tresbien rebarbe a vives raisons." For the rest, told them that, as no offensive league against France was spoken of, there was no need to put forward the indemnification for the pensions; by the treaty of Cambray, the King was bound to assist the Emperor with ships and men in case of defence, and, even if an offensive league was spoken of, they should not ask for the said indemnity, since they knew that the French never intended to pay anything; but Chapuys dared promise that, if an offensive league was treated and the occasion offered, the Emperor would undertake the indemnity on condition that no arrears remained due (which will never happen). The King was bound in conscience to help the Emperor formerly, seeing that the French made war with his money, which he had not deigned to take. If he knew how to get it paid the French would thereby be brought so low that they would leave the world in peace for a time. As these men's affairs with France do not go too warmly, although they say that the French are promising them many things, Chapuys thought best to speak a little more coldly than at the beginning; that they might not, according to their custom, have occasion to cool, telling them that they must wait for his instructions, which he doubted that Granvelle had received by the way and carried back to the Emperor; but there would be no prejudice in that, since it appeared, by the Emperor's letters, that the bp. of London had some charge to treat these affairs. The commissioners then departed to report to the King. As he has several times written, it will be hard to make profit of this King, or get him to treat except to his own great advantage, and the French will make as little of him. To send De Courrieres hither before affairs are in good train would do hurt rather than profit. Writes to Secretary Bave the names of those to whom letters should be addressed.
Since the Emperor wrote he will have learnt from Chapuys's letters how the French ambassador received two powers to treat, and has had frequent communication with those here, having, since Chapuys last wrote, been with the Privy Seal on Holy Tuesday and with the King next day; while those Councillors who are partial to the Emperor were murmuring at the slowness of news from his Majesty, thinking either that their King was contemned or Chapuys was concealing the Emperor's answer. The ambassador intended going to Court on Easter Monday, but abstained, because Chapuys was going, and next day, when the Privy Seal and two or three others of the Council came to this town, he went to them, and on his return set himself to write. This morning his man says that he spoke of the great cheer made to Chapuys, who was in Court only for affairs of Flanders, especially the prohibition of navigationa report which Chapuys had given to one whom the ambassador uses as a spy. The man adds that the ambassador has been saying that the English are the strangest people, putting things forward ardently, and then showing themselves cold, but they had found their merchant in him, for if they were cold to him he would be frost to them. He had commission to ask 500,000 ducats dot for the Princess, besides extinction of the pensions, but, being commanded not to irritate the English, he dared not mention it. He is sorry that Norfolk has gone home and is unlikely to return to Court unless Parliament reassembles; and he is grieved to negociate with the Privy Seal, whose name is Feuvullien. The ambassador, playing upon that name, calls him Faulx Villain, and reports that Norfolk has said, "Regardez ce petit villain, il veult desja tout embrasser et contrefaire Crumvel, mais que la fin payeroit le tout."
As to preventing the marriage and reconciliation with her of Cleves; there is no likelihood of the King's marrying her or any other, unless to amuse himself with company, as he has been always nurtured among ladies. Since he heard of his late wife's conduct he has not been the same man, and Chapuys has always found him sad, pensive, and sighing. She of Cleves is cured of the tertian fever; but the Princess still suffers from palpitation of the heart.
This Parliament has decreed that lords and rich men, according to their power, Churchmen not excepted, shall keep great horses; but nothing else of importance has been passed. Wrote that, from the harangue made to Parliament, it seemed that this King would ask another aid from the people, but (perhaps doubting murmur) he has, in lieu of it, made a loan from the rich which will produce an inestimable amount. First on the roll are the two dukes, (fn. 16) each for 6,000 ducats, although they are both scant of money, the Chancellor and Privy Seal, each for 4,000, the Admiral for 3,500, and all the rest, except that Churchmen will be charged more. All is to be collected before Michaelmas. He (fn. 17) who has charge of it gives out that it is to assist the Emperor against the Turk, which Chapuys thinks is far enough from the King's intention, who, he imagines, would be pleased to be asked for assistance by the States of the Empire. Intends to advertise the King of the Romans of this if the haste of the courier permits. Count Loys (sic) Rangon has been presented by the King with a great gilt cup, containing 400 ducats. Some who have spoken with him think that desire to see the country and hope of a present have rather induced him to come hither than to complain, as he has done, of the Pope, for depriving him of certain castles on the Parmesan which belonged to his late wife.
Begs compassion upon his own necessities. London, 16 April 1542.
Original mainly in cipher.
16 April.
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14 [No. 252]. Chapuys to Granvelle.
Thanks God for Granvelle's prosperous arrival in Spain. Referring, for occurrents, to what he writes to the Emperor, will only beg help that the Emperor may have compassion upon his poor affair, for which he might have despatched a man express, but for lack of money. Has served about 20 years, and is as poor as when he began, and part of the little property he has [is] in pledge, and must be redeemed with the money of the pensions, which are well taxed before they reach his hands.
16 April.
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15 [Omitted]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
"Lettre accompagnante une copie d'une lettre a l'Empereur." Modern note. Headed : Chapuys a la Reine d'Hongrie, 16 Avril 1542.
22 April.
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16 [No. 260]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
Returns her letter to this King upon the affair of the president dz comptez en Brabant, which was unnecessary, as she will learn from the said president. Here are no occurrents since his last, except the urgency made for the loan which he mentioned; which, it was thought, would not extend beyond lords and prelates, but all others who have de quoy are entering the dance, and a marvellous sum will be raised, to be repaid (as the King's ministers give out), within two years. The people seem to give it cheerfully, being persuaded that it is to help the Emperor against the Turk and his adherents, meaning the French. The Princess is nothing amended, and is in some danger. Prays God to give her health, and more joy and consolation than she has had hitherto.
Begs remembrance of his necessity. London, 22 April 1542.
3 May.
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17 [No. 293]. Charles V. to Chapuys.
Has, since he last wrote, received Chapuys's letters, both by way of Flanders and through Granvelle, of 25 Feb, and 25 March; and is pleased with his news, and thanks him for his dexterity and vigilance against the French practises and in promoting the closer amity with England. Although experience has shown that the English are prone to temporize both with him and France, to see how affairs succeed, yet, to fulfil the agreement made at Reghensbourg to listen to a closer confederation within ten months, caused Granvelle on his return to communicate with the bp. of London and him (fn. 18) who returns thither. The bp. affirmed that his master sincerely desired a brief conclusion and had sent him for that purpose; but no particular could be learnt from the said ambassadors of the King's intention, save that past treaties shall be revised and augmented or diminished; and they insisted on the prompt revocation of the late Edict in the Low Countries and that all past occasions of enmity should be forgotten. It was suggested that such treaties commonly are grounded upon defence and offence, and then the bp. indicated that his master would stop at defence between his realm and the Low Countries. He did indeed say generally that the King will do all that is reasonable and honorable, but not whether this was in reference to the Pope's authority or to treaties with France. It was then concluded with the said ambassadors that the Emperor should send express power to Chapuys, in addition to that which he will have already had from the Queen of Hungary, to treat the said closer alliance, &c., referring minor difficulties to the said Queen, to whom the Emperor would write to let Chapuys know what could be done touching the revocation of the Edict. Sends, in writing, what has been drafted therein here, in order that it may be provided against; for otherwise a like prohibition must be made here to counteract the hurt done by the edicts and prohibitions made in England. It is agreed that during this communication there shall be the same cessation of treating to each other's prejudice as was accorded at Reghensbourg. Having written his intention generally, and supposing that Chapuys has copies of all the past treaties and will be instructed by the Queen of all that concerns the Low Countries, the Emperor writes to her to send him copies of treaties, and to the Sieur de Praet to assist by his knowledge of past dealings with England.
Briefly, nothing is to be capitulated against the authority of the Pope, or which could give the King's ministers and subjects excuse to speak ill of the Pope's authority or live scandalously in the Emperor's dominions, but, as the bp. said, honour is to be regarded on both sides. The French must not get knowledge of this practice, although they have been the first to contravene their promise (fn. 19) touching the King of England, and have already informed the Pope that the Emperor was in treaty with that King, leaving the mutual private promise (fn. 19) and only seeking to incense the Holy Father and excuse the French King from the charge of practising for Orleans' marriage with the Princess. All possible must be done to draw the King to offence against France, at least that the defence may be general, or, failing that, for these kingdoms together with Navarre and the Low Countries, and the assistance definite and mainly in money. Chapuys must also try to induce the King to aid the Emperor in the recovery of Gheldres and Zutphen, especially if France opposes it; and, at the least, not to favour the duke of Cleves. He shall also put the King against the duke of Holsten, elect king of Denmark, as regards the right of the Emperor's niece, daughter of King Christiern, or at least not to deal with the duke of Holsten and the Hanse towns (villes Australes) in matters touching the Empire and the Low Countries. Chapuys shall see that the English take no advantage in writing the treaties, in which they have always shown themselves "advantaigeulx." If the King proposes recompense for the pension, Chapuys shall graciously excuse it, showing how the Emperor's amity assists him, especially in regard to his ancient quarrels with France, the King of which practises for the marriage of his daughter with a view to gain time during his life and afterwards to disinherit his son, and to that end supports the king of Scotland. With this alliance, the king of France will despair of that practice and will be constrained to pay both pension and arrears.
Nothing must be treated against the confederation which the Emperor has with Scotland; nor to the prejudice of the Princess. Chapuys shall also see whether the King can be induced to aid against the Turk, either now or in the future. Valladolid, 3 May 1542.
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18 [No. 311]. to Marillac.
The 18th April, Mons. de Langey, after dining with the English ambassador, took him by the hand and told him that it lay with the Emperor, not the King, that affairs of Christendom were in no better state. That the Pope lately wrote to the King, willing him anew to listen to the marriage of Orleans with the Emperor's daughter; but the King should know that the Emperor does this only to hinder the marriage of England, and afterwards mock us by saying, "quy ne peult mouldre a ung moulin sy s'en voyse a l'oultre." That the chancellor of Allenon, the King's ambassador at this Diet of Spires, spoke too much and exceeded his instructions, at which the King was not pleased. That the ambassadors of the lords of Germany are expected at the French Court daily. That the Emperor does his best to get the lords of Germany to declare against the King, but they will remain neutral. That the marquis of Piscaire had reinforced the garrisons of Yvree and the castle of Vulpian, with five ensigns of Spaniards, for fear of 3,000 Swiss whom the King had in that quarter. That Captain Poulain was passed to Raguza, returning, for the King, to the Grand Seigneur; and the Spaniards set by Piscaire to fall upon him, after failing in their enterprise, took 18 French students who were on the river Pau, going to Padua, and sent them to the bottom, at which the King is so irritated as to wish to begin war. That the King, after his return from Burgundy, which will be towards the end of this month of May, will make a general muster on 15 June, and is counselled to make an enterprise on the side of Picardy sooner than elsewhere.
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19 [No. 363]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
In pursuance of the contents of his last of Whitsun Eve, has been with this King at Hampton Court these four feast days, (fn. 20) to proceed, as commanded by the Emperor, in the matter of the closer amity; and it has been to his regret that meanwhile he has had no news from her for his guidance in so weighty a matter, in which the Emperor, by his letters of the 3rd ult., refers him to her. It would have come marvellously propos if he had been categorically instructed, for he thinks that the King and Council were well inclined to accept reasonable overtures, the King, like a virtuous and prudent prince, considering that this confederation would not only remedy the Emperor's troubles (to whom he has always borne a paternal affection) but those of all Christendom, for the benefit of which he would spare nothing, not even his own person. He knows the labyrinth he will enter by joining the Emperor, and the trouble and expense of it, which he might very well avoid if he thought only of himself; for he has no enemy and the French do not deny his pensions, as they will do if this intelligence is effected. In default of particular instructions, has tried by all possible means to find out how far the King will go in this confederation, and (in spite of all Chapuys' remonstrances of the necessity of this amity, for the assurance of himself and his posterity and this realm, to which the French evidently aspire, and other respects too long to write), cannot obtain more than the articles enclosed, the most important of which seems to be the aid of 3,000 foot and 3,000 horse, which he should receive (?) in case of invasion of France. In the present conjuncture of affairs of Christendom and of the Emperor it would be a chef d'oeuvre to draw the King to that invasion by means of the said assistance or part of it (at least of the ordinary bands of Flanders somewhat increased). In Chapuys's foolish fancy, the articles should be accorded without too much scruple, considering the benign nature of the King, who, when once he has set his mind upon a person or an enterprise, goes the whole length. Moreover, this is only a beginning of the amity between their Majesties, who, when once entered upon this conquest of France, may afterwards modify the articles to the greater satisfaction of both. Would beg her to believe that it is expedient to resolve quickly, for, besides that those here would be annoyed by delay, one must fear the diabolical practices of the enemies, who are not asleep. Moreover, it is more than requisite for the King's satisfaction and for the Emperor's honor that this practice should be so secret that no one may know of it; and both the Emperor and she would incur great blame if it were discovered, in view of the King's frankness and his confidence in Chapuys. Understands from the King's ministers that he would be gratified if, in her letters, she would omit the title bel oncle, which serves only to recall old wounds. And with more reason one might omit to call Madame Marie princess, seeing that he has a son to whom "sans controverse ou"(breaks off abruptly).
MS. dated in a modern hand, "29 Juin 1529." (fn. 21)
28 June.
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20 [No. 438]. The Queen Of Hungary to Chapuys.
Awaiting news of his business with the King of England's ministers, sends a packet from the King of the Romans addressed to the Councillor De S. Moris, who is "en bonne gne" (en Bourgogne ?) on the Emperor's service, and will not soon return. Chapuys may make S. Moris's excuses, of sickness or other hindrance, as having sent him the packet in order that he may, in the name of the king of the Romans, beg the King of England to assist in this enterprise against the Turk.
The king of France daily increases his forces on the side of Lutzembourg, as also do the footmen whom his ministers are levying on the side of Cleves and Geldres. Upon her remonstrating, through the Imperial ambassador, at the accumulation of such great forces, if he meant to observe the truce of Nice, especially at the practices of his ministers in Cleves in assembling men to surprise these countries, the King answered that the assembly on the side of Cleves was for his service, not to invade these countries, unless occasion was given, but to secure his own realm, he being advertised of practices against him in England, also that the count de Reulx projected some surprise of towns bordering on his government. The ambassador could get no other answer. The said King has sent a gentleman to advertise her that he intended to send his officers into the county of St. Pol to administer justice and receive the revenue, requiring her not to hinder them. Upon these demonstrations of war she has levied over 25,000 footmen and 4,000 horse, to furnish the frontiers and put an army in the field,- and she hopes to resist the enemies, who threaten several places both by sea and land. Has, by provision, broken several of their designs, and has discovered several treasons to surprise certain towns. Bruxelles, 28 June 1542.
29 June.
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21 [No. 439]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
Has this instant received her letters of the 25th inst., and, as for the occurrences of this Council, regrets that he has been unable to write sooner, not only because of the gout, which took him in the right hand in his return (fn. 22) so that, until this morning, he could not hold the pen, but, chiefly, because as yet nothing is resolved, the difficulty being that those here wish to add a clause about the intercourse to the treaty of Cambray, which would tacitly render the intercourse perpetual. Thinks they will not insist upon it (soy arresteront for s'en arresteront ?), but in the article of rebels thy will not comprise subjects of the Empire. They insist that the aid defensive should be given from the time of execution of the offensive league, and that it shall last only four months each year. At the end of that time, if the requirant should need men, he may use them at his expense, so long as the other prince does not need them; and they wish that the requirant may use them not only to protect his country, but to pursue the enemy. They wish also that any prince or potentate attempting to invade and harm the countries comprised in defence shall be taken as a common enemy, and urge this article marvellously. She knows its aim. They also insist that the time of the enterprise against the French should be fixed, and at least before 1 July of next year. With regard to aiding against the dukes of Cleves and Holstein, or at least not favouring them, they will not capitulate particularly, saying that it will suffice if they are held common enemies in case of their attempting anything against the Emperor.
After much altercation and many devices on their part to draw Chapuys to their view, using in this all bruits to the Emperor's disadvantage, and threatening to break off without waiting for other answer from the Emperor, it was finally devised between the deputies and him that the promise of the bill which he showed her (to keep things secret and not treat to each other's prejudice), should be prolonged to October, and that the King, upon Chapuys's assurance of the Emperor's affection towards him, would send the bp. of Wasmaistre, one of the deputies, to the Emperor to resolve the points in difference. To consider these further before his departure, and to see what Chapuys would write to the Emperor in favour of these affairs, the King prayed Chapuys to continue with him (as he has done ever since his return from Flanders) until all is resolved. This, he hopes, will be by to-morrow; and the bp. will thereupon go to embark 150 miles from hence, with one of Chapuys's men, who will carry her packet, which he has not yet been able to forward. It would be well if George were to arrive (and if sure that he would not stay long Chapuys would procure the bp.'s delay), and, if not, Chapuys's man, and a letter from the Admiral, will help to provide passage for George. The King, at Chapuys's return, had granted the defence for Spain as well as the Low Countries against the French and the Sieur d'Allebret, but not against others; and the article was couched in English and afterwards in Latin; but after four or five days all was changed.
At Chapuys's passing St. Homer, Mons. de Ruz said, in conversation (par maniere de passer temps), that, with some Englishmen and the footmen and horsemen who might be suddenly levied in Artois, it would be easy to surprise Monstreul (to fortify which there would be leisure during the winter, when the French would not care to besiege it) and afterwards Hesdin, Theroienne, and Ardres must surrender, and Boulogne also. Repeated this to the King, who liked it marvellously, and asked if Chapuys had any charge to treat for it, or thought that De Ruz had. Answered no; and advised him to despatch to the Emperor, and meanwhile charge the captain of Guisnes to communicate with Mons. de Reuz.
The King is, in great diligence, putting his ships of war in order against surprise or outrage from any side. This night the count of Desmont will arrive here, the principal lord of Ireland, who comes to do homage to the King, a thing which many of his ancestors would never do.
Transcript, headed : 29 Juin 1542.
30 June.
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22 [No. 441]. Chapuys to Charles V.
The bp. of Winchester being lately constrained, by the sweating sickness (maladie du sieur, qu. de sueur?), to disperse his household and withdraw near Chapuys's lodging, there was opportunity to do him some civilities. On his arrival he came to dine with Chapuys; and, from an early hour until late, they conversed of public affairs, as of the Turk [and] the detestable practices of the French, in connection with the closer amity between the Emperor and this King, towards which the bp. seems much inclined. Next day the bp. was invited to dinner with the lord Privy Seal, and afterwards spent the rest of the day with Chapuys, as well as the two following days. After the bp. had again spoken with the lord Privy Seal, who showed a like inclination, they two, with Secretary Vrisle, who is no less well inclined and has no less influence with the King, were of opinion that Chapuys should take occasion to speak with the King (on the plea that the deputies had not understood or not reported his offers), and repeat his last persuasions, which would marvellously rebut the French practices and advance those of the closer amity. They said that they would have the more influence because of their recent services about the loan, which, by their industry, had reached an inestimable amount. Finally, by their advice, Chapuys sent on the 16th inst. (fn. 23) for audience, which was granted for the 18th, Ascension Day. His man had just returned when Winchester sent him the Emperor's letters of the 3rd inst., (fn. 23) with the power therein mentioned, which Mr. Quenevet had forwarded from Orleans, where he had stopped, upon pretext of illness, to await the return of a man he sent hither, a month past, to spy how his business went here and whether there was danger. After the rceeipt of the packet, which arrived safe, the bp. came, and they had a long conversation about the persuasions which Chapuys should use to the King. The bp's. advice was not to build upon the necessity of the alliance to this King, but rather on the Emperor's supposition that the King was actuated by a virtuous desire to remedy the dangers of Christendom, due to the ambition and malignity of the King of France; for it would better become the bp. and the Councillors to represent its importance to the King, who himself saw it. Followed this advice, although incidentally obliged, sometimes, to represent the importance of the alliance to the King.
The said Ascension Day the King received him a little more cordially than usual; and, before going to mass, thanked him for his affection to the closer amity and good offices, as last understood from the Privy Seal and Winchester, and said he was glad that the power had arrived and that things should be treated by Chapuys, to whom he could speak more confidently than to any other; but Chapuys must promise, for himself and the Emperor, that all should be kept secret. Promised; and the King said that he had remained in neutrality hitherto, because there was no appearance that he might communicate confidentially with either the Emperor or the King of France, between whom there seemed to be a treaty (fn. 24) to reveal things to each other. On Chapuys's saying that he knew of no such convention, and that, if any was, it must depend upon the truce, which the French had so broken that the Emperor had cause to distrust them and seek to compel them to leave Christendom and their neighbours at rest; and that the Emperor had always desired to preserve and augment his alliances with him, and that, had he known the tenth part of what he has since known of the deceit, wickedness and perfidy of the French, Henry would have had no cause to complain of the Emperor's answer, when, after the capture of Francis, he required the Emperor, by the treaties, to continue the war; and that there would be, ere long, as good an opportunity of bringing Francis to reason as there was at the time of his capture, of which Henry spoke. This the King took well, but, as it was time for mass, only said that he wished to speak at length with Chapuys after dinner.
A little after dinner, the Privy Seal was sent to excuse his not being called sooner, on the ground that letters had just come from France which the King wished first to see, in order to communicate all to him, who wished to converse with him alone, and would be found a la domesticque avec sa robe de nuyt. Thereupon the Admiral conducted him to the King, who, after repeating what the Privy Seal had said, gave the theme of his sermon in Latin, Judas non dormit, and went on to say that the French were not asleep in their practices; they were expecting count William of Fustemberg, with 8,000 lansknechts, and could, he knew, get as many men from Germany as they wished; and, on the other side, the sieur de Longheval, who will be Great Master of France, was gone to the duke of Cleves to excuse the refusal to send him his wife, (fn. 25) bring some men into Gueldres, and solicit a movement on that side; the duke of Holstein was arming against the Hollanders; and the Low Countries ought to be on their guard, especially touching Montoire castle, to surprise which the French were only waiting until it should be further advanced; the French also continued their practices in Italy, especially with the Venetians (where they had the Turk's assistance). In answer, Chapuys showed that things were much less dangerous, especially if this closer amity was concluded, and that the King need not fear, as he seemed to do, that, in trust of it, the Emperor had neglected to preserve his other friends, for they were more numerous than ever, and this amity would so increase them that the French would put water in their wine and pay what they owed, or at least leave their neighbours in peace, so that it would not cost the Emperor and him one penny to defend themselves. The King then said that, to take a resolution, he should know what the Emperor intended to do with Milan and Gueldres. Chapuys answered that he could not tell about Milan, but as for Gueldres the Emperor could not give up the pursuit of a thing which so greatly touched the honor both of the Empire and of himself and the satisfaction of the Low Countries. The King answered that, considering the difficulty of defending so many scattered countries, and the cost of keeping one like Milan, he thought the Emperor would do well to treat with the states of the Empire to incorporate it after his decease and meanwhile undertake its defence; and as to Gueldres, the country was too strong to conquer, especially considering the hatred between Gueldrois and Brabanons and the friendship of the duke of Cleves in Germany (and in France if the marriage was achieved), and the enterprise would hinder more important things, like the chasing of the French out of Piedmont, so that his advice would be rather to gain the Duke (now dissatisfied with the French and mistrusted by them) by giving him for wife one of the Emperor's daughters, and granting him the duchy upon conditions to be devised by the Queen in Flanders and the Duke's deputies. This would gain the forces of Gueldres and the Duke's countries, and interrupt French designs for this year; and thereupon the Turk might quarrel with the French king for not moving Answered that there was no need of the said incorporation to set the states of the Empire against Francis, even if the Turk should lose a battle or be chased out of Hungary; for Germany knew that he was the whole cause of the descent of the Turk into Christendom, and consequently of the cost of the present enterprise, and would unite with the Emperor and the King, both to recover that cost and to clip his wings short for the future; and on the same pretext most of Christendom might be set against France, and it would be an honorable way for the Emperor and King to get redress for their own wrongs; the King must reflect that if the Emperor returned into war with France it would be without hope of reconciliation, especially seeing that Spain was said to have promised a marvellous aid if the Emperor would remain there and promise not to make peace until Francis was so reduced as to be unable to trouble Christendom. As to disposing of Milan, if this closer amity were concluded, the Emperor would use the King's advice sooner than that of any other, and he need not doubt, as he seemed to do, that the Emperor would remain the friend of Francis if the latter should renounce pretensions to Milan; for Francis had done so several times, but there was in that nation ny foy ny loy. As to Gueldres, he must not think the thing so impossible, for the Duke would hardly find assistance in Germany when his predecessors, both paternal and maternal, eeded their interest in Gueldres to the House of Burgundy, and promised to assist in its conquest and defence; and the Duke would be ill advised to risk the rest of his estate for Gueldres, which would bring him in nothing; and the Emperor might expect the King to assist him in its conquest, as his father assisted Don Philippe; (fn. 26) and the conquest was easier now when the Emperor had gained Gruningen and the rest which the late duke of Gueldres held in Friesland, and also held Utrecht, Overissel and other neighbouring places; and if the Emperor enjoyed Gueldres, in the event of the said confederation, the Low Countries would be safe from invasion by Francis and the King exempt from contributing to their defence, and in the event of an offensive league the matter of Gueldres would be easily ended. But the Emperor would not put private interests before public; it would be well to alienate the Duke from France, but Chapuys did not think he wished such evil to his daughters as to give one to the Duke, "lequel ne fauldra a patrizer ores que a ceste heure pour estre comme en tutelle il ne se declaireroit encores du tout." No one in Germany ever dared to pray the Emperor to cede his right in Gueldres to the Duke, or indeed to grant investiture of Cleves and Juliers; and the princes who interceded for the Duke, on hearing the Emperor's title to Gueldres and the injury which the Duke did him, protested that they would meddle no further.
The King then spoke of being indemnified for his pensions, and Chapuys made the representations heretofore made to his deputies, which he took in good part. He complained that this practice had not been kept secret, for the French spoke of it; and Chapuys answered that that had not proceeded from the Emperor, who was displeased because the French were using it to turn the Pope against him. The King protested strongly that he had not revealed it, and so urged secrecy as to remind Chapuys of the Florentine who caused the usurers to be preached against in order that others might abstain from usury and himself gain the more. Finally the King said that he would give a power to the bps. of Durham, Winchester, and Westminster, and it would not be his fault if affairs were not shortly expedited. So far he seems to proceed frankly, one of the presumptions for which is that he spoke as wisely and earnestly of the method by which the Emperor should govern the Low Countries, as if the confederation was concluded. True, Chapuys had given him occasion by praising his prudence and experience, and saying that when the closer intelligence was concluded he should be like a father to the Emperor. This he took in good part, as he did Chapuys's answer when he said that the French were offering him a wife, viz., that they would do as they did when he was seeking the present queen of Scotland, and that in marriage the French had dealt with him a l'accoustum, especially in giving their daughter to the king of Scotland, expressly contrary to the treaties, and in marrying the Dauphin so shamefully to the niece of Pope Clement, whom he then held to be his greatest enemy, and if they did such things to his face, they must have in secret planned terrible devilries; if it was in the Emperor's power to gratify him with a wife or in any other thing, it would be done, and, although Chapuys might have to blazon the arms of the French, he would not deny that the king of France and the Dauphin are very affectionate, not towards him, but towards his country, "et leur desplaisir (qu. desplaisit ?) bien qu'ilz ne fussent encoires plus nayfvement, cest a dire qu'ilz ne joyssent du royaulme, et que ledit Daulphin par fois se ventoit de le conquerre. As to his saying that the French confessed his pensions to be due, they would for very little confess a hundred times as much, to be paid at the time when they intend to pay the rest. Thereupon the King said that they really wished to pay him and had lately offered to do so with the first places they should together gain from the Emperor. Thinks this was meant to provoke Chapuys to make a similar offer, who said that, clearly, the French were only seeking to amuse him and gain time, and, besides the injustice of such a payment out of the goods of others against whom neither had any quarrel, it was too difficult and uncertain, and he could for more easily recover his own by joining the Emperor, as he had himself formerly confessed.
Doubting that the issue of affairs might be as hereafter appears, thought best to write the above so amply. Since writing it, viz., from Saturday after Ascension until Whitsun Eve, (fn. 27) the said deputies and he were almost continually in communication. On Whitsun Eve the King sent for them all to Hampton Court, where, for the Emperor's sake, Chapuys was very well received and treated; and after resuming the preceding communications, and debating for four consecutive days (fn. 28) with the aforesaid commissioners and the Privy Seal and Secretary Vrisley, a summary of the articles debated was made; and, as Chapuys refused to pass two of them, viz., that of defence without the comprehension of Spain and the aid which this King asked in case of invasion in some recompense for the indemnity of his pension, which was formerly promised, it was devised that Chapuys should write to or consult the Queen Regent, and, that there might be no mistake, should write the articles and show them to the deputies, together with what he should write to the Queen. This he granted, and hastily drew up the articles and the letter, (fn. 29) of which the Emperor will have received a copy from the Queen; which the deputies thought very good, and still better Chapuys's offer to go himself into Flanders if the King thought his presence there necessary or useful. The King took this offer in good part, and instantly sent to give Chapuys his litter and prepare a ship for his passage to Calais; of which voyage the Queen will have written.
At his return was no less well received than before, although the King showed some little resentment at hearing that the Emperor kept an ambassador in France and listened to divers practices, and indeed had made some overtures and offers; however, like a benign and prudent prince as he is, he was satisfied with Chapuys's explanation. Afterwards, for eight or ten days, the deputies and Chapuys were engaged on the specification of the matters contained in and dependent upon the articles; and, whether through not well understanding the French language, or through having more ripely advised with the King and others of the Council, they have put forward certain points and rebutted others that were passed, viz., in the article of rebels they will not comprise subjects of the Empire, and in the article of the treaty of Cambray which speaks of intercourse they wish to add a clause which seems to tend to the perpetuation of the treaties of intercourse. A greater difficulty has been what they demand by the sixth article, saying especially that true amity cannot be expected without it and that it seems ridiculous to permit commerce and intercourse with enemies, and that defence authoritative (which is to hold for enemy the enemies of the friend), besides denoting closer union, will sooner keep the enemies from enterprising against either, for, this defence being so easy and costless, the enemies will count upon it as they will not do on the other aid, which is not so prompt and might be excused; and the advantage would be on the Emperor's side, as the King has fortified all his sea coasts, and neither Danes nor Easterlings nor any other would dare to trouble the Emperor's countries, knowing that in that case the King would be their enemy. On Chapuys suggesting that if that matter was to be capitulated, article 24 of the treaty of Windsor must be preserved, they answered that that article was too general, and was not reciprocal, having been granted in contemplation of a marriage and promise of indemnity of pensions and (a point which the deputies forgot, but which was touched upon by the King before Chapuys's going into Flanders) the Emperor's promise not to treat for peace with France until he (Henry) was crowned king there. Has not dared to pass the obligation for defence during the league offensive, as it might be an insupportable charge to the Emperor, and, if not complied with, might cause rupture of the treaties. The King would have the duration of the defence four months, although Chapuys presses for five; but in that there need be no difficulty, as it is reciprocal. The English ask that men given for the defence may be used to invade the retreating enemy, which is reciprocal; and that, after the four months, the requirant prince may, at his own expense, retain the men granted for the defence as long as he needs them, which is not reciprocal, presupposing that the Emperor would demand the aid in money, which they would have cease at the end of the four months or upon the enemy's retirement. They wished that the succour by sea should not be commutable into money, or at least that the requirant should promise to employ it on the sea, which Chapuys dared not grant, considering what he had said to the Queen and the Council there, and that, if invaded from the side of Gueldres or Friesland, the aid of ships would not be needed. One thing which almost scandalised the English was that, although Chapuys was soliciting the league offensive and invasion, he would not capitulate that it should be within a year; but that matter is so important that he refers it to the Emperor, as also the terms of the summons of the king of France and the declaration of war. They would neither promise to assist against the dukes of Cleves and Holstein nor to abstain from favouring them, but held it sufficient that the dukes should be common enemies if they invaded the Emperor's countries named for defence.
Omits the arguments of the deputies on the above articles, as the bp. of Westminster will use them; and also his own, because when Grandvelle is present that would be trying to increase the sun's light with a candle. With some difficulty persuaded the King to make the experiment of sending the said bp., who is in favour and is also well inclined to this closer amity, for which this now seems to be the time, and the Emperor should not be too scrupulous upon the articles in variance, considering the King's nature, who if he devotes himself to a person or an enterprise goes all lengths, and that when able to live in peace with all his neighbours, he thus wittingly enters a labyrinth for the service of God and repose of Christendom, and considering also the paternal affection he bears to the Emperor, and that before the execution of the league offensive there will be opportunity to reform the articles. All this people is most desirous to enter war against France for the intelligence which the French have with the Turk, besides their ancient enmity. Has concluded with the commissioners the prolongation of not treating to each other's prejudice and of keeping affairs secret, and also an act concerning navigation, as in documents herewith. (fn. 30)
Has left to the end what seems a bonne bouche to those here, viz., in returning from Flanders, he found, at Sainet Homer, Mons. de Ruz, who chanced to say, in conversation, that, with 4,000 Englishmen and the foot and horse whom he could suddenly levy in Artois, he could take Monstruel (provided that the enterprise was made within two or three months), and in the winter there would be leisure to finish its fortification; and, that gained, Hesdyn, Therouanne, Boullougne, and Ardres must surrender for want of victuals. Thought fit to repeat this to the King, who, after reflection, asked if he had power to treat such a thing, or thought that the Queen or M. de Rouz had. Replied no; and advised his sending to the Emperor, and that meanwhile the captain of Guisnes might communicate with Mons. de Ruz. Thinks that there is no better bait than this to draw the King into perpetual war with France, and thus secure the Emperor's frontiers, and he begs the Emperor to attend to it and gratify the King as far as possible. Begs this for the Emperor's service, besides the hope of the King's assistance against the Turk. It was not the Privy Seal's fault that the King did not lately send the king of the Romans 50,000 ducats.
Considering that henceforth the way of France will be closed, and that, when affairs are concluded, their Majesties should have almost daily news of each other, the King sends with the bp. of Westminster a mariner to buy two savrez, and expects the Emperor to keep two others always ready. This is very necessary from what the Queen writes; and in it and in equipping his ships the King shows great vigilance; who could not seem better disposed to make some enterprise, and Chapuys must repeat that now is the time to gain him.
Has received the Emperor's letters of the 10th inst. The French ambassador has not been in Court since Holy Week. The receiver, De Neufzchastel, the Admiral's servant, returned, brusquely despatched, without speaking to the King, and there is no longer any question of the marriage. True, those here (for their own profit) tell Chapuys that their ambassador in France has written that the Admiral told him that, since these practices had not succeeded, he would put forward others more agreeable. Hampton Court, 30 June 1542.
30 June.
R. O.
23 [No. 442]. Chapuys to Granvelle.
Cannot too humbly thank Granvelle for continual care of his affairs, as shown in letters of 3 May, and is grieved at the bp. of London's importunity, both for the trouble it caused and for its leaving no time to consider Chapuys's affairs, who, without brief provision therein, will remain in shame and misery. Expects, from what the Emperor has often said, to be, with Granvelle's assistance, set right this time. Has been told by one of the Council that the bp. will be henceforth more modest, taking example by the bp. of Westminster, who is going thither, who is a sweet, honest, and modest person.
If the English were men who gave place to reason, affairs would have been concluded here without further sending; but, besides being naturally selfish, the need which other princes have had of them has accustomed them to ask almost carte blanche, and they do not forget to take advantage now of the Emperor's necessity, which they often enriched by singing the designs of the dukes of Cleves and Holstein, until Chapuys shut their mouths by telling one of the chief of them, in confidence, that Cleves would willingly treat for Gueldres if the Emperor would assist him against this King, and Holstein offered tresbon party to the Emperor's nieces, and wished to transfer to them his titles and claims upon this realm, with promise of great assistance for its conquest. In truth they are not wrong in considering before implicating themselves with the Emperor's dangerous affairs, which they could well do without, and there has been no little artifice (mistere) needed to bring them so far. Chapuys forgot not to magnify what the Emperor did for them by coming to this reconciliation and closer amity, and, among innumerable instances of the ill will which the French bore them, he gave out that the Dauphin had in private often said that he was this King's godson and son spiritual and meant to be his son temporal and successor, so that the kings of France might henceforth entitle themselves of England with as much reason as heretofore those of England [entitled themselves] of France, and that there was never King Henry in France that was not King of England, and he was of no less stuff than the others. Granvelle knows how important the English amity is, considering the perfidy and wickedness of the French, who, in recompense for Granvelle's good offices to them, wished to send him to the bottom. Will only say that if, as God forbid, this practice is broken, it had been far better that it had never been begun; for with this King as enemy, ships passing between Flanders and Spain could not touch on this coast, which is now so full of castles, bulwarks, and battlements. Writes to the Emperor in favour of this amity more boldly, perhaps, than he ought; and he begs Granvelle to excuse him; for, to gratify the King, he has had to show the deputies what he was writing, and he was not moved by anything he had of the King, who has never made him any present except some artichokes, a deer (dain), and a great fish which had been given to the King, and was, as he thinks, a dolphin. As an extremity of boldness, he must say, as Don Inigo used to say, and as Mons. de Praet affirmed lately before the Queen, that if the Emperor ever intends to profit by the English, he must have some pensioners; and he would for very little gain those in favour, who are already addicted to him, viz., the Privy Seal and Secretary Vristle, and the two who depend upon these, viz., the Admiral and Grand Esquire. Winchester would be content with the honor, and deserves something from the Emperor, both for having commenced this affair and for his good will to the Emperor and personal good qualities. Does not remind the Emperor about the sending of a personage and letters. Has secretly copied the projected treaty which those here wished to have; which they have since changed in divers places, as will be seen by that which Westminster carries. Sends it, together with copy of the articles which had been devised and as it were concluded, begging Granvelle to give no hint that he has it, but rather tell the ambassadors that Chapuys has done marvels. Desires him to help in the case of the sabres. Has striven in what concerns Cleves and Holstein with the same weapons as the English used for the article of the rebels; and has clearly learnt that this King had, with both, confederation contrary to what Chapuys was urging.
The deputies think that the King would be gratified if the Emperor, in his letters, omitted the title, bel oncle, saying that, even if the marriage had been legitimate, the title ceased at the Queen's death; and with better occasion they might be gratified by not entitling Madame Marie as princess, since there is a Prince held true and legitimate. The Queen Regent and those about her thought that this might be granted.
Is sure that if the Emperor knew half the bodily and mental labour Chapuys has had since Ascension Day, he would need no reminder to give a signal reward. Begs Granvelle's intercession. It will be new to Granvelle to see this despatch not written in Chapuys's hand, especially when the affairs are so important. The cause is gout, which took him in the right hand on his arrival from Flanders; and, although now free from it, he dare not labour too much. It not only stopped his right hand, but troubled his wit, as will be apparent from the disorder of his despatch. Annoyance that affairs did not succeed as he wished grieved him still more than the gout. Cannot exaggerate the good opinion of Granvelle held by these councillors, who send cordial recommendations, especially the Privy Seal and Wryseley; not forgetting Winchester, who has said that Granvelle ought to consider that there is no house, palace, or city, however great, but its entrances are narrow, and that thus it seems to be in this edifice of perpetual amity; but, when once the narrow entry is passed, it will be found "ung aultre copie cornu." If affairs were prolonged and a notable personage had to be sent from hence, it should be the said bp., who is a person of sense and wit, and knows his master's nature. Hampton Court, 30 June 1542.
3 July.
R. O.
24 [Nos. 454-6]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
Yesterday, soon after the bp. of Westminster and Chapuys's man left to embark at Exceter, Chapuys took leave of the King, who thanked him for his advancement of the practice, saying, among other things, that his Admiral already had answer that the ship prepared for George's passage was ready to sail. Does not know whether it will be swift, but hereafter better order will be taken, as the King sends, with the bp., an expert man to buy in Spain a couple of savrez or pinnaces, and expects the Emperor to keep other two ready. The French ambassador's cousin returned the day before yesterday from the French Court, only to charge the ambassador to espy why the King was so diligently preparing his ships and to watch the ports. The wine is arrived and presented, for which the King thanks her. The other day the King sent him word, by the Privy Seal and Admiral, to warn her to see to the defence of a certain isle (fn. 31) not very far from Anstredan and Encuse, against the duke of Holstein. Sends her the article passed upon the affair of the Edict and Statute. The other, touching keeping affairs secret and not treating to each other's prejudice before (dans) October, he has sent to the Emperor. London, 3 July 1542.
ii. Copy of the article (No. 440, printed in St. P., IX., p. 65), enclosed in the preceding. Dated, Hampton Court, (blank) June 1542. Latin.
Note by Chapuys that it is thought advisable that this article should be passed and published soon, to show that our communications are principally upon merchants' affairs. In the writing given him by the deputies, the words "curabit atque" are substituted for "statim."
9 July.
R. O.
25 [No. 478]. Chapuys to Charles V.
By his last, of the last of last month, wrote all occurrents; and nothing has happened since except that this after dinner he has been to present the bearer (fn. 32) to this King, to deliver the Queen Regent's recommendations and remind him touching the assistance against the Turk, in accordance with the king of the Romans' letters, which Chapuys received two days ago. The King was pleased with the Queen's sending to visit him and offering the services of this bearer in Spain, and especially at the diligence used in Flanders to put all things in order for defence and, upon occasion, offence, of which he had heard otherwise; saying that Vendosme and Du Biez were on their guard, and, although their men were not assembled, they had a great " number enrolled and had told one of his captains of Calais that war had been published in Flanders against the dukes of Holstein and Cleves. This, Chapuys said, did not seem likely. As to the assistance against the Turk, the King would hardly listen to it. Replied, to some of his excuses, that he should not complain that he had not been sooner requested to do it like other princes, for if the States of the Empire sent (as he affirmed) to the King of France, it was not for assistance, but to summon him to attempt nothing during this enterprise, and the Duke of Cleves was summoned as subject to contribute; that at the conclusion of the Diet of Spire he was not advertised of all that passed there was not the fault of the king of the Romans, who had to leave in great haste for Tirolez, Bohemia, Moravia, and other places, to provide for the war, and trusted to the saying of Henry's ambassadors (fn. 33) at Rehimspurg that if other princes did their duty he would not be behind them; he could not be ignorant of the resolution taken at Spire, and no prince able to assist had not determined to do so, except the king of France, and although the Pope had not sent the men heretofore spoken of, he would not fail to send either men or money; there was no difficulty about exchange, for Chapuys could in three hours find merchants, who would, within a month, deliver it in Vienna or any other city of Germany. Although he had before told Chapuys that he heard from notable personages, partial to the Emperor, that it was not money that was wanted in Germany, but men who were willing to go, he did not insist therein, but said, apparently half converted, that he would see about it. He said that the Turk would not come in person, but, on Chapuys's showing the importance of chasing the Turk's men out of Hungary and of passing forward, considering that the Empire's aid is for three years, he only replied, in jest, that he thought there would be no more question of the Turk, for the Pope would conclude peace between the Emperor and France, and the Turk, at the intercession of his good ally, who has anew sent him (or promised to send him) 24 galleys, would retire from Hungary and make perpetual peace with Christendom. Chapuys answered that the money might be advanced on condition of being repaid in such a case.
Told the King finally that he had as yet no answer from the Queen touching De Roeulx's discourse to him on his return from Flanders, and that he understood that she was writing of it to the Emperor. The King seemed pleased, saying that it was a matter for haste, and after this year the time for it would be past. London, 9 July 1542.
9 July.
R. O.
26 [No. 480]. Francis I. to Marillac.
Sends his secretary, l'Aubespine, the bearer, to the King of England. Ligny, 9 July 1542.

R. O.
27 [No. 481]. Brion to Marillac.
Has had his last letters and seen those to the King, who is very satisfied with the graciousness (fn. 34) used by the King his brother towards Marillac, from which may be expected the contrary of what was reported. The King's ambassador here has used the same language. Marillac shall advertise as often as possible all that happens. Ligny, 9 July.
P.S.The King sends you M. Claude de Laubespine, his secretary, with such instruction as he will report.
(2.) [No. 517]. Francis I. to L'Aubespine.
Headed : "L'Instruction de l'Aubespine."
The first articles, which for brevity I omit, are to declare how the King has lately treated with the King of Sweden and others; and, for his amity with the King of England, has obtained a place for him in the treaty.
The remaining articles are as follows :(See the " numbered articles in No. 517, in which the following corrections should be made :
p. 297 l. 4. Before "horse" supply "Almain."
l. 7. For "4,800" read "4,000."
l. 8. For "30" read "36."
l. 14. For "Italians. The legion" read "Italians, the legion."
l. 19. Dele "compose the King's own army."
last line but four. For "the Turks, &c., now in Hungary" read "those who are now in Hungary."
p. 298 l. 7. Add "Original endd. in Chapuys's hand : Copie de lectrez et instructions du roy de France a son ambassadeur en Angleterre.")
12 July.
R. O.
28 [No. 490]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
Although he supposes that (upon the act signed by this King's deputies) she will have provided that the King's subjects may lade their merchandise in such ships as they please, still, because, among other messages sent yesterday by the Admiral, one was for Chapuys to write expressly for the said affair, he begs her to see to it,and the King merits this pleasure, were it only for his continual praises of her during the past four days. She should charge the master of the English nation (who will present this) to write forthwith to this Council to provide reciprocally for the Emperor's subjects here. London, 12 July 1542.
16 July.
R. O. [Spanish Calendar, VI. II., No. 185A.]
29 [Omitted]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
Three days ago this King sent his Admiral with a map of Holland to show the danger of the duke of Holstein's surprising the islands at the mouth of the channel which goes to Amsterdam, called Flelande and Cessel, (fn. 35) that he might write to her to put earthworks and artillery there. Thinks that the King must have long practised this matter, especially with the ministers of the duke of Cleves when the alliance of Cleves was in question. He shows great fear lest the duke of Holstein's army may seize some important place : and because of that army he was in such haste that his subjects there might lade in their own ships, inasmuch as they might lose their merchandise if laden in vessels "de dea."
Has just received letters from the said Admiral, who writes to him to be, without fail, to-morrow, with the King, who is 20 miles hence (to communicate upon that affair and other news of importance), and to give out that he goes thither about the merchants' affairs or some other pretext. Will not fail to go, and to send her notice of all he can learn. Believes that at least he will hear part of what the French ambassador went to Court yesterday to negociate, although the English may disguise matters somewhat, as by saying that their pensions are offered with advantageous conditions, to make their case better.
She will have received his private letters about the affair of the navigation, and also the others touching the pikes which this King has bought there, and wishes to fetch hither. London, 16 July 1542.
Transcript, headed : 1543.
19 July.
R. O.
30 [No. 513]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
As he wrote in his last, has been with this King, who declared the importance of seeing to the defence of the two isles (fn. 36) mentioned in his last, confessing that at the time when he doubted that the Emperor wished to make war on him he planned to surprise them and fortify himself there, from whence the best and strongest port in his realm, named Ul, is within a day and a night's sail; and he was sure that Holstein had a design upon these isles, and thereby would keep all Holland in subjection and have the assistance of the duke of Cleves; he would deliver (as he has just done) a map, to be forwarded to the Queen on condition that it might be as soon as possible returned, and he would never sleep easy until he knew that this necessity was provided for, especially as he was told lately that Holstein said that, failing in his enterprise against the Hollanders and the Emperor's countries, the King (who made good cheer and doubted nothing) could pay the scot. Would that the Duke would begin with an enterprise upon Ul, where, Chapuys thinks, he would be so received that he would have no mind (pensement) to any enterprise for this time? As the King will not leave him at peace until he gives some news of the provision for the said isles, he begs to know what to say. The King repeated what the French ambassador last said to him, substantially as in the copy herewith, save that he did not tell that his ambassador in France gave the occasion for such compliments, and Chapuys gave no sign of it. He declared further that the king of France had sent a secretary with a letter of credence, who had arrived that very day, 16th inst., although two days before he had letters from his ambassador of the said secretary's despatch, whose audience is deferred until two days hence. Thinks this will not be well taken by the French, who (as the King is advertised) intend, with the Turk's army by sea to attack Catalonia, and at the same time to send an army by land towards Parpignan. The King charged Chapuys to write this (without mentioning him) to the Emperor and Grandvelle, but makes no great account of other enterprises, considering the advanced season, provided that Holstein gets no place to winter in. Sees no likelihood of assistance for the king of the Romans, against the Turk, from this King, who has answered drily that money was not so easily found as to be distributed there without reason; and if the affairs between the Emperor and him went forward, he would need all he had and the expense would be no less meritorious than against the Turk. Seeing him thus resolved Chapuys did not press him to answer the king of the Romans, so as to have occasion to renew the subject. Besides former excuses, he said that he held affairs of Hungary as despatched, since 4,000 Turkish horse which issued out of Buda to skirmish had been defeated; and, as he had news of this from France itself, he gave it more faith. London, 19 July 1542.
20 July.
R. O.
31 [No. 515]. Chapuys to Charles V.
Not to delay the Queen Regent's packet herewith, just received, which he understands to be in great haste, will only advertise that this King (doubting the duke of Holstein's seizing some place in Holland, especially two isles at the mouth of the channel of Anstredam called Flelant and Cassel), lately sent his Admiral with a map of Holland to show Chapuys the importance of guarding these isles; and moreover, on the 14th, sent for Chapuys, and, after a long discourse upon the importance of the isles, confessed (what Chapuys had already suspected and written to the Queen) that, when he doubted assault from the Emperor these years past, he himself planned to seize them, and could easily have defended them through their nearness to Ul, the best and principal port of this realm. He added that once master of them the Duke would have the key of Holland and Friesland, especially with the aid of the duke of Cleves; and he himself did not want a neighbour like Holstein, who had some quarrel with him and had said not long ago that if he failed upon Holland and the Emperor's country, this King (who made good cheer and mistrusted nothing) could pay the shot. He added that he would not rest until provision was made; and lent Chapuys the map to send to the Queen.
Two days before, the French ambassador had been with the King, who told Chapuys the substance of the ambassador's speech, in conformity with the French king's letter (copy herewith), without hinting that his own ambassador in France opened the game and gave occasion for such compliments; and Chapuys made no sign that he knew anything. The King also said that a servant of the king of France had come with letters of credence, whose audience he had deferred until the 21st. He told Chapuys nothing of the charge; but this morning the friend (fn. 37) has sent the copy of the instruments sent herewith.
There is no likelihood of inducing this King to assist against the Turk; for he says that if the affairs begun between the Emperor and him take effect, he will need all his money, and it will be as well employed as against the Turk. In this connection he said that the French reckoned that their sea army would, with the Turk's, invade Spain, while their King would march from the side of Perpignan, and this Chapuys might show the Emperor or Granvelle without alleging the author. London, 20 July 1542.
20 July.
R. O.
32 [No. 516]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
Wrote yesterday all occurrents here, and has this morning received hers of the 16th, with a packet for Granvelle for the diligent forwarding of which he will do all that is possible, but if George has sailed, as is probable, Chapuys does not know how to send it, since she does not write that he is to send an express (and a suitable one would be difficult to find, until the Emperor has provided the sabrez and appointed a person in Biscay to forward packets to Court). Will for this time do his best, aided by letters and favour of the Admiral. She will see by the copy herewith that the man (fn. 38) (in whose favour the Emperor will have lately written to her) does not sleep. Begs her to remember him. Also to let Chapuys know something of news and preparations there, as a counterpoise to the French brags and a satisfaction to those here. London, 20 July 1542.
25 July.
R. O.
33 [No. 534]. The Queen Of Hungary to Chapuys.
Has been too busy to answer his letters of the 12th, 16th, 19th and 20th inst.; for the king of France, without regard to the truce and without defiance, has invaded her government from the side of Luxemburg, on the 14th, and of Cleves, on the 15th, and she expects him to begin on the third side, viz., Arthois and Base Flandersand this notwithstanding his saying to the ambassador Marvol, on the 12th, that he would attempt nothing against these countries unless given occasion. He has sent the duke of Orleans with a good army to Luxemburg, who has taken the little town of Dampvilles, which was not tenable, and will take more; for none of the towns there are guardable, and she has only fortified two, viz., Theonville and Yvoix, which are well furnished and will keep the French from profiting by the others they occupy. On the side of Cleves the sieur de Longueval and Martin van Rossem, who calls himself marshal of Gueldres, have entered and pillaged the country about Bos le Duc, without taking any place of importance; for Hochstrate, which they have taken, was rather a house of plaisance than a fortress. They brag of coming before Antwerp, but she thinks they will be wiser. Hopes to repay them as soon as she can assemble her forces. Chapuys is to feel whether the King could be induced to send succour, by showing that if the French were masters of the Low Countries they would not make much estimation of the English, and that she would be the better able to resist if he would assist, especially on the side of Arthois and Flanders. As an excuse for getting audience Chapuys may say that she thanks the King for his charge about the isles (fn. 39) which the duke of Holstein might occupy, and has provided therein by ordering ships of war to be prepared and giving warning at the places necessary. Some days ago she took a ship equipped for war by the duke of Holstein, which had come before La Verre in Zealand to land men and spy, as had been done also at (blank) and Flissinge. The captain confessed that he was sent by the duke of Holstein to spy these coasts, and that he had landed two men in Holland, and hoped to do the like in Zealand, and afterwards go to England, to know if any maritime preparations were made there, and then would pass to France to deliver certain letters from the duke to the King, which he had thrown into the sea when he saw that he would be taken. Presumes that he was to report in France what he saw here and in England, and to conclude what his master's ships of war should do. Will interrogate him more closely, and if she can extort anything that concerns England she will write to Chapuys to advertise the King of it. The revocation of the Edict was published here before the receipt of Chapuys's letters of the 12th, presented on behalf of the Courtmaster of the English merchants here, and the Courtmaster has written that he is satisfied. If the king of France's secretary (fn. 40) holds to the King the language contained in the copy of letters which Chapuys has sent, which conforms with what he said to the Emperor's ambassador on the 12th, two days before he began the war, viz., to keep amity unless given occasion to the contrary, the King of England should not think himself so secure as she did. If the Emperor sends any packets to her by way of England, she requires Chapuys to forward them with diligence, as he has done those she sent to Spain. De Ma[lines?], 25 July 1542.
2 Aug.
R. O.
34 [No. 562]. Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
In pursuance of his last, of the 20th ult., he, immediately upon its despatch, sent a servant and a courier to the King for a passport, and licence to take horses by the way to overtake George, and also letters of favor to all the ports. When the King had read her letters of the 17th ult. (which had to be shown both for the above and for advertisement of what she had done in the matter of navigation), he despatched at once, although it was midnight, to the Admiral to provide for an express passage, knowing that George had sailed with a good wind that very day. The lords of the Council were astonished and half angry with Chapuys's man when he told them that he was not gone thither to solicit an express passage, which they thought very requisite; and so Chapuys has had to do it, being inclined thereto by desire to send the Emperor like copies to those he last sent her. One courier having failed him, there only remained another to whom he had to give 40 ducats, besides the expenses; which will not be small; for George's passage, going and returning, cost 130 ducats and an angelot for every day beyond 20 days that the ship (which is of 100 tons) waits in Spain.
On the 29th ult. received hers of the 25th, and (as ambassadors here do not go to Court without first obtaining a day for audience), sent a servant to the Admiral, who was mediator in the affair of the map which she has returned, and of Chapuys's last journey to Court, and is also very friendly. Charged his servant to declare the reasons for it (except the requisition of aid), lest the King, who is now at pastime, might think him importunate. The Admiral, after consulting the King, sent answer that, until some other occasion arose, there was no need to take this trouble, and the King was glad that she had provided for the isles, and he would sooner have done it at his own cost than leave them in danger; and that the King was in great fear for Antwerp until he heard that she had caused the Duke and Prince (fn. 41) to enter it. Touching the aid mentioned in her letters, Chapuys's servant, as of himself, made representations to the Admiral, who thought them urgent and reasonable, and offered to speak of them to the King; but made no answer therein. Yesterday, on receipt of letters from Mons. du Roeulx, sent his said servant to Court to learn from the Admiral, Privy Seal, and Wriothesley whether it would be possible to have some assistance on the side of Base Flanders, which Vendosme was threatening. Will, in default of that, suggest that the King might send two or three ships (of seven or eight which he has ready), on pretext of defending the Englishmen's property there, or at least of escorting the English merchant ships. Hereupon sent yesterday for the Courtmaster, and gave him to understand that, probably, the Queen would not let anything leave Antwerp, lest it should be captured on the sea by the enemies, who after us will make war on them, and that he ought to petition the King and Council to send the said ships and a good " number of men. This he promised to do; and it seems the only means of getting aid (before answer comes from Spain) without the French being able to speak against it, for, once there, the ships could be used as though arrested by force.
Secretary Aubespine and the French ambassador went to the King, 25 miles from here, and arrived there on the 20th ult., as appointed; nevertheless they had no audience until the 24th, and (as he learns, by the friend and otherwise) it was very short and meagre, as on the previous day with the Council. The rudeness and coldness shown them at this time is incredible, for they have not been visited by the Councillors or any other gentlemen, and those who used to bear them favour will not speak to them nor look at them. Still, the ambassador has given out here that he was well treated in the Court, where he did not stay a moment after he had spoken with the King; and straightway upon his arrival here he accompanied the said secretary by water 20 miles. Thinks that this was only to see the preparation of the King's ships; and he told the secretary to certify in France that they will not be ready for two months, although two of them left yesterday, and by the end of this week the other five or six will sail. Mr. Huyet, who was ambassador with the Emperor in Spain, and lastly at Ghent, is to be captain of this armada.
The man he sent to Court with De Roeulx's letter has just returned. The letter protested desire to serve the King, as the Emperor had commanded, and advertised the descent of Vendosme upon Artois, adding that, within a month, the French would have spent their venom, and then if the King sent a good " number of men and some artillery, an important exploit might be made. His man brought word from the Privy Seal that the King was pleased with the affection shown him by De Roeulx, and thought that the Emperor's strongholds about Arthois were well provided for, and his own were in good order, and yet men, artillery, and munitions are daily sent (as is true); that all depended upon the answer received by their bishop (fn. 42) in Spain, which could not be long, and then would be the time to speak of aid; and that, if the necessity was urgent, Chapuys should write to the King requiring it under the treaty of Cambray, and he (the Privy Seal) and others would do their best. The Privy Seal and Admiral had little leisure to talk with Chapuys's man, being, with the rest of the Council, very busy with an ambassador of Scotland, (fn. 43) who is come hither about certain reciprocal forays lately made upon the frontier, even while the deputies of both sides were together to redress the griefs, wrongs and damages of the previous forays. Those here have no doubt but that this last skirmish on the side of Scotland has been instigated by the French. Although, several days before the Privy Seal advised it, Chapuys thought that it would be well to have aid of the English, especially for the reputation [of it], he will not make the request until she commands it; and will desist from asking succour for Antwerp, since the enemies are sent away. To-day or to-morrow will be made the proclamation of the revocation of the statute upon the lading of ships. Has made no great instance for it, considering that now it would safer to lade in English ships.
Forgot to say that the English show no such great fear of the armada of Denmark as they did, being advertised (as the Admiral says) that the duke of Holstein has only six or seven ships, scarcely in order, and seems to keep them to guard his own country. Of this the Queen will have been advertised by the captain, who is prisoner. Has deferred writing to her, as he expected something from Spain; but here is neither letter nor news from thence. London, 2 Aug 1542.
[17 Aug.]
R. O.
35 [Omitted]. The Queen Of Hungary to Chapuys. (fn. 44)
Since writing on the 25th ult., has received his letters of the 2nd and 9th, informing her of the representations made to the French ambassador and him. Thinks his answer good. Although the King wishes to temporise until he has news of what the bp. of Winchester (sic, for Westminster) has done in Spain, necessity has decided her to send to him to require assistance without delay, seeing that the French, from all sides, are doing their utmost against her. French, p. 1. Modern transcript from Vienna.


  • 1. Came and Vaughan.
  • 2. Of Orkney.
  • 3. Sir Christopher Morice.
  • 4. Carne and Vaughan.
  • 5. Countess of Bridgewater.
  • 6. Sir Ric. Long.
  • 7. Bridgewater.
  • 8. Anne Basset.
  • 9. St. George's Chapel, Windsor.
  • 10. The text of this letter, down to this point, has been printed by Gachard in his "Analectes Historiques" (Series I.-IV.), 242-3.
  • 11. Sir John Gage.
  • 12. M. de Formes.
  • 13. Of Gardiner and Knyvett.
  • 14. The loan.
  • 15. In February, 1536. See Vol. X., Nos. 351 (p. 133), 575.
  • 16. Of Norfolk and Suffolk.
  • 17. Edm. Pekham, Cofferer of the Household?
  • 18. Knyvett.
  • 19. The treaty of Toledo of 12 Jan., 1539.
  • 20. See page 732.
  • 21. The real date must have been about 1 June, 1542. See p. 732.
  • 22. His return from Flanders.
  • 23. Meaning May.
  • 24. There was the secret treaty of Toledo of 12 Jan. 1539.
  • 25. Jeanne d'Albret.
  • 26. Philip I., King of Castile and Archduke of Austria, father of Charles V.
  • 27. May 20 to 27.
  • 28. See No. 19 of this Appendix.
  • 29. No. 19 of this Appendix.
  • 30. No. 440 (1, 2).
  • 31. Both Flielandt and Texel are named in later letters.
  • 32. George.
  • 33. Gardiner and Knyvett.
  • 34. "de la gratuit use par le Roy." Chapuys appends a note in the margin that this gratuit is of a dolphin which the King gave to the French ambassador when he gave another to the Emperor's.
  • 35. Texel.
  • 36. Flielandt and Texel.
  • 37. Jehan de Hons.
  • 38. Jean de Hons.
  • 39. Flielandt and Texel.
  • 40. L'Aubespine.
  • 41. The Duke of Arschot and Prince of Orange.
  • 42. Westminster.
  • 43. Leirmonth.
  • 44. Apparently an alternative draft of No. 634.