Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1875.
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R. O. Rym. XIV. 300.
|5716. THE DIVORCE.|
|The citation of queen Katharine before cardinal Wolsey and cardinal Campeggio, the papal legates. Delivered in the Queen's dining chamber at Greenwich, 26 June 1529.|
|5717. JAMES V. to WOLSEY.|
|Hopes Wolsey remembers his whole mind sent by Magnus, and the confidence he has in his uncle, who protected him in his minority. Has written to Henry what he has done to prevent outrages in the Borders since the last peace. Expects the English will have no great cause of complaint, and understands there is good rule on their side, except in the East Borders, where Master Leysens, captain of Norham, has charge under the earl of Northumberland, the warden, who keeps no days of meeting, and makes no redress. Has written to the King on the subject. Edinburgh, 26 June. Signed.|
|P. 1, broad sheet. Add. Endd.|
Cal. B. III. 298. B. M. St. P. IV. 564.
|5718. ADAM OTTERBURN to MAGNUS.|
|Has received his friendly writings "this 25th day of Junii," and caused the messenger of Berwick to have audience of the King on the 26th. Will answer him, without dissimulation, in every point. Certain contracts between the town of Bruges, then staple of the realm, and the Scotch merchants, which were authorised by James I. and the archduke of Burgundy for 100 years, are now expired, and it was thought proper to renew them for another 100 years; but as they relate only to commerce they are not injurious either to France or England. Nothing is done about the marriage of James with the queen of Hungary. A gentleman of Hainault, sent hither by the king of Hungary to desire aid against the Turk, made the overture without authority. Master, now Sir John Campbell, has been sent to those parts about the business of the merchants, and was charged to report any overture that might be made to him about the marriage, but has no commission with respect to it. Thanks him for the safe-conduct to himself and Master John Chesholme. Desires commendations to the duke of Norfolk. Edinburgh, 26 June. Signed.|
Cal. D. XI. 8. B. M.
|5719. LOUISA OF SAVOY to WOLSEY.|
|* * * "asseur ... [vostre] maistre et a vous si bon con ... [mon]sr. et filz et eulx. Et mesmemen[t] ... [to]ucha[nt ce]s affaires, pour lesquelz ilz estoient v[enus] ... plus longue lectre, sinon que vous povez avoir ceste * * * ."|
|Will do all she can to perpetuate the friendship and alliance between Wolsey's master and her son, and prays him to do the like. Noyon, 26 June 1529.|
|P.S. in her own hand:—According to Wolsey's message, has spoken of everything to Fitzwilliam. Signed.|
|Fr., p. 1, mutilated. Add.|
Cal. D. XI. 9. B. M.
|5720. [LOUISA] OF SAVOY to FRANCIS I.|
|* * * "que cela ... faire de ceulx qui sont a ... er de sen venir sans plus acte[ndre] ... comme aiant satisfaict a sa promesse ... incontinent. Parquoy, Monsieur, je me trouve p[rete] ... me rendre audict Cambray deux jours apres ... arivee a St. Quentin, ou de du tout rompre ... qui est encommance, dont, Monsieur, je vous ay bien [voulu] advertir pour congnoistre a quoy je suis contraincte ... me pouvoir excuser par dissimulacions." Her health is good. Han, 27 June. Asks him to send back the bearer when they are at Cambray. Signature mutilated.|
|Fr., p. 1, mutilated.|
Vit. B. XI. 170. B. M.
|5721. W. BENET to WOLSEY.|
|Their instructions bid them consult learned and expert men here, who are retained for the King's service, as to a protestation to annual any advocation or other act that may be done by the Imperialists. There are none here to whom he dares disclose this matter, and Gardiner wrote from Pavia to warn him to trust none of them in the King's cause. Casale and Vannes are also of the same opinion, thinking that the first thing they would do would be to show it to the Pope, and do nothing but what he commanded. Then again they would wish the cause to be brought here for their own advantage; and they have secretly boasted of the lucre they would gain by it. Any protestation had therefore better be devised by the Council in England. Gardiner has probably shown him how unlikely it is that the Pope will grant a new commission, and they have written in their common letter concerning his towardness to grant the avocation. Will declare Wolsey's credence; and if that does not stay his Holiness, sees no remedy, for these things depend upon his will. Despairs in every degree of their charge, which causes him greater heaviness than he ever had in his life. Rome, 27 June.|
|Hol., pp. 3. Add. Endd.|
Vit. B. XI. f. 168. B. M.
|5722. SYLVESTER DARIUS to [WOLSEY].|
|Arrived at Rome on the 21st, having been much delayed by brigands and soldiers. Could not see the Pope at first, on account of his illness; but when he had an audience, delivered the messages of the King and Wolsey. Has seen the English ambassadors, and offered them his assistance. Hears from Sanga, who is a good servant to the King, that the Pope will never advoke the King's cause willingly. Wolsey will hear from the ambassadors about the occupation of Perugia. Braccio de Baglioni, with the help of the Colonnas, is trying to drive out Malatesta.|
|Few know what the Pope will do. No news from Naples. It is generally believed that the Emperor will come to Italy next month. It is reported from Venice that the Turk has commenced to move armies towards Hungary and Germany. Rome, 27 June 1529.|
|The Pope was very well yesterday and today.|
|Hol., Lat., pp. 2.|
Galba, B. IX. 172. B. M.
|5723. JOHN HACKETT to [WOLSEY].|
|Wrote last on the 17th, with two letters from my Lady to the King. My Lady started that day for Cambray. On arriving at Monts in Henygaw, Mons. [de] Humeris arrived with 44 horse as ambassador from the lady Regent. The secretary, Elew Bayart, has returned to show my lady Margaret's mind. John de Lassaw, who is with the Regent, writes daily. It was thought here that the duke of Suffolk would come to Cambray on the King's behalf, but Lassaw writes that he has taken leave of the French king with fair words and promises, and returned to England. Hoghestrat asked what Hacket thought of his returning, good or ill. Said he considered all good that was concluded by the King and his Council in this business; and he doubted not that if they acted as sincerely as the King does, all will be well. He answered, "Mons. l'embassa[deur], je vous sertefye et assure que la volunt ny la intenssyon de l'Emperuer ny de Madame net pas de concluyr le pece sans que le Roy vostre mestre y soyt compris." Doubts not that it is so now; but what change this meeting will make, he cannot say. It told that the French king will come as privily as possible to speak with the lady Margaret, which can be easily done, for the ladies' lodgings at Cambray are so made that they can speak to each other through a gallery. Understands that ready money will be a good mediator, and that if the King's highness would prolong the term of payment for the money due to him by the French king and the Emperor, the French king would find money enough for the surplus to pay and please the Emperor without any further mediation. My lady Margaret arrived here on the 23rd, and waits for the coming of the secretary, Elew Bayart, from the Regent. There are with my Lady, the card. of Luke, the lords of Berghes, Bewyrs, Burre, Fyenys, Hoghestrat, the marquis of Arskot, my lord of Palermo, and others of the Emperor's privy council. The train is not more than 1,100 or 1,200 horse, "all domestically, as men of peace." Part will tarry here, and the rest go on to Cambray. There are about 350 baggage waggons with three or four horses apiece. The Scotch ambassador is ordered to remain in Brabant and Zealand till my Lady's return. The people here seem well inclined to an alliance with Scotland.|
|Eight days ago Don Fernando wrote to my Lady that the Turk was coming towards Hungary, and he has sent a commission to Messrs. de Sampy and De Bredam to be his ambassadors at Cambray, and has written to captain Roghendolf, the marshal of his host, to go to him. As to the army for Italy, the footmen, to the number of 10,000, are setting forward out of Dutchland, and the horse have their muster day at Namur on the 25th, and will then go to Italy, if the journey of Cambray do not cause the contrary. Those lords who are favorable to the King have no good devotion to this peace, but others doubt not that if these ladies speak together peace will be concluded, either now or soon after, but to whose advantage he cannot tell. If what he hears is true, the secretary Bayard, who is one of the conditors of this business, loves not the King nor the weal of England, or else he is a great dissimulator. Knows not how to behave, for lack of instructions. Valenciennes, 27 June 1529.|
|Letters from Barcelona, dated the 8th, say that the Emperor intends to land in Italy before the end of the month.|
|Hol., pp. 4. The cipher deciphered by Tuke.|
|5724. SANDES to WOLSEY.|
|Has received Wolsey's letter of the 17th, stating that he had spoken to the King about the royalties of the county of Guisnes, which Sandes claims by virtue of the King's patent; and that his Highness does not admit his claim, but commands him to allow Rob. Fouler, under-treasurer of the Exchequer, to receive the royalties in the King's name. Will obey the King's pleasure. Did not mean to put in a positive claim, but was encouraged by Wolsey to expect it from his mediation, especially as he had ordered Sir John Dauncye to draw up a privy seal in his favor. Begs Wolsey not to put him in comfort again unless it may grow to better conclusion. As other captains of the castle and county have always had the same, it will be thought Sandes has offended the King. Fears the casualties of Marke and Oye, which Wolsey says brought Sandes one year 1,000 marks, will not be worth 20l. sterling a year on an average to the King. Those of the county of Guisnes are not worth 20l. a year, Calais money. Calais, 27 June. Signed.|
|Pp. 2. Add. Endd.: My lord Sandes, the 27th day of June 1529.|
Vit. B. XI. 172. B. M.
|5725. BENET, CASALE and VANNES to WOLSEY.|
|Benet arrived on the 16th. While waiting for an audience, compared their instructions with his, and consulted together. Feared that from Gardiner's departure the Pope would suspect that the King's cause would be proceeded with without waiting for the production of the original brief. The Emperor's ambassador was strongly urging the avocation of the cause. Thought the best thing therefore was to assure the Pope that the cause was not in progress, but that the King was looking to a quieter way,—the peace which was being negotiated. Showed the Pope tacitly, and Salviati openly, the great injury of advoking the cause at the will of the Imperialists. The Pope seemed to acquiesce in their reasons, especially as he thought Casale was acting sincerely.|
|Benet and his colleagues had audience on the 21st, and were kindly received by the Pope, who, having read their letters of credence, said that he was especially glad to receive the ambassadors of the King, whom he loves like a son, and whom he would always try to please; and now that he is returned to health, they would see that the ambassadors of no other prince would be so well received, and he would hear with pleasure their commission from the King and Wolsey. Benet said that the King still regarded the Pope with filial affection, and trusted in him, and believed that the delay in obtaining a remedy to his cause came from the arts of bad advisers, rather than from the Pope's ill will, and that his Holiness would give him assistance; that he was sent to take Gardiner's place in both public and private affairs.|
|Did not say more at the first interview, lest he might think Benet had been sent merely to hinder the avocation. The Pope then began to talk of public affairs. He said that, in spite of his efforts, 3,000 Colonnese and Imperialists had met at Perugia, and he would do all he could to prevent their number being increased, if he could strengthen his own position in any other way. He seems to have considered the reasons alleged by Casale and Vannes. If the French king will consider what they signified to his ambassadors and to the Florentines, viz., how disadvantageous it would be to allow the Pope to act rashly from indignation, they hope that some means will be found to appease him, especially as he has often experienced the evil of keeping troops of his own, much more of the Imperialists, who desire opportunities of plunder.|
|Next day arrived Silvester Darius and Franciscus Campanus. Darius said that he brought letters of credence, and three charges,—to resist the avocation, to urge the production of the original brief in England, and to show the danger that would ensue from the avocation. Consulted with him about the course to take. Advised him not to speak about the exhibition of the brief, as they are charged in the King's instructions to say nothing about it. Three days after they had seen his Holiness, his disease returned, and no person is yet admitted to his presence. Told Salviati that Benet was ordered to speak with him. He came as soon as he could leave the Pope. Benet thanked him for his exertions in the King's cause; to which he answered that he was sorry not to be more successful; that the Pope was not influenced by regard for the Emperor, or for his own advantage, but by conscience, and the more so as the matter was a public one. Said that in this the King agreed with the Pope, as he wished for nothing but the relief of his conscience from a heavy scruple, and the safety of his soul; and they felt sure that although the Pope had not yet been able to grant the King's wish, an opportunity would be presented him for showing his kindness; the King wishes to preserve and increase mutual affection, and that no new causes of dissatisfaction should proceed from the Pope.|
|Asked him what news he had by Campanus. He said he had heard that the King's cause was being hurried on in England. Wondered at this, as it was unexpected and false. Salviati said that Campanus had reported it by word of mouth, and that Campeggio stated the same in his letters, which he promised to show them. Benet, who left England at the same time as Campanus, said that he knew for certain that nothing had been done or would be done unless all obstacles were removed, but that there had been some discussion about the transumpt of the brief and other things, and that those who judged others' actions from conjectures, as Campanus had done, were sure to err. Campanus also said that he had had much discussion about the words which he was alleged to have used about the plenitude of the papal power; which words and promises he now clearly denies, and says that he does not know of what consequence are the words, of ordinary or absolute power.|
|Answered that as he did not know, they thought the more that it had been said by him, though there seemed to be no place for ignorance. Pledged their word that nothing had been done. The King will see that they keep his instructions secret, and refer nothing to the Pope. Do not think it advisable that the Pope should be informed of anything before they know it. When Salviati left, Gregory Casale accompanied him. Salviati told him that on the day before, on receipt of the news about the process, the Pope determined to advoke the cause, and he had great trouble to restrain him. The Emperor seems to wish nothing more than to hinder the affair, and his ambassador urges the avocation, which the Pope thinks it very difficult to refuse. The ambassador did not cease urging the avocation until the Pope and Sir Gregory promised that the process would not be continued. Now if it is proceeded with, the Emperor will think that the Pope has deceived him.|
|Salviati says he thinks he can restrain the Pope, if they will assure him that the sentence will not be pronounced in England. Took an oath 100 times that this would not be done, and said that the Pope must be careful to do nothing in the way of avocation, for the matter was more serious than was thought here, and the people of England would consider that some great crime had been committed by the Legates and the King, and that the cause was unjust, especially as the Legates were appointed in a consistory, and were famed for learning and wisdom, and would rather be cut to pieces than act unjustly; and he must judge for himself the evils that would follow to Christendom and the Holy See. He promised to do all he could with the Pope to prevent the avocation. Told him that the King had the greatest respect for the Papal authority, and had done nothing to cause the Pope to advoke the cause. If he did so, all the King's subjects would think that the Pope had done it to deceive the King, and the insult would be too great to admit of reparation; his Holiness could do nothing to offend the King more deeply. These reasons Salviati thought sufficiently strong to influence the Pope. Told Sylvester also how to persuade the Pope that sentence will not be given; but they fear he will believe Campeggio and Campanus more than them. Casale said to Salviati, when he still expressed surprise at their denying what the Pope had heard, that he knew for certain from Benet, Vannes, and from letters from England, that nothing was being done, and it must be remembered that Campeggio was most careful for his own exaltation and the favour of Princes, and had promised the King wonders, so that the King's counsellers thought he had said more than he ought to have done, or than he could rightly perform; and in order not to satisfy the King, but to preserve his favour, he was secretly urging the Pope to advoke the cause, so that he would be free, and could say that he would have done everything unless the Pope had interfered; he would gratify or at least not offend the Emperor, and would gain a reputation for firmness from the common people. Casale said that the Pope must take care he does not incur all the blame, and that the King does not consider he is the sole author of this injury. All this Salviati promised to explain to the Pope. Asked whether, induced only by Campeggio's letters and the words of Campanus, they were doing anything rashly about the avocation, for if the Pope has determined upon it, some months at least should elapse, for the Pope will have the same power then as now, and the King does not wish any progress to be made until all impediments are removed, which will take some time.|
|Salviati said further that the Pope understood that the King only desired the sentence to be pronounced by the Legates; that he would wait for no confirmation, but immediately contract a new marriage. Does not know how he can have heard this, unless from Campeggio or Campanus. Said this was false, for the King would do nothing without obtaining the most secure foundation, and they had several commissions to execute with the Pope before any process would be carried on; the King is continually urging them to obtain these requests from the Pope. The Pope will be able to excuse himself for not having granted their previous requests; but if he does so again, he will produce inextinguishable hatred in the King's mind. Think that the avocation may be postponed, but not prevented. The Pope had been accustomed to entrust his letters for France to the ambassadors, lest they should be intercepted at Florence, and they forwarded them to the English ambassadors in France to be given to Salviati. He previously complained that his packet of 4 May had been opened, and now he says he has discovered that letters had been taken out by the English ambassadors, and sent to Venice to be deciphered, of which he has seen copies. Excused it as well as they could, but are sorry that it has happened. Advise Wolsey to write about it, and that the King should tell Campeggio that he knew nothing of it, but not say that copies had been sent from Venice, as Salviati insisted on their not mentioning it. The greater part of this letter had better not be communicated to Campeggio.|
|News has just arrived of the defeat of the French troops by the Imperialists. The Venetians immediately retreated for three days' march to be out of danger. The Papal treasurer sent the news from Piacenza. The Emperor's visit to Italy is looked upon as certain. There was much hope of a peace being concluded at Cambray. Some of the allies seem to suspect that the French king would not refuse any peace. Rome, 28 June 1529. Signed.|
|Lat., pp. 17, part cipher deciphered. Address pasted on.|
R. O. Ellis, 3 Ser. II. 60.
|5726. THOMAS BISHOP OF BANGOR to WOLSEY.|
|One of Wolsey's servants of the law, Mr. Skewes, has caused an entry to be made, in the name of one Reskymer, also a servant of Wolsey's, into certain lands in the parish of St. Keveran's, Cornwall, given to the house of Beaulieu by Ric. earl of Cornwall, son of king John, founder of the monastery, which has possessed it more than 300 years. He writes to the Bishop that he intends to give a benefice there, belonging to Beaulieu, to the finding of scholars, and pretends that a cell of monks was once there,—which is untrue, as the Bishop can prove. Wonders what moves him thus to trouble him and his tenants. Begs Wolsey not to allow him or any other to do the poor house wrong. 28 June.|
|Hol., p. 1. Add.: To, &c. my lord Cardinal, archbishop of York, Legate and Chancellor.|
Cal. B. VII.132. B. M.
|5727. FRANCIS I. to JAMES V.|
|Is informed that he is proposing to contract a marriage without consulting his ancient ally (Henry VIII). Begs that nothing of the king may take place to impair the good understanding between them. Coussy, 28 June 1529. Signed.|
|Fr., p. 1. Add. Endd.: "1529."|
|Cal. D. XI. 7. B. M.||2. Copy of the preceding.|
|Pp. 2, mutilated.|
|Camb. MS. 1315.||5728. THE DIVORCE.|
|"Johannis Roffensis. Licitum fuisse matrimonium Henr. VIII. cum Catharina relicta fratris sui Arthuri."|
|Inc.: "Constat Inclitissimum Regem." Explicit: "Rescindi valeat aut dissolvi."|
|R. O.||5729. THE DIVORCE.|
|Three treatises, respectively marked C, D, and M:|
|C. is endorsed, "Liber compositus contra Roffensem pro Regia Majestate impugnans dispensationem, etiam si confessum esset Pontificem Romanum posse in causa Regia dispensare." It begins, "Quod ad illud axioma pertinet Pontificem quicquid fuerat obstaculi per suam dispensationem amovibilis, id ipsum haud dubie sustulisse;" and ends, "Adjecimus etiam interim protestationem intervenisse quæ vim etiam haberet renunciationis, quæ omnia bullæ vitia sic detegunt ut illius virtute hujus matrimonii justitia defendi non queat."|
|Lat., pp. 69. In Wriothesley's (?) hand; with comments in the margin in Fisher's hand.|
|D.—Headed: "Liber contra Roffensis orationem habitam coram legatis Romani Pontificis, compositus, ut videtur, per Regem ipsum." Begins, "Postquam in hac matrimonii causa discutienda definiendaque controversia nihil quicquam hactenus a vero Christiani principis officio alienum privata auctoritate tentatum a nobis fuerit;" and ends with the words, "ut hinc nimirum materiam haberemus exercendi ac provehendi in nobis ista virtutum semina."|
|Lat., pp. 95, in two hands. Three leaves are noticed as lost between pp. 36 and 37. This is a very bitter reply to Fisher, who has corrected some of the King's statements in his own hand in the margin: among others, that he had approved of the reasons for the King's divorce; to which he answers, "Non hæc dixi. Certe Cardinalis voluit ut hæc dixissem." In another passage, where the King reproaches him with having said that he was ready to submit to the flames in defence of the truth, Fisher notes in the margin: "Quid amplius ego quam Cardinalis, qui se comburi potius pateretur et membratim discerpi quam contra conscientiam faceret?"|
|M.—Another copy of the latter part of D. from the beginning of folio 37.|
|Pp. 24. In Wriothesley's hand.|
|Otho, C. x. 184. B. M.||5730. THE DIVORCE.|
|"Eruditi cujusdam responsio pro Regis defensione ad libellum Roffensis e[piscopi]."|
|A letter apparently addressed to Fisher on his sending the writer a summary of his treatise on the King's divorce. Begins: "Ingentes tibi gratias habemus, reverende pater, quod librum tuum adeo belle docteque, resectis part[iculis]," &c. Ends.: "Nunc ad responsionem tuam tuumque quadruplex jus d ... priscis theologis inauditum veniemus."|
|Ib. f. 187 b.||ii. Responsio Roffensis.|
|In the body of this reply occur the words: "Nec te, mi frater Hieronyme." Begins: "Hic respondeo quod aliquid dici potest esse contra jus divinum."|
|iii. The author's rejoinder, in which he refers to R. Wakfeld as his preceptor in Hebrew, of whose acquirements in that language he speaks very highly. Writes strongly against the Pope, and the aggrandizement of the Papal power. Protests against its being considered as a rule of conduct; for, "juxta vulgatum adagium Anglicum, esset nautæ vel Wallici caliga, et non [Lydius] lapis ad quem nos reformaremur, moresque nostros corrigeremus." The reply is apparently divided into four heads.|
|Lat., pp. 29, mutilated.|
|R. O.||5731. THE DIVORCE.|
|"An judices censentur gravare Reginam non admittendo exceptionem litis pendenciæ eo modo quo per eam coram eis proponitur?" Various arguments given and authorities quoted against the Queen's plea [for an appeal ?]|
|Lat., pp. 2, draft.|
Theiner, p. 585.
|5732. CAMPEGGIO to SALVIATI.|
|Yesterday the fifth audience was given. While the proceedings were going on as usual, owing to the Queen's contumacy, the bishop of Rochester made his appearance, and said, in an appropriate speech, that in a former audience he had heard the King's Majesty discuss the cause, and testify before all that his only intention was to get justice done, and to relieve himself of the scruple which he had in his conscience, inviting both the judges and everybody else to throw some light on the investigation of the cause, because on this account he found his mind much distressed and perplexed. If, on this offer and command of the King, he (the Bishop) did not come forward in public and manifest what he had discovered in this matter after two years' most diligent study, (fn. 1) —therefore, both in order not to procure the damnation of his soul, and in order not to be unfaithful to his King, or to fail in doing the duty which he owed to the truth, in a matter of such great importance, he presented himself before their reverend Lordships to declare, to affirm, and with forcible reasons to demonstrate to them that this marriage of the King and Queen can be dissolved by no power, human or divine; and for this opinion he declared he would even lay down his life. He added that the Baptist in olden times regarded it as impossible for him to die more gloriously than in the cause of marriage, and that as it was not so holy at that time as it has now become by the shedding of Christ's blood, he (the Bishop) could encourage himself more ardently, more effectually, and with greater confidence, to dare any great or extreme peril whatever. He used many other suitable words, and at the end presented the book which had been written by him on this subject.|
|After him the bishop of St. Asaph's (Standish), of the Minorite order, spoke, and expressed nearly the same opinion, but with less polished eloquence, and in briefer terms; and he offered several comments. Then followed a Doctor, called the dean of the Arches, president (prœfectus) of the court of Canterbury, who alleged various arguments from the sacred canons in favour of the marriage, which were not very cogent.|
|The cardinal of York replied to all of them, that, in the first place, he was surprised they had attacked them (the Legates ?) without warning; next, that they stood and sat there to hear all things connected with the cause, and to do for the sake of justice whatever the divine wisdom should inspire them to do.|
|The proceedings then continued. On account of her non-appearance the Queen was pronounced contumacious; but she was cited to appear once for all. They determined to examine witnesses respecting her, and the articles were exhibited which had been responded to by the King, who, by his proctor, left his response among the records (apud acta). Accordingly the witnesses were examined at great length.|
|This affair of Rochester was unexpected and unforeseen, and consequently has kept everybody in wonder. What he will do we shall see when the day comes (alla giornata). You already know what sort of a man he is, and may imagine what is likely to happen. But as the messenger will not stay, and I am much occupied, I will write no more. London, 29 (fn. 2) June, 1529.|
Theiner, p. 586.
|5733. CAMPEGGIO to SALVIATI.|
|They are proceeding with inconceivable anxiety in the King's cause, and expect to come to the end of it within twenty days. The Queen, since she presented her appeals, has appeared no more; consequently they have a wide field for action, and entirely clear, so that they may do whatever they like, and conduct the trial with all those arts which can influence the result in their favour.|
|I have written that the Cardinal had told me they had recalled from France the duke of Suffolk and the treasurer. Since then I have learned, more correctly, that they were to return in the event of the congress at Cambray being deferred. It is now reported, by letters from France, that they are returning; which fact signifies, if all be true that is told me, that the negotiation is to be deferred, as you will learn from your son (the legate Salviati in France). Lady Margaret is very importunate, and is constantly sending messengers to the Regent to urge a meeting at Valenciennes; but hitherto, owing to the [French] king's gout (fn. 3) and other causes, it has been deferred, I suppose at the instance of this King, who does not yet wish to send the Cardinal thither, but first to dispatch the cause, though I do not see how that is possible.|
|When I showed your last letter to the Cardinal and the King, stating that the Pope purposed to go with a pilgrim's staff to these princes in case this peace should be broken off, the Cardinal said that they were pleased to find the Pope of this mind, and that his Holiness should inform the most Christian king, and this King also, of his desire to be present at this composition of peace, which would give them grounds for representing that the conclusion could not yet take place, but should be deferred; and thus they would be able to attend with greater convenience to this their cause, and then send the Cardinal thither. The Cardinal prayed me to write about this to the Pope by way of France.|
|The French king, through his ambassador, has caused many recommendations to be made to me respecting this matrimonial cause in favor of the King, with many ample offers in genere. He tells me he has sent the bishop of Tarbes in post to the Pope for this purpose, to supplicate him not to remove this cause from here, and offer him his assistance if his Holiness should have any distrust of the Emperor, or respecting anything else. The French ambassador tells me that Dr. Stephen [Gardiner] reports that his Holiness had told him that the brief was spurious (falso).|
|London, 29 June 1529.|
|P.S.—I hear the King has had much discussion with the cardinal of York, proposing, as the Cardinal is unable to go to Cambray in time, to send thither the bishop of London, a man of worth and merit, and More, a learned layman.|
Laemmer, Mon. Vat. p. 33.
|5734. SECRETARY OF CARDINAL CAMPEGGIO to_.|
|Affairs here are being despatched so hurriedly that my Cardinal will be able to depart at the same time as I had intended to depart myself. Yesterday, when the Cardinals sat again in judgment, the bishop of Rochester (Fisher), a man who is held here in great esteem on account of his learning and pious life, delivered an oration before the people to the Cardinals, the tenor of which was, that, having by virtue of the King's commission studied this cause between the King and the Queen, he had become positive that their marriage was holy and good, and could be dissolved only by God; that he was prepared to die for this truth; and that if he died for such a cause, he would not believe his death to be less [un]just than the execution of St. John the Baptist. He presented [to the Cardinals] a book composed by himself upon this case, for them to see. This event has given rise to much discussion; and as this man is a man of good fame, the King can no longer persist in dissolving the marriage; for this man being adverse to it, the kingdom will not permit the Queen to suffer wrong. 29 June.|
Vit. B. XI. 181. B. M.
|5735. BENET, GREGORY CASALE and PETER VANNES to [WOLSEY].|
|Salviati tells them that letters have come from the nuncio at Barcelona with no news but that he was well received by the Emperor, who will shortly come to Italy. The Colonnese and the Imperialists, in consequence of their success in Lombardy, will increase their forces, and endeavour to drive the Florentines and Malatesta from Perugia. St. Pôl was taken by the Imperialists. Gregory Casale had often advised the French king to make use of Italians, for the French generals did not know how to manage Italian troops, and fell into ambuscades through rashness. Cardinal Cæsarinus has received letters from Spain, that the Emperor is waiting only for the arrival of Andrea Doria and some ships. Think that the news of the capture of St. Pôl will hasten his coming. He might come to Genoa in a single galley, for he has now no enemies to fear. Think that when it is known here that the French king has turned his mind to the recovery of his sons, and gone to Picardy to make peace, the other allies will submit to the Emperor on his arrival at Genoa. Expect that he will defer peace till he can dictate conditions. Wolsey must see how their hopes daily diminish. Rome, 29 June 1529. Signed.|
|Lat., pp. 2.|
Cal. B. III. 56. B. M. St. P. IV. 566.
|5736. JAMES V. to MAGNUS.|
|Thanks him for his letters, dated London, 15 June, and for his zeal in promoting cordiality between the realms. Is surprised he gives credit to reports of unkindly behaviour on James's part towards his uncle. Bids him tell the King he has faithfully kept every promise sent by Magnus. It is not likely he would have sent so mean a man as John Campbell to Flanders to contract an alliance without the knowledge of Henry. It was only to renew an old band between the merchants of the two countries. Peebles, 29 June. Signed.|
|Add. Endd.: "Letters from the king of Scots to Master Magnus."|
Egerton MS. 543, f. 45. B. M. Dumont, IV. II. p. 1.
|5737. CHARLES V. and CLEMENT VII.|
|Treaty dated Barcelona, 29 June 1529.|
|Lat., pp. 27.|
Nicolas' Privy Purse Expenses, p. 284.
|5738. THE KING'S PAYMENTS.|
|Wages paid to falconers, hunters, and others, by the King's commandment, from 31 Dec. ao xx.|
|23 Jan.—To Hugh Harrys, falconer, board wages from Midsummer to Christmas, a groat a day; for the meat of 8 hawks, 1d. each a day. To Humfrey of the privy hounds, meat for one month, 9s. To Christopher, falconer, for hawk's meat, 10s. To Bryan Talbot, part payment of his wages, 15s. Total, Jan. ao xx., 10l. 16s. 6d.|
|February.—Board wages of Nicholas Clampe, a groat a day; his boy, at 16d. a week. Quarter's wages of Jo. Yardeley, hunter, 30s. 5d.; and of Parsons, "the henne taker," 45s. 7d. Total, 10l. 19s. 8d.|
|March.—Quarter's wages of the gardener at Windsor, 20s.; William Rutter, in the forest of Windsor, 2d. a day; Edmond Lynde, a groat a day; 10 watermen, 10s. each; to Elys falconer, for the board of Henry Ellis, 16d. a week; board wages of John Evans, falconer, 4d. a day; and meat for 6 hawks, a penny each a day; John Awod, 12d. a day; John Notte, groom of the crossbows, a groat a day; Jasper, the gardener at Beaulie, 50s.; new coats for Philip and Nicholas Clampe, John Evans, Richard Brandon, Haukyn, Walter, Hugh Harrys, Thos. of London, Christopher Hawte, and Old Hugh, 11l. 7s. 6d.; the livery coat of the purveyor of hens, 20s.; month's wages of Robt. Shere, for keeping the King's beagles, 5s.; to Crane, the master of the children, for the wages of Robt. Pury, at 3d. a day; his board wages, 20d. a week; the gardener at Wansted, 4l. a year; John Rede, keeper of the great garden at Beaulie, 8d. a day; Robt. Elton, one of the watermen, in prest on his wages, 20s.; to Nic. Clampe, for keeping a lanneret called Cutte, 1d. a day; and other payments. Total, 64l. 6s. 4d.|
|To Humfrey Raynezford, for chippings for the King's private hounds for two months, ending 30 June, 18s. 8d., and other payments to the above mentioned persons. Total, 21l. 1s. 1d.|
|5739. CHARLES V.|
|Promise to ratify whatever is concluded between Margaret of Savoy and the king of England for peace. Barcelona, 30 June 1529. Signed and sealed.|
Vit. B. XI. 182. B. M.
|5740. VANNES to WOLSEY.|
|Is grieved that they have no hopes' of obtaining their desires. Asks that letters of thanks may be sent to the card. Triulcio. Wolsey's bulls are being written, and the tax will have to be paid. The illness of the card. SS. Quatuor has delayed the expediting of the King's bulls. His services deserve a greater recompense than a letter of thanks. Is dealing with the agents of the bishop of Palencia about Wolsey's pension. Has for some time hesitated about saying what follows.|
|Wolsey at one time said that unless the Pope complied with the King's request, he would find some means to make his Holiness repent, and certain other expressions were used about privation. It would be good to frighten him thus, if he could be moved by threats, but Vannes sees clearly that he only fears and hopes from the Emperor. Wolsey can see whether it would be better to irritate or restrain him. Rome, 30 June 1529.|
|Hol., Lat., part cipher deciphered, pp. 3. Add. Endd.|
MS. 5,499, Bibl. Nat.
|5741. The BISHOP OF BAYONNE to FRANCIS I.|
|Has received his letters of the 21st and 25th inst., which he communicated to Wolsey, and afterwards to the King, who came to visit the Cardinal at his lodging. Henry expressed the greatest satisfaction at the contents of the first, as showing the great affection of Francis, and his resolution not to treat of anything which is not quite in accordance with his pleasure; but on learning by those of the 25th that Madame was going to Cambray without further delay, notwithstanding the remonstrances of Suffolk and Fitzwilliam, he showed himself displeased, seeing that it would be impossible for him to find ambassadors in time, as Du Bellay has already pointed out by his letters of the 21st. He paused a long time in considering whether the ten days, commencing on the 25th, at the end of which time it was resolved to allow Madame to treat with Madame of Savoy, would be sufficient to allow the ambassadors he had chosen, viz., the bishop of London and Master More, to be present in proper time; and finding that it was not possible, considering the instructions that had to be made out, and that the matter affected all the treaties he had ever had with the house of Burgundy, and moreover that, considering the age and quality of the ambassadors, they could not be expected to travel in post, he requested me to ask you to delay the proceedings till his ambassadors should arrive. They are to be despatched on Friday at the latest. I showed him the difficulty you might have in waiting so long, considering the great importunity made to you by Madame of Savoy, both for the coming of Jean de Saulx towards you, and for that of my Lady to Valenciennes. Could make no impression on the King by his remonstrances, who insisted upon the request, as if half a kingdom depended upon it, and said that Francis had not only promised Suffolk and Fitzwilliam to wait these ten days, but since then had agreed that if he heard from Henry within five or six days he would put the matter off for some days longer. Represented to the King the great expence that Francis had been obliged to bear, and requested him for a sum of money in consideration not only of the treaties but of their mutual amity. Has not been able to obtain any definite answer, but he assures me that if the negotiations for peace should fall through, he will not fail to assist you with all his power, not on account of the treaties, but from friendship.|
|As it appears by the conversations Francis has held with Suffolk and Fitzwilliam, that he considers Henry bound to the contribution, the King has referred the matter to his Council, who, on examining the articles of the treaties, consider him in no manner bound. Gives their reasons for this opinion. The King thanks Francis for taking so much to heart the matter of his marriage, and for the despatch of Monseigneur de Tarbes. He hopes to succeed, especially if the Pope do not revoke his commission, as he cannot honorably do. The cause was called on again yesterday, when the King's proctor appeared, and the Queen was a second time put in default for non-appearance. The bishop of Rochester, however, who is accounted one of the best and most holy divines in England, especially in his opposition to these last heresies of Luther, was there with other councillors, but not as her proctor, only to remonstrate with the judges, offering to prove that she had a good cause, by a little book, which he had thereupon made jointly with his companions; which he then presented, enlarging upon the Queen's cause with many wise words. A rather modest answer was made by the judges, that it was not his business to pronounce so decidedly in the matter, as the cause was not committed to him. The dénouement will take place on Monday next, and from that time pleadings will be held three times a week, when not interrupted by holidays. The Queen's agents at Rome obtained at a public audience a commission, which the Pope may have ignored or passed over, to cite the parties;—which they did; but no further proceedings were taken under it; and I think the Pope will take care that it go no further, as it is impossible to hinder the affair which is here commenced.|
|French, from a transcript, pp. 7.|
MS. V. 5499, p. 139, Bibl. Nat. Le Grand, III. 333.
|5742. [DU BELLAY to MONTMORENCY.]|
|If what Montmorency wrote on the 25th about the health of Mons. de Bouddeaulx (Bordeaux ?) be true, would advise Francis not to trouble himself to heal the scrofulous any more.—Church affairs.|
|You will see by the King's letters part of that which I could inform you. I assure you that if the duke of Suffolk has had a face of marble, the King has had one of alabaster, seeing what you wanted to propose; but this has not been without speaking. However, I pardon him in my opinion that he is a little timid, for he is dying of fear lest on the Emperor's coming to Italy the Pope should revoke his commission, "que diroit que j'eusse envi fait; quand je suis avec luy il avoit grand envie de mentir." I may tell you, that if he do not do anything you may wish, it will not be owing to the Cardinal, who is wiser than he is, nor any servant that he has. Think a little, "comme il vous maine ses gens; c'estoit de la menée du duc de Norfolc que le duc de Suffolch estoit allé vers vous, pensant luy faire un Carsal (Cardinal ?) Dyort à Amiens." When Du Bellay arrived here, the Cardinal wanted to break off their journey, and go immediately to Cambray. He saw that the King objected; he yielded, but he rendered their commission worthy of Master Bryan. Afterwards, by good means, he recalled them so that they should not be at this assembly; and do not you believe that he is most deeply vexed if all this be concluded before the arrival of those who are going thither, whatever he pretends, provided nothing is done to this King's prejudice.|
|To return to the marriage. I had written to you that there would be great delay, but I see that since the arrival of Stephen and Bryant, bringing, as I certainly think, [news] of the falsity of the brief, Campeggio is half conquered. In short, for several reasons, unless the Pope quickly recall the commission, you may expect the thing will be done within a month, if nothing else occur, and perhaps sooner. If anything prevent Campeggio, I think it will be his fear, groundless as it is, that Francis and the Emperor will agree, leaving England, and consequently him also, in the lurch. I do in this good service, but without putting myself too much forward. I have asked him on the part of Francis to hasten the matter, saying that I had a letter, and this has already helped them. By the by, Wolsey requests that Francis will write a word with his own hand to Campeggio, begging him to expedite the affair, which he would regard as a favor to himself. To say the truth, I see nothing more likely to help their cause, which being ended cannot but be much to your advantage, as it will be a means to bring this King on his knees to you in future. Perhaps it might not be advisable that the King should write so openly. A letter remains. There would be no need of a date, but to refer the remainder to what I shall have said to him last, "suivant ce qu'en avois dechargé par mes lectres." Your ambassadors will leave on Friday, and will go by long stages. I expect this will be the return of matins (i.e., a mischief done by surprise). I did not wish to send you a courier express, in order that six days might elapse after the arrival of the packet. In sending Wolsey's letters to Dr. Benet [qu. Kenet, i.e. Knight], excuse the delay, that my courier hurt his foot upon the road, and sent the packet to another. They will believe it, for I have provided for that, otherwise they would see that I have purposely occasioned this delay. London, 30 June, "à la Haye."|
|French. The original is entirely in cipher. The passages quoted from Le Grand are corrected from a transcript.|
Masters' MS. f. 251.
|5743. BENEDICT, a Florentine Sculptor, to WOLSEY.|
|"Rev. et Ill. Domine,—Ex relatu nobilis viri Thom. Cromwell, tuæ gratiæ consiliarii, percepi tui generosi animi voluntatem, tuam in me benevolentiam ingentem, quod ad finem tui monumenti atque altaris, (fn. 4) et pecuniæ mihi debitæ ac debendæ satisfactionem, quod mihi perjucundum fuit; sic enim potero cuncta, ut cupit amplitudo tua, honorifice brevique absolvere, præsertim si huic rei præficiat tua gratia ipsum D. Thomam, virum magni ingenii maximæque dexteritatis, ne tempus mihi sit conterendum, tuæque sacræ aures quotidie interpellandæ. Qui Dominus Cromwell jussit ut pacta de hoc tumulo exarando inita cum Anthonio Cavallari, et pecuniam ab eo acceptam, totiusque rei istius successum, fideliter enarrarem; quod faciam quam libentissime.|
|"Cum ipso Cavallari verbis tantum conveni (nam invicem plurimum fidebamus) ut id sepulchrum fabricarem, quod non esset minoris operis, decoris, et pretii quam sit tumba serenissimi regis Henrici VII. Pretium vero, inspecta operis magnitudine, responderet ipsi regio monumento. Et indies pro marmoribus, metallo, artificibus, cæterisque sumptibus, jure meo, nummos soluturum promisit. Et sepultura perfecta, (deaurationem omitto, quia nihil ad me,) per homines experientes et honestos æstimandum erat sepulchrum, quanti pretii foret, instar memorati regii monumenti, et dempta pecunia quam accepissem, residuum mihi solveretur.|
|"Ego autem a die primo Junii 1524, usque ad diem iij. Maii 1529, habui partim ab ipso Cavallari, et partim pro eo ab Anthonio Bonvisi, circiter ducatos quatuor mille ducentum quinquaginta, de qua summa claram veramque rationem potero ostendere; quamvis longe magis ex ære meo sumpserim, et Florentiæ pro marmoribus, ac Londini aliis amicis hujusmodi de causis, debeam summam haud exiguam; nam sperabam quotidie cum ipso Anthonio Cavallari rationem ponere, et debitam mihi pecuniam accipere, quod re vera brevi secutum fuisset, nisi crudelis mors obstitisset. Et nempe multum est tempus cum solutiones pecuniæ mihi fuerunt diminutæ. Dicebat enim ipse Anthonius cito se a tua gratia talem summam pecuniæ accepturum, ita ut mihi uberrime possit satisfacere, et non solum pro tumulo, sed pro altari, ut operarios conducere valerem, eo maxime qu[i]a in hoc fabricando sepulchro cuncta mihi ex sententia evenerant, sive in marmore huc vehendo, sive in ære conflando, sive in bonis ministris conducendis, et denique in omnibus aliis, quod neutiquam raro contingere solet; idque pro optimo auspicio existimabam, aliter namque valde grandiori pecunia opus fuisset, pro tam operosa mole. De cujus deaurationis magno pretio mirabatur ipse Cavallari, quia regio ipsi sepulchro CC libra fuerunt satis, et in hoc circiter octingentis opus erit. Unde plane judicari potest quantum sit discrimen inter hoc et illud; testorque in simplicitate mea id tuum sepulchrum in duplo regium superare, aut plus eo, sumptu, arte, et decore. Quæ omnia ipse Anthonius non ignorabat, ac pollicebatur brevi me Oxoniam iturum ad ipsum altare fabricandum. Ac deinde, tuæ gratiæ nomine, hujus invictissimi regis monumentum exarandum firmiter promittebat. Quæ cuncta, te jubente, si vixero, spero Deo dante me perfecturum. Nihil aliud cupio, nisi tuæ gratiæ servire quoad vivam. Sed cogor semel uxorem natosque visere, et, si expedierit, huc adducere, quia jam x. integros annos (quod me referre pudet) ab eis discriminor. Itaque amplissimam Do. tuam precor et obsecro, ut ipsi prudentissimo Do. Thom. Cromwell mandet, meum hoc negotium rationesque pecuniarum juste concludi et terminari, ne tempus (mihi nimis charum) terere otiose cogor. Ego vero sua jussa capessere quam maxime opto. Ult. Jan. 1529.|
|"E. gratiæ tuæ,|
|Servitor humillimus Benedictus,|
|Copy, pp. 3.|
|II. "Letter of one Antonio Cavallary to the Cardinal.|
|"That for gilding the part of his tomb which is already done (being the half) he hath laid out 380l. 13s. sterling. He seems to doubt whether the Cardinal mean to have the rest of his tomb perfected; which if he do not, he would have him give the gilder leave to go home to An[t]werp, and also to Benedict (a Florentine), the carver, to return into Italy." (fn. 5)|
|Abstract. Note in the margin: "Patch his jest on Wolsey's tomb fulfilled. See Antiq. Britannic."|
Galba, B. IX. 198. B. M.
|5744. TREATY OF CAMBRAY.|
|1. Commission to Tunstal, Knight, More, and Hacket to treat with the French and Imperial ambassadors for peace. London, 30 June 1529, 21 Hen. VIII.|
|Lat., draft, pp. 6. Marginal notes by Throgmorton.|
Galba, B. IX. 188. B. M.
|2. Commission to the same for the same. London, 30 June 1529.|
|Copy, Lat., pp. 4.|
|Ibid. f. 193 b.||3. Draft of the above.|
|Lat., pp. 4. Marginal note by Throgmorton.|
Galba, B. IX. 190. B. M.
|4. Commission to the same; to treat about the debts due by Charles V. to the King. London, 30 June 1529.|
|Draft, Lat., pp. 3. Marginal notes by Throgmorton.|
Galba, B. IX. 191 b. B. M.
|5. Commission to the same; to treat for peace with the ambassadors of Clement VII., Charles V., Francis I., Venice, and other states. London, 30 June 1529, 21 Hen. VIII.|
|Draft, Lat., pp. 4. Marginal note by Throgmorton.|
Galba, B. IX. 196. B. M.
|6. Commission to the same; to treat about commercial disputes. London, 30 June 1529.|
|Draft, Lat., pp. 4. Marginal notes by Throgmorton.|
|Galba, B. IX. 175. B. M.||5745. TREATY OF CAMBRAY.|
|Articulus defensionis et auxilii, inter prædictos principes. Cameraci, anno 1529.|
|5746. [CARDINAL WOLSEY.]|
|Presents given to my Lord's Grace from 21 May to 30 June.|
|By my lord Aldelleye: 4 kids, 6 herons, 6 shovellers, 6 gulls, 2 wild geese, 4 pheasants. By Master Aldelleye: 2 salmons, 3 mullets, 3 bass. The abbot of Glastonbury: 4 beeves, 40 muttons. The abbot of Melton: 2 beeves, 20 muttons. The prior of Christchurch: 1 beef, 16 muttons, 4 salmons, 2 pikes, 19 lobsters. The prior of Bendham: 1 beef, 4 cygnets, 6 gulls. The abbess of Shaftesbury: 2 beeves, 20 muttons. Sir Giles Strangwies: a great horse, a peacock, 40 rabbits, 6 herons, 6 partridges, 2 pheasants. Sir John Horsesaye: 2 beeves, 6 herons, 2 pheasants, 2 doz. quails. Sir Thos. Trenchard: 6 herons, 6 shovellers, 6 cygnets. Sir John Rogers: 4 pheasants, 2 beeves, 6 gulls. Sir Thos. Moore: 1 beef. Sir Edw. Willoughby: 15 herons, 5 shovellers. Sir Wm. Woodall: 1 beef, 10 muttons. Master Abery: 1 beef, 10 muttons, 3 herons, 3 shovellers, 2 pikes, 1 salmon. Master Arundel: 2 beeves, a nag, with saddle, bridle, and harness. Master Lyne: 1 beef. Master Baskett: 1 beef. Mr. Cranerde: 6 cygnets. Master Lentte: 2 veals, 2 lambs, 2 qrs. oats. Master Byngham: 2 beeves, 2 doz. pigeons. Master Phillips: 2 kids, 1 peacock, 1 peahen, 1 moor hen, 1 "varnakell," 18 rabbits. Master Asheley: 1 beef. The mayor of Salisbury: 2 beeves, 20 muttons. The merchants of Poole: 1 ton of white wine of Angell. The comptroller of Poole: 1 barrel of salad oil, 8 congers. The customer of Poole: 1 hogshead of claret. Master Worsley, searcher of Poole: 7 cygnets, 12 capons, 12 geese, 12 chickens, 2 gulls. The town of Wareham: 1 hogshead wine. The vicar of Caneforde: 2 lambs, 4 capons, 2 geese.|
|Cal. E. II. 8. B. M.||5747. FRANCIS I. to WOLSEY.|
|"Retournant pu ... cousin le duc de Suffort et Mons. le tresorier Fitzwillem ... avoir icy debatu toutes choses."|
|Doubts not that they are satisfied, as Wolsey will hear from them. Desires him to continue to act as he has done in the management of affairs. Trusts principally in him. Signed.|
|Fr., p. 1, mutilated. Add.: Mons. le Cardinal, mon bon amy.|
|June./GRANTS.||5748. GRANTS in JUNE 1529.|
|1. George earl of Shrewsbury and Henry earl of Essex. Licence to alienate the manor of Willyngton alias Williton, Beds, to Thos. duke of Norfolk, and his wife Elizabeth, and the heirs of their bodies, with remainder to the said Duke and his heirs for ever. Westm., 1 June.—Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 1.|
|1. Ric. Hyll, serjeant of the King's cellar. Grant of six tenements in Buklersbury, in the parish of St. Mary of Colchurche, London, called "Charleton's lands," on surrender by John Tregian, of pat. dated Canterbury, 15 Feb. 4 Hen. VIII., granting the above to him and Reginald Wolvedon, deceased. Wyndesore, 1 June 21 Hen. VIII.—P.S. Writ.|
|2. Eliza, wife of James Flemyng, baron of Slane. Pardon of all treasons and conspiracies with Irish rebels. Del. Westm., 2 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 25.|
|2. William Kent, haberdasher, of London. Innotescimus of the revocation of a protection granted him on 22 Sept. last, in consideration of his remaining in the King's service, in the suite of Sir Robt. Wyngfeld. Westm., 2 June.—Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 18.|
|3. Sir Nicholas Wadham, William Hody, Ric. Chudlegh, Nic. Kyrkham, Thos. Yarde, John Wadham, and Robt. Warner. Pardon for having acquired, without licence, of Edward Bampfeld, deceased, the moiety of the manor of Rampsham, which is held of the King as of the castle of Dovor, by the name of the said Edward's moiety, part, property, or purparty of the manors of Chilfrome, Northampton, Rampsham, and Wraxhall, in trust for fulfilling the will of the said Edward Bampfeld. Westm., 3 June.—Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 7.|
|4. Salop: Commission to William Chorlton and Robt. Morton to make inquisition p. m. on the lands and heir of Alice Litelton, widow. Westm., 4 June.—Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 1d.|
|4. Sir Rowland Griffith, clk. To have the pension that the next abbot of Chertesey is bound to give to a clerk at the King's nomination. Del. Westm., 4 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Endd.: At Windsor, 2 June, anno 21 Hen. VIII. Conwey.|
|4. Griffith Rede and Piers Mutton, yeomen ushers of the Chamber. To have the office of "raglership constabulary" of co. Cardigan, South Wales, vice James ap Jenkyn. Del. Westm., 4 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B.|
|4. John Fowle, victualler, of Canterbury. Protection; going in the retinue of Sir Robert Wingfield. Del. Westm., 4 June 21 Hen. VIII.—P.S.|
|5. Ric. Page. To be head trencherman, vice Sir David Owen. Del. Westm., 5 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B.|
|5. Henry Norres. Wardship of Dorothy, d. and h. of Gregory Basset. Del. Westm., 5 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 26.|
|5. Adam Holande, yeoman of the Guard. To have the fee of the Crown of 6d. a day, vice Jas. ap Jenkyns. Windsor, 5 June 21 Hen. VIII.—P.S.|
|6. St. Mary's College of Winchester in Oxford. Constat and exemplification of enrolment, 15 Feb. 10 Hen. VII., being a mortmain licence to the said college to acquire lands to the annual value of 20l. Westm., 6 June.—Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 2, ms. 12 and 18.|
|8. Humphrey Swynerton. Lease of the water-mill in the lordship of Elmeley Lovett, parcel of Warwick's lands, Worc., for 21 years, at 46s. 8d. annual rent, and 20d. of increase. Del. Westm., 8 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B.|
|9. Thomas Tynbery. Lease of certain lands called Halamcourte and Estbaggelake, in the lordship of Langbridy, Dors., at stated annual rents. Del. Westm., 9 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B.|
|9. Robt. Hogan, head cook for the mouth. Grant of the tenements in Westminster Palace called Paradise and Hell, with lands and tenements, held by William Fryes; a house called Purgatory, held by Nicholas _; a house called Potans house, under the Exchequer; the tower and house called le Grenelettes, held by John Catesby; and custody of the said Palace, lately held by James ap Jenkyn, deceased, and William Butler, serjeant-at-arms, in survivorship. Del. Westm., 9 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B.|
|10. John Long, soldier of Calais. To be collector and receiver, in reversion, of the customs and tolls, &c. on Newenhambrigge, vice Ambrose Bradman. Del. Westm., 10 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Fr., m. 7.|
|12. John Hyggons, late of South Pederton, Somers., yeoman. Pardon for having, in conjunction with David Mathewe, late of Ilbruers, and Henry Thomas of Lamport, Somers., stolen a horse, &c. from the close of Philip Fulford at Schepton Malet, Somers. Del. Westm., 12 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B.|
|12. Thos. Marshalle, shepherd, of Swaffham, Bulbek, Kent. Pardon for having killed Henry Chambre in self-defence. Westm., 12 June.—Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 9.|
|12. Gaol Delivery. Gloucester gaol. John Semes, mayor, Sir John Porte, Wm. Rudhale, Sir Edmund Tame, William Jordayn, William Hasard, John Rastell, Thos. Osborne, and Thos. Lane. Westm., 12 June.—Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 9d.|
|12. William Claye, goldsmith, late of London. Pardon for offences committed before 5 April 20 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 12 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B.|
|14. James Roos alias Rose, shoemaker, of Tame, Oxon, native of Gelderland. Denization. Westm., 12 June.—Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 9.|
|15. John Gostwik of London. Licence to enfeoff Ric., Wm., John, and Thos. Gresham, and Thos. Baker, of the manor of Towyslond, Hunts, to hold to the said Richard Gresham, &c., and their heirs, to the use of the said Richard and his assigns. Westm., 15 June.—Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 9.|
|18. Sir Robt. Brudenell, Sir Anth. Fitzherbert, and Thos. Englefeld. Commission to examine as justices, in presence of the mayor and aldermen of London, at the Guildhall, a judgment given in a suit before the said mayor and aldermen in the Guildhall, between John Colyns, grocer, of London, and Alex. Settina, concerning a debt of 100 marks. Westm., 18 June.—Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 18d.|
|20. John Cokke of Hoddesdon, Herts. Protection; going in the retinue of Sir Robt. Wingfield. Del. Westm. 20 June 21 Hen. VIII.—P.S.|
|21. Wm. Bell. To be in the retinue under the treasurer of Berwick, with 6l. 13s. 4d. a year. Greenwich, 17 June 21 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 21 June.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 7.|
|21. Roger Hacheman. To have the ferry, fishery and boats at Shillingford ferry, between cos. Oxon and Berks, parcel of the honor of Walingford, held at the annual rent of 33s. 4d. by Wm. Yong. Del. Westm., 21 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 5.|
|22. Wm. Dawe, yeoman of the Guard. To be bailiff errant of Cornwall vice Thos. Carmynow. Windsor, 2 June 21 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 22 June.—P.S.—Enrolled 2 June.—Pat. p. 1, m. 7.|
|22. Sir Thos. Clyfford. To be deputy under-warden and under-captain of Henry duke of Richmond and Somerset, and earl of Nottingham, lately made governor and captain of Berwick-upon-Tweed. Del. Westm., 22 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 8.|
|23. Wm. Skelle of London, goldsmith. Protection; going in the retinue of Sir Robt. Wingfield. Del. Westm., 23 June 21 Hen. VIII.—P.S.|
|23. Nich. Ford, fishmonger, of London. Protection; going in the retinue of Sir Robt. Wingfield. Teste 23 June 21 Hen. VIII.—S.B.|
|28. Gaol Delivery, Northampton (town). Wm. Bonde, mayor, Sir Robt. Brudenell, Sir Wm. Gascoign, Edw. Montague, Thos. Brokesby, Robt. Chauntrell, John Pervyn and John Saxeby. Westm., 28 June.—Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 9d.|
|28. John Boman, yeoman, of Caldecot, Rutland. Pardon for having killed Ric. Clerk, of Caldecot, in self-defence. Westm., 28 June.—Pat. 21 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 7.|
|28. Wm. Dean. To be purveyor of materials for the repair and buildings of the manors of Hampton Court and Richmond, and all other royal manors in England. Greenwich, 20 June 21 Hen. VIII. Teste 28 June 21 Hen. VIII.—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 11.|