Parliament Rolls of Medieval England. Originally published by Boydell, Woodbridge, 2005.
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9 February - 1 March
(C 65/15. RP , II.225-235. SR , I.310-318)
The proceedings of the parliament of 1351 are recorded in a single roll, C 65/15. This is made up of 6 membranes, numbered from 6 to 1, each approximately 310 mm. in width, sewn together in the chancery style. The condition of the roll is good, apart from the top half of membrane 6 which is stained with gallic acid, as is the short entry on the dorse of the same membrane. The lower half of membrane 5 is blank. The text, written in a small, clear chancery script, occupies the rectos of all membranes, and there are short entries on the dorses of membranes 6 and 3. The remaining dorses are blank, apart from later notes, 'Parliament apud Westm' in octabis Purificacionis Beate Marie anno 25 E3', at the head of membrane 6, 'Rotulus parliamenti de anno regni regis E. tercii vicesimo quinto' at the foot of membrane 1, and 'Parl. 25 E3 pars prima' where the membranes are joined. Marginal headings are contemporary. Arabic numerals throughout the roll are later, but the Roman numerals alongside the petitions are contemporary. The roll does not appear to be incomplete. Its compilation is to be associated with John Coddington, mentioned on the roll as clerk of this parliament (item 7). (fn. f1351int-1)
Parliament was summoned by writs dated 25 November 1350 to meet at Westminster on Wednesday 9 February 1351. Some 47 spiritual and 62 lay peers (the latter group including five newcomers to parliament) are known to have received personal summonses, as well as 13 judges and other high officials. (fn. f1351int-2) Payments were made to royal messengers on 18 December 1350 for having delivered the writs. (fn. f1351int-3) The names of the shire representatives for 36 counties (72 knights or substitute knights) and for 69 cities and towns (138 individuals) are recoverable from the original returns or from the writs de expensis issued at the end of the assembly. (fn. f1351int-4) The writs to the sheriffs ordering the return of representatives of the shires and cities and towns required that those elected should not be perlitatores, querelarum manutentores, aut ex huiusmodi questu viventes ('persistent litigants or maintainers of plaints or those who live by such gains'). This phrase was to be repeated in the writs of summons to the parliaments of 1352, 1354 and 1355, and indicated a contemporary suspicion that lawyers tended to promote their clients' interests, rather than those of their constituents at large, when they went to parliament. By 1372 this suspicion had reached such a point that lawyers conducting cases in the royal courts were barred from election as knights of the shire (though not as representatives of cities and towns) by an ordinance in parliament. (fn. f1351int-5)
This parliament was the first to sit since the catastrophic outbreak of the Black Death in the summer of 1348. A parliament had been summoned to meet at Westminster in January 1349, but had been adjourned to Easter and then abandoned altogether on account of the dangers of the plague. (fn. f1351int-6) The delay in summoning another assembly may in part be explained by the continuing threat of disease: the Black Death was still virulent in parts of the country during 1350. It may also have something to do with the fact that, despite the prorogation of the 1349 parliament, the crown had made special arrangements for the hearing of the private petitions prepared in anticipation of that assembly, with the result that the backlog of such business was not as great as it would otherwise have been. (fn. f1351int-7) But perhaps the most important reason for the timing was fiscal. The collection of the third year of the triennial fifteenth and tenth granted in the second parliament of 1348 began in July 1350, with the installments due at Michaelmas 1350 and Easter 1351. (fn. f1351int-8) The grant made in 1348 had specified that this final installment ought not to be collected if peace had been established. In fact, an Anglo-French truce obtained until the death of Philip VI in August 1350, at which point Edward III attempted to launch a pre-emptive strike to prevent the succession of John II, though this plan was thwarted by the naval battle fought against the Castilian fleet off Winchelsea at the end of August, know as Les Espagnols sur Mer. It was therefore important to persuade the political community that the renewal of hostilities was in its interests: the problems encountered in collecting the lay subsidies during 1349 and 1350 had demonstrated considerable opposition to the crown's exactions during a period of intense economic hardship, and persuasion tactics were needed to ensure that the third year of the subsidy was collected without undue disruption. (fn. f1351int-9) Les Espagnols sur Mer, duly transformed into a great English success story, provided a suitably optimistic note on which to summon a parliament; the king was doubly fortunate in that by the time the assembly met he and his eldest son had conducted their successful raid on Calais and thwarted the attempt of Geoffrey de Charny to bribe the governor into betraying the town to the French. (fn. f1351int-10) The military context was further emphasised by the letters patent of 20 January, recorded at the beginning of the 1351 parliament roll (item 2), by which Edward III appointed Prince Lionel as his lieutenant at parliament pending the king's own departure overseas on an undisclosed mission - a mission evidently thwarted, for the king returned quickly and was present in parliament from 14 February (item 3). All of these contexts and issues can be discerned, if only rather obliquely or laconically, in the statement of the summons of the 1351 assembly preserved on the parliament roll (item 4). The fiscal significance of this parliament is also highlighted by the case of the wool subsidy. The grant of this levy confirmed in the second parliament of 1348 was due to expire at Michaelmas 1351, and the parliament of February was clearly perceived by the crown as an opportunity to negotiate a renewal: it is ironic that the common petition requesting that the subsidy should be authorised only by parliament was taken as on opportunity by the crown to negotiate an extension of this tax for two years from Michaelmas 1351, recorded only in the 'response' to this petition and occasioned by 'the great necessity which still endures and shows itself more greatly from day to day' (item 22, no. XII). (fn. f1351int-11)
The two other major and interconnected issues to which the opening statement of summons referred were the defective operation of law and order and the more specific problems of 'servants and labourers who are not willing to work and labour as they are accustomed' (item 4). The latter phrase was a direct reference to the Ordinance of Labourers promulgated by the king and his council in June 1349 and intended to address the intense labour shortage arising from the demographic and economic emergency of the plague. (fn. f1351int-12) The legislation had required all able-bodied persons to accept service at the rate which would have been offered in the twentieth year of Edward III's reign (1346) or during the five or six years before that date - in other words, before the plague; it had forbidden those working under contract to leave their employer's service before the termination of the agreement; it also addressed the current scarcity of foodstuffs by requiring that reasonable prices be charged for the sale of victuals. Although it specified no formal system of enforcement of its own, the Ordinance was included in the powers of the justices of the peace under commissions issued in February 1350. Both the opening statement to the parliament of 1351 (item 4) and the second of the common petitions made in this assembly (item 12, no. II) make it clear that the Ordinance was not being properly observed: one of the major legislative contributions of this parliament would therefore be the Statute of Labourers, which revised and supplemented the original Ordinance and, duly augmented and refined by further statutes of the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, became a mainstay of English social policy until the Tudor Poor Laws. The statute, (fn. f1351int-13) which, like the other legislation of the 1351 parliament, was written up in extenso at the end of the parliament roll (item 47), specified the appropriate wages for a range of different types of work; it required that contracts of service should be for a term of a year or other customary duration; it set up an elaborate scale of penalties against offenders, including the use of stocks (this is the first time that this form of punishment was referred to in royal legislation of the Middle Ages); and it assigned responsibility for the enforcement of the legislation to justices who were to hold their sessions at least four times a year at prescribed dates (this represented the origins of the so-called quarter sessions). On 15 March, two weeks after the dissolution of the parliament, the crown issued commissions of the peace for all English counties and formally awarded to the justices the authority to hear cases under the labour legislation. (fn. f1351int-14) The enforcement of the Ordinance and Statute remained the responsibility of the justices of the peace until late in 1352, after which separate justices of labourers were gradually appointed in the shires. The personnel of the two commissions, however, often overlapped; after 1359 the specialist labour sessions were abandoned and in 1361-2 the justices of the peace formally resumed control of the legislation. (fn. f1351int-15)
The fact that the Ordinance and Statute of Labourers made such a substantial contribution to the development of English law and government makes this legislation something of a test case for historians interested in the dynamics of parliamentary legislation: did the changes effected to the original legislation of 1349 in the parliament of 1351 spring from the suggestions of the commons or were they the product of detailed drafting by the legal experts of the king's council? Given the formulaic nature of the parliament roll and the paucity of additional evidence, it is difficult to answer this question with any assurance. Miss Putnam, who in other respects was very much inclined to emphasise the influence of the commons on the evolution of the peace commissions, (fn. f1351int-16) argued that the 1351 legislation was primarily the work of the lawyers, and proposed that the most influential of these expert legislators was Sir William Shareshull, recently (in October 1350) appointed chief justice of the court of king's bench and named in the parliament roll of 1351 as the royal minister who gave the charge to the commons to bring their petitions before the king (item 6). (fn. f1351int-17) It would certainly be a mistake to exaggerate the influence of the commons on this statute (or indeed on other key elements in the legislative programme of 1351). (fn. f1351int-18) Although the proprietary classes represented in the commons clearly had vested interests in the maintenance of the labour laws, few of them were formally involved in the process of enforcement: of the 75 known knights of the shire in this parliament, only 17 had been on the commissions appointed to uphold the labour laws since 1349, and only seven of these, plus two others, were to be appointed to the important peace and labour commissions of March 1351. (fn. f1351int-19) Both of the common petitions relating to the labour legislation, desiring to have corporal punishment meted out on those who broke the statute (item 12, no. II), and that money penalties under the Ordinance of Labourers be paid into the relevant county contributions for the final year of the triennial fifteenth and tenth (item 18, no. VIII), are certainly represented in the statute (cc. 2 and 6 respectively), though its wording and details owe nothing to the commons' suggestions and there are important additions that again suggest the hand of the expert lawyers; furthermore, the response to the second of these petitions, that 'the excesses, fines and ransoms of such labourers shall apply to the alleviation of the poor commons, in that which they pay to the king by reason of their fifteenth, as is contained in the newly made ordinance [i.e., the Statute of Labourers] written below in this roll' makes it possible to argue that the legislation was in fact already drafted before the common petitions were heard and answered. (fn. f1351int-20) Such arguments seem unnecessarily restrictive, however, in light of the fact that the preamble to the statute specifically referred to the 'petition of the commons' against the 'ease and... greed' of the labouring classes, (fn. f1351int-21) and the evidence that in the longer term the labour legislation become an abiding concern of the commons, generating many petitions from them in succeeding parliaments.
The other legislation of enduring historical significance to arise from the parliament of 1351 was the Statute of Provisors. (fn. f1351int-22) The statute, again transcribed onto the parliament roll (item 46), marked the first in a series of legislative acts that were later to provide the means of coercion by which Henry VIII severed the English Church from the Rome allegiance in the 1530s. (fn. f1351int-23) The 1351 statute itself was historically-minded, referring back to the Statute of Carlisle of 1307 by which English and foreign religious had been prevented from carrying money out of the realm. (fn. f1351int-24) The citation of that legislation is significant, for it pandered to the belief of the commons, expressed in a series of petitions between 1343 and 1351, that the English church was being filled with foreigners and that good English money was being drained into the pockets of a corrupt cardinalate and a Francophile pope. Again since 1343 it had been evident that the most effective means of preventing this situation lay in a restriction or ban on the taking up of English benefices by foreign clerics. What complicated the issue was the practice of papal provision, by which the pope reserved the right to appropriate ecclesiastical offices for the purposes of his own patronage. Papal provisions to English benefices increased substantially in number during the early fourteenth century, and particularly during the pontificate of Clement VI (1342-52), when they averaged about 150 a year. (fn. f1351int-25) This escalation in papal provisions was a matter of clear concern to the commons in 1351 (item 13, no. III), though their petition was couched more in terms of its adverse impact on the economy than on the rights of the erstwhile English patrons of the relevant offices: their claim that 'it can be easily shown that this matter has resulted in greater destruction to the realm than the entire war of our lord the king', despite its obvious hyperbole, is an interesting reflection of contemporary perceptions of the political economy.
Prior to 1351 the crown had refused to be drawn on the fundamental issue of papal provisions, not least because the king's own clerical ministers, servants and protégés often benefited from an informal working agreement which guaranteed that royal nominees were regularly provided to English bishoprics and usually ensured them a fair share of the richest pickings in the canonries attached to English secular cathedrals. The real problem lay in the fact that since the early fourteenth century the crown had adopted the principle that any benefice attached to a cathedral or monastic house, once filled by the crown during an episcopal or abbatial vacancy, was thereafter permanently in the king's gift: as a result of this practice, bishops who wished to regain control of the contested benefices had to appeal to the papal curia for provisions challenging the king's nominees. (fn. f1351int-26) The 1340s had witnessed a considerable increase in such appeals and in the number of English benefices being contested between royal clerks and papal provisors supported by bishops. (fn. f1351int-27) Judging from the impact it made in the parliament of 1352, the king's related dispute with Bishop John Grandison of Exeter may well have provided the real and immediate reason why the crown finally decided to act on the commons' complaint in 1351. The resulting statute, expressed in the most grandiloquent terms, placed a formal prohibition on the execution of all papal provisions in the English Church.
The impact of the Statute of Provisors is considered further in the Introductions to the parliament rolls of 1352 and 1353, but it should be made clear at this point that the crown certainly never intended to enforce the prohibition in a general way. It has often been thought, in fact, that the statute was nothing more than a publicity stunt intended to placate a xenophobic parliament and to put additional pressure on the pope at a difficult moment in Anglo-French diplomacy. (fn. f1351int-28) Certainly, the king never actively used the right (claimed directly from the papacy) to appoint to all benefices left vacant by their patrons for six months. Nevertheless, the statute did have significance for royal patronage. Its most important and substantive clause was that which gave the crown the right to take action against dispossessed provisors who appealed to the curia against the decision of the royal courts. There was nothing particularly new about this procedure, or about the amendment effected to it in the Statute of Praemunire of 1353, (fn. f1351int-29) but the inclusion of the details in formal legislation may be seen as a public declaration of intent of the crown's aggressive attempts to act as 'patron paramount' of the English Church. (fn. f1351int-30) This assertive stand was not altogether successful, however, as events in 1352 were to show, and it was only a new flurry of papal provisions and a papal ban on pluralism that would lead to a re-issue of the Statutes of Provisors and Praemunire in 1365 (see Introduction to parliament of 1365).
The other legislation arising from the parliament of 1351 may be dealt with more briefly. The commons requested the proper observance of the assize of cloth (item 40, no. XXXIII), the system whereby all cloth exposed for sale in English markets was measured and those that did not conform to standard sizes should be forfeited to the crown: they referred to the manner in which this had been operated during the time of Henry III and Edward I, and the clerk of parliament subsequently transcribed onto the back of the 1351 parliament roll a writ of 25 July 1278 requiring the observance of the assize under the terms of Henry III's ordinance of 1272 (item 49). (fn. f1351int-31) As part of the package of measures designed to encourage foreign cloth workers into the country in 1337, the crown had relaxed this procedure. (fn. f1351int-32) The common petition of 1351 coincided with a short-term return to more restrictive measures, indicated by the establishment of a cloth staple at Calais in 1348-9, (fn. f1351int-33) and the crown responded positively by restoring the rigours of the assize with effect from 1 September 1351. (fn. f1351int-34) This legislation was, however, to be overthrown in 1353, when the crown was persuaded to abandon forfeitures in exchange for a sliding scale of token fines charged on all cloths sold on the domestic market duly scrutinised by the king's alnager (the official responsible for enforcing the assize) and his deputies. (fn. f1351int-35) Of more enduring interest and relevance were the statute concerning forestalling (the practice of buying up goods before they were brought to open market in order to create artificial shortages), on which there is no related common petition, and which was part of an on-going attempt by the crown to refine and extend the penalties associated with this offence. (fn. f1351int-36) The guarantee of unrestricted passage of shipping on English rivers was formally a response to a common petition (item 28, no. XVIII), (fn. f1351int-37) though it did not directly confirm the clause of the second Statute of Westminster referred to by the commons. (fn. f1351int-38) The confirmation of the first clause of the Statute of York of 1335, allowing all merchants, alien and denizen, to trade freely in England, (fn. f1351int-39) arose directly from one of the common petitions (item 27, no. XVII): the particular significance of this recital of existing legislation lay in the fact that the city of London, which had prevailed upon the government to be exempt from the 1335 statute, was now required to abide by it, and continued to be subject to the legislation until 1376. (fn. f1351int-40) Together with the Statute of Labourers, these items of legislation represented a significant package of economic measures indicative of the wide reach of English royal government and the particular need to re-establish order and normality after the disruptions associated with the plague.
Apart from their intrinsic interest, the statutes of 1351 are of particular relevance to a study of the parliament roll because, contrary to normal practice, they were written up in full on that roll. The final item of formal legislation requiring analysis, the statute concerning the rights of persons born overseas, is significant in that there is a substantive difference (rather than mere orthographic discrepancies) between the wordings of its two forms on the parliament roll and the statute roll. There is no recorded business relating to this statute on the parliament roll, and it therefore also stands as an interesting example of the amount of work conducted within such an assembly that so often remains hidden from the reader of the highly selective official account. The issue of the inheritance rights of the children of English landholders born abroad must have been a live one since the outbreak of the French war: the births of Edward III's third and fourth sons, Lionel and John, at Antwerp and Ghent in 1338 and 1340 respectively is a reminder of the fact that the commanders and captains of English armies were not infrequently accompanied on campaign by their wives. The matter had already been raised in the parliament of 1343 in a discussion to which the 1351 statute refers (item 41) (though there is no evidence on the 1343 roll that it arose from a petition, as asserted in 1351); at that time it had been deferred for more detailed discussion in the next parliament. There is no further reference to the matter on the rolls for the parliaments of 1344-8, and the preamble to the 1351 statute strongly suggests that the matter had remained unresolved until this point. What was then decided became the basis of all subsequent legal judgment on the matter for the remainder of the Hundred Years War. (fn. f1351int-41) The naming on the statute roll entry of three subsequent beneficiaries of the new decision to award inheritance rights to those born abroad of English parentage suggests that the matter may have been raised by one or more of their families: the most likely candidate is Sir Guy Brian, one of the knights of the king's chamber, who received his first personal summons to this parliament, (fn. f1351int-42) and whose daughter Elizabeth was now confirmed as having the right of inheritance in England. There were a number of other members of the lords whose families would certainly also benefit from this declaration of law. (fn. f1351int-43) The parliament roll version of the legislation in fact makes it rather clearer than does that on the statute roll that the legislation was framed in such a way as to allow the crown to insert any relevant name at a future date: the two other beneficiaries named on the statute roll, Henry Beaumont and Giles Daubeny, subsequently received letters patent reciting the statute and inserting their respective names at the relevant position in the text. (fn. f1351int-44) The more developed form of the parliament roll entry may therefore suggest that this was written up after the version transcribed onto the statute roll, though this in itself confirms the fact that the statute roll was taken as the definitive text of such legislation. In the latter respect it is also to be noted that a copy of the Statute of Labourers, presumably made from the statute roll, was written out under the supervision of the keeper of the rolls, David Wollor, and sent to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer under a writ dated 18 October 1351. (fn. f1351int-45)
Most of the common petitions in the parliament of 1351 that did not receive statutory responses concerned matters of perennial complaint in the mid-fourteenth century: (fn. f1351int-46) the inadequate maintenance of the king's peace (item 15, no. V); the cost of purchasing writs in the chancery (item 25, no. XV; item 29, no. XIX); (fn. f1351int-47) the enforcement of the legislation on the annual replacement of sheriffs and escheators (item 23, no. XIII); (fn. f1351int-48) the abuse of royal pardons (item 26, no. XVI; item 36, no. XXVI); the corruption and iniquitous practices of royal purveyors (item 20, no. X; item 25, no. XIV; item 30, no. XX). One example of direct royal action arising out of complaints made by the commons in this parliament concerns the victualling of Calais, which had been a major burden since the English conquest and colonisation of that town in 1347. (fn. f1351int-49) On 2 January 1351 the crown had ordered a major prise of cereals, pulses, beef and bacon in most of the counties of England. (fn. f1351int-50) However, in direct response to the commons' general complaint about the adverse economic impact of large-scale purveyance (item 11, no. I) and the crown's specific promise, despite 'the necessity ... concerning the provisioning of the vill of Calais', to 'remit half of that which was ordained to be purveyed', on 23 February new instructions were issued to the purveyors ordering substantial and specified (though not consistent) reductions of their earlier quotas. The new instructions themselves referred to the fact that 'the king has learned from the knights, citizens and burgesses of the commonalty of the counties coming to the present parliament that there threatens to be a great shortage of corn throughout the realm, and has therefore thought fit to reduce the previous purveyance.' (fn. f1351int-51) It ought also to be noted, however, that whereas the 2 January purveyance was ordered for the king's armies in Gascony and Brittany as well as for Calais, the reduced quotas were all to be raised for the provisioning of Calais. The resulting prises are particularly well documented; (fn. f1351int-52) the inability of most counties to generate even the reduced quotas tell us much both about the local opposition encountered by royal purveyors as well as something about the state of the economy in the period immediately after the Black Death.
The remaining business of the 1351 assembly treated on the parliament roll concerned the recitation of the rights of Richard Fitzalan, earl of Arundel on Tuesday 16 February, and the confirmation of a judgment against the former chief justice of king's bench, Sir William Thorp. Arundel had been restored to his family title and estates in the parliament of 1330, when the arbitrary judgment rendered against his father, Edmund Fitzalan, at the downfall of Edward II in 1326 had been annulled: the record of the 1330 annulment, extracted from the 1330 parliament roll, was duly written up on the roll for 1351 (item 9). The reason for Arundel's concern to have the matter confirmed and amplified in 1351 appears to have been the impending majority of John, earl of Kent, (fn. f1351int-53) whose elder brother and father (both named Edmund) had held part of the Arundel inheritance between its forfeiture in 1326 and its re-assignment to Richard Fitzalan in 1330. The text appended to the 1330 restitution declared that 'it is agreed and assented by our lord the king, the prelates, earls, barons and commons now being in this parliament held at Westminster [in 1351], that the restoration shall be affirmed, and that it shall be of such force and virtue that John, now earl of Kent, and his heirs may never have or challenge right, action or claim against the said Richard, earl of Arundel, in any court of England or Wales, by writ or in any other manner, or by petition of parliament, concerning any possession or seisin whatsoever which John, now earl of Kent, or the earl Edmund, his father, or Edmund, eldest brother to the said John, ever had of the said castle of Arundel and other lands appurtenant to this in the mean time between the death of the said Edmund, earl of Arundel, and the time of the said restoration made to the said Richard'. By dismissing any opportunity for the young earl of Kent to recover Arundel Castle at the time when he took seisin of his other estates, the 1351 grant therefore affirmed the strong bond of trust that existed between the king and his loyal subject, Richard Fitzalan. (fn. f1351int-54) The fact that the 1330 restitution was again confirmed in parliament in 1354 had nothing to do with any residual vulnerability vis à vis the earl of Kent and was instead connected with an elaborate scheme developed between the earls of Arundel and March to deprive the earl of Salisbury of some of his estates (see Introduction to parliament of 1354).
The trial of William Thorp, dismissed from his post as chief justice of king's bench on 26 October 1350, had taken place between 3 and 24 November before a powerful commission comprising the earls of Arundel, Warwick and Huntingdon and the steward and chamberlain of the household. (fn. f1351int-55) An elaborate investigation of Thorp's activities as chief justice had been instituted, and Thorp had been found guilty of taking bribes at the Lincoln sessions of the king's bench in 1349, in direct contravention of his oath to uphold the Ordinance of Justices of 1346. The trial was something of a showcase, an affirmation of the king's otherwise unfulfilled desire to enforce the ordinance; its confirmation in parliament certainly suggests that the crown wished to advertise its new-found determination to root out corruption in high places. (fn. f1351int-56) It is ironic, then, that on 10 March, only days after the dissolution of parliament, the king of his own authority not only remitted the death sentence laid down by the 1346 ordinance (a reprieve already granted under the privy seal on 19 November) but also formally pardoned Thorp all the offences of which he had been found guilty. (fn. f1351int-57) A year later, Thorp was re-admitted to the ranks of the judiciary when he was appointed second baron of the exchequer. (fn. f1351int-58) His trial, and its reversal, therefore demonstrate that the confirmation of a judgment in parliament could not in itself undermine the king's prerogative of mercy.
The exact chronology especially of the closing stages of the 1351 parliament remains uncertain. Those delivering private petitions to parliament had been told that they must deposit them by Monday 15, subsequently extended to Tuesday 16, February (item 3); that such business got under way promptly is demonstrated by chancery instruments communicating the decisions of the triers of private petitions, which were issued with various dates between 14 February and 1 March (Appendix nos. 3-5, 7-8). On 16 February, when the causes of summons were announced, the commons were told to deal 'briskly' with the business of the parliament and to deliver their 'advice and agreement' (the most explicit reference there is to the composition of the common petitions), (fn. f1351int-59) on Thursday 18 February (item 6). The judgment in favour of the earl of Arundel was confirmed on 16 February (and the record of the judgment against Sir William Thorp was also presumably read on the same day, though the roll does not specify this). The date of the supplementary commissions to purveyors recording the king's decision to reduce the quotas of victuals being raised for Calais strongly suggests that at least some of the common petitions had been answered by 23 February; the grant of the wool subsidy would presumably have been made in the meantime (item 22, no. XII), in accordance with the contemporary convention that taxes were granted before the replies to common petitions were announced. (fn. f1351int-60) It may therefore be that the substance of the business of this assembly was concluded on that same day, 23 February - which, perhaps not coincidentally, was Shrove Tuesday, the day before the solemnities of Lent began. If we take 1 March, the date on the writs de expensis issued on behalf of most of the shire knights and selected citizens and burgesses, (fn. f1351int-61) as the formal end of the assembly, then (assuming that no business was conducted on Ash Wednesday, 24 February) there were in fact only three days of activity remaining: Thursday 25 and Friday 26 February, and Monday 1 March. A petition from the city of London appealing against the re-imposition of the Statute of York 'in the parliament now sitting' (Appendix no. 9) suggests something of the kind of business that may have been conducted in these last few days, though the date when the statutes were formally adumbrated remains obscure: the writs ordering their proclamation were not issued until 16 March. (fn. f1351int-62) It may be that it was during these last days - perhaps indeed on the very last day - that the king made four important grants of patronage: (fn. f1351int-63) an award of £1,000 out of the customs to Bernard Ezii, Lord Albret, in expectation of lands and rents to the equivalent value in England and Aquitaine; (fn. f1351int-64) the creation of Ralph, Lord Stafford, as earl of Stafford; (fn. f1351int-65) the confirmation of John of Gaunt's title of earl of Richmond; (fn. f1351int-66) and, most spectacularly, the elevation of Henry of Grosmont to the title of duke of Lancaster and the grant to him of palatine powers in the county of Lancashire - a statement of royal favour explicitly referred to in the relevant letters patent as made 'with the assent of the prelates and nobles in parliament'. (fn. f1351int-67) It was these latter creations, in fact, which were most frequently referred to, alongside the Statutes of Labourers and Provisors, in chronicle accounts of the 1351 parliament. (fn. f1351int-68) The fact that they leave no trace on the parliament roll is indicative of the highly selective and formulaic nature of this record and of the inevitable uncertainties that remain over the exact business and chronology of so many fourteenth-century parliaments.
Text and translation
|LE PARLEMENT TENUZ A WESTM' LE MESCREDY EN LES OETAVES DE LA PURIFICACION NOSTRE DAME, L'AN DU REGNE NOSTRE SEIGNUR LE ROI EDWARD VINTISME QUINT, ET DE FRANCE DOUZISME.||THE PARLIAMENT HELD AT WESTMINSTER ON THE WEDNESDAY IN THE OCTAVE OF THE PURIFICATION OF OUR LADY IN THE TWENTY-FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF OUR LORD THE KING EDWARD, AND THE TWELFTH OF FRANCE.|
|1. A queu mescredy, par cause qe les prelatz, countes, barouns et autres grauntz q'estoient somons au dit parlement n'estoient pleinement venuz, si est le dit jour continue tanqe le jovedy preschein suant, et du dit jovedy tanqe al vendredy preschein suant par mesme la cause. A queu vendredy, assemblez les prelatz, Monsir Leonel fitz a nostre seignur le roi, le counte d'Arundell et autres grauntz, ove les chivalers des counteez, somons au dit parlement, en la chaumbre Blaunche presde la chaumbre Peynte, si fut lue la commission qe nostre seignur le roi avoit faite a son dit fitz de comencer le dit parlement en l'absence du roi; la fourme de quele commission s'ensuyst:||1. On which Wednesday, because the prelates, earls, barons and other great men who were summoned to the said parliament had not all arrived, the said day was adjourned until the Thursday immediately following, and from the said Thursday until the Friday immediately following for the same reason. On which Friday the prelates, my lord Lionel, son to our lord the king, the earl of Arundel and other great men, with the knights of the shires summoned to the said parliament, assembled in the White Chamber next to the Painted Chamber, where the commission which our lord the king had made to his said son to begin the said parliament in the king's absence was read; the form of which commission follows:|
|Commissio custodis Anglie.||Commission for the keeping of England.|
|2. 'Edwardus Dei gracia rex Anglie et Francie et dominus Hibernie, archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, prioribus, comitibus, baronibus, militibus et omnibus aliis ad instans parliamentum nostrum apud Westm' summonitum conventuris, salutem. Cum nos ex certis causis simus ad partes transmarinas profecturi, per quod ad primum diem dicti parliamenti forte non poterimus interesse, nos in casu quo citra diem predictum non redeamus, Leonello filio nostro carissimo ad inchoandum nomine nostro parliamentum predictum, et ad faciendum ea que pro nobis et per nos facienda fuerint usque adventum nostrum ibidem plenam tenore presencium committimus potestatem. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod eidem filio nostro intendentes sitis in premissis in forma predicta. In cujus rei testimonium has litteras nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ipso apud turrim London', .xx. die Januarii, anno regni nostri Anglie vicesimo quarto, regni vero nostri Francie undecimo.||2. 'Edward by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, earls, barons, knights and all others who shall come to this our present parliament summoned at Westminster, greeting. Since we, for certain reasons, have left for overseas parts, as a result of which we may not by chance be able to be present on the first day of the said parliament, in the event that we shall not have returned before the aforesaid day, by the tenor of these presents, we have committed full power to Lionel, our dearest son, to begin the aforesaid parliament in our name, and to conduct it as it should be conducted for us and by us until our arrival there. And therefore we command that you shall submit to our same son on these matters in the aforesaid form. In witness of which we have made these our letters patent. Witnessed by myself, at the Tower of London on 20 January in the twenty-fourth year of our reign of England, and the eleventh of France .|
|Per ipsum regem.' (fn. ii-225-12-1)||By the king himself.' (fn. ii-225-12-1)|
|3. Quele commission lue, fut dit as ditz chivalers des countez et communs illoeqes esteantz, qe les peticions q'ils avoient a liverer en parlement ils devereient liverer entre cy et le lunedy preschein suant durant mesme le jour. Et puis a lunedy preschein suant, de la grace le roi, fut le dit lunedy purloigne tanqe le mardy a lendemain durant mesme le mardy.||3. Which commission having been read, it was said to the knights of the shires and the commons being there that the petitions which they had to deliver in parliament they should deliver between now and the Monday immediately following. And then on the Monday immediately following, of the king's grace, the said Monday was extended until the Tuesday on the morrow.|
|Et sont assignez de receiver les peticions d'Engleterre:||And the following were assigned to receive the petitions of England:|
|Et pur les peticions de Gascoign', Escoce, Irland, Bretaigne et autres forreines terres et lieus:||And for the petitions of Gascony, Scotland, Ireland, Brittany and other foreign lands and places:|
|Et a lunedy preschein suant, esteantz nostre seignur le roi et ascunes prelatz et autres grantz a Westm' en la chaumbre Depeynte, par cause qe mesme nostre seignur le roi avoit certeines novels, qe pluseurs des grauntz somons au dit parlement qi n'estoient pas lors venuz vendreient hastiement a Londres par cause du parlement, si fut mesme le parlement continue tanqe al mardy preschein suant.||And on the Monday immediately following, our lord the king and some of the prelates and other great men were at Westminster in the Painted Chamber, because our same lord the king had certain news; and since many of the great men summoned to the said parliament had not yet come but should soon come to London by reason of parliament, the same parliament was continued until the Tuesday immediately following.|
|4. A queu mardy, en presence de nostre dit seignur le roi et des grauntz et autres des communes en mesme la chambre Depeinte, furent les causes pur quoi mesme nostre seignur le roi avoit fait somondre ceo parlement et les nouns des triours et respoundours des peticions lues en audience, en la forme qe s'ensuyst:||4. On which Tuesday, in the presence of our said lord the king and the great men and others of the commons in the same Painted Chamber, the reasons why our same lord the king had summoned this parliament and the names of the triers and respondents of petitions were read publicly, in the form which follows:|
|La cause du somons du parlement.||The reason for the summons of parliament.|
|'Primes, pur ceo qe mesme nostre seignur le roi desirant touz jours de faire droit a son poeple, et redrescer les mesprisions et defautes qe serront trovez deinz son roialme; par celle cause et autres, nadgairs, c'estassaver l'an de son regne vintisme second, il fist somondre son parlement cy a Westm', le quel semblast puis a lui et a son conseil qe ne se poeit bonement tenir adonqes, par cause de la pestilence q'estoit bien aspre a mesme le temps, et par tant fist il relesser le dit somons adonqes. Et puis en cea ad il este destourbe, primes par la dit pestilence qe dura bien longement, et puis par l'occupacion q'il ad entour sa guerre, q'il ne poiet bonement nul parlement tenir tantqe ore. Mes ja, par cause q'il est enforme qe la pees de la terre n'est pas bien gardee, et qe tout plein de autres mesprisions et defautes y sont, qe busoignent d'estre redrescez et amendez, come par maintenance des parties et quereles en pais, et aussint par cause des servantz et laborers, qe ne voillent travailler et laborer sicome ils soleint, et ensement par cause qe le tresor du roialme est emportez hors du roialme en plusures maneres, par quoi mesme le roialme est molt enpovery et en point d'estre destitut de moneye et mis a meschief, et pur autres defautes qe se monstrent, nostre dit seignur le roi, desirrant molt qe sa pees soit duement gardee, et qe les defautes susdites, et toutes autres dont homme se vorra pleindre, soient redrescez, et mis a point, ad fait somondre son parlement a cestefoitz. Et voet qe touz ses subgiz qe se voleint pleindre en commun ou par especial, de queconqes mesprisions, tortz, ou grevances mettent avant lour peticions, et le roi ordenera et commandera qe droit lour serra fait. Et aussint nostre dit seignur le roi mercie molt sibien a les grantz et pieres du roialme come a tout sa bone commune, du grant amour q'ils ount monstre tout temps envers lui, et des grantz eides et subsidz q'ils lui ont fait et grantes devant ces heures, et ensement des grantz travalx et charges q'ils ont suffert et endures, tant en corps come en biens, [p. ii-226][col. a] pur maintenance de la guerre, et pur le defense du roialme. Et par celle cause il desire molt le plus de faire a eux eise, confort et favour par toutes les bones voies q'il purra, et si le voet il faire de bon cuer.'||'First, because our same lord the king desires always to do justice to his people, and to redress the crimes and faults which are found in his realm; for this reason and others he recently, that is to say in the twenty-second year of his reign [1348-9], summoned his parliament here at Westminster, which it then seemed to him and to his council could not be properly held at that time because of the pestilence which was extremely severe at the same time, and therefore he then cancelled the said summons. (fn. ii-225-27-1) And because he was prevented first by the said pestilence which lasted for a very long time and then by the business which he had concerning his war, he was not properly able to hold any parliament until now. But indeed, because he is informed that the peace of the land is not well kept, and that there are very many other crimes and faults which need to be redressed and amended, as shown by maintenance of parties and complaints in the localities, and also because of servants and labourers who are not willing to work and labour as they are accustomed, and likewise because the treasure of the realm is carried out of the realm in many ways, by which the same realm is greatly impoverished and on the point of being destitute of money and brought to grief, and for other faults which show themselves, our said lord the king, greatly desiring that his peace should be duly kept, and that the aforesaid defaults and all other things of which any man should wish to complain should be redressed and put right, has summoned his parliament at this time. And he wills that all his subjects who wish to complain in common or individually concerning any crimes, wrongs or grievances whatsoever shall put forward their petitions, and the king shall ordain and command that justice shall be done to them. And also our said lord the king greatly thanks both the great men and peers of the realm and all his good commons for the great love which they have always shown towards him, and for the great aids and subsidies which they have made and granted to him before these times, and likewise for the great hardships and charges which they have suffered and endured, both in body and in goods, [p. ii-226][col. a] for the maintenance of the war and for the defence of the realm. And for this reason he greatly desires to do more for their ease, comfort and favour in every good way that he can, and thus he wills this to be done in good faith.'|
|Triours des billes.||Triers of bills.|
|5. Soient assignez pur oier et trier les peticions d'Engleterre:||5. The following are assigned to hear and try the petitions of England:|
|Apellez a eux chanceller, tresorer, seneschal et chamberlein, et les sergeantz le roi, quant busoigne serra, et ils poont entendre. Et tendront lour place en la chambre le soutz chamberlein presde l'uys de la chambre Depeinte.||- consulting with the chancellor, treasurer, steward and chamberlain, as well as the king's serjeants when necessary, and when they are able to attend. And they shall hold their session in the chamber of the deputy chamberlain near to the door of the Painted Chamber.|
|Et pur les peticions de Gales, Irlande, Gascoigne, Britaigne et autres terres foreins:||And for the petitions of Wales, Ireland, Gascony, Brittany and other foreign lands:|
|Appellez a eux chaunceller, tresorer, seneschal et chamberlein, quant busoigne serra.||- consulting with the chancellor, treasurer, steward and chamberlain when necessary.|
|6. Queles causes et nouns issint lues, fut dit par Monsir William de Shareshull, chief justice le roi, a les chivalers des counteez, citizeyns et burgeys, q'adonqes furent presentz, q'ils s'avisereient sur les dites causes, et sur l'amendement et remede mettre des meschiefs susdites, et autres q'ils savoient monstrer si nuls y fuissent, ils tretreient vivement, et mettreient lour avis et acort en escrit, et le livereient a nostre seignur le roi en parlement, le jovedy preschein suant.||6. Which reasons and names having thus been read, it was announced by Sir William Shareshull, the king's chief justice, to the knights of the shires, citizens and burgesses who were then present, that they should consider the said reasons and deal briskly with the correction and remedy to be applied for the aforesaid crimes and for any others which they know, if there are any, and put their advice and agreement in writing, and deliver it to our lord the king in parliament on the Thursday immediately following.|
|Pur le counte d'Arundell.||For the earl of Arundel.|
|7. Fait a remembrer, qe mesme le jour, le process souz escrit fut baille a Johan de Codyngton', clerc du parlement, depar le roi a Westm' en la chambre Blank, pur le entrer en roule du parlement, nunciant l'onurable piere en Dieu l'evesqe de Wircestre, chanceller mesme nostre seignur le roi, en presence l'evesqe de Wyncestre et Sire David de Wollonere, en la forme qe s'ensuyst:||7. Let it be remembered that on the same day, the process below written having been given on behalf of the king to John de Coddington, clerk of the parliament, at Westminster in the White Chamber to be entered on the roll of parliament, the honourable father in God the bishop of Worcester, chancellor of our same lord the king, in the presence of the bishop of Winchester and Sir David Wollor, announced in the form which follows:|
|8. 'A nostre seignur le roi et a soun conseil supplie Richard counte de Arundell, qe com le dit Richard soit restituyt al heritage Esmon jadis conte de Arundell soun piere, par acord du parlement tenu a Westmonster l'an du regne nostre dit seignur le roi quart; (fn. ii-225-45-1) plese a nostre dit seignur le roi grauntier et commaunder, qe la dite restitucion soit veue et examine entre les sages par bone deliberacioun. Et en cas qe la dite restitucion soit en ascun point oscure ou defective, qe ele soit en cest parlement meultz declare, ratifie, et aforte par paroles plus expresses, selonc le avis des sages susditz, a fyn qe l'estat le dit Richard soit par taunt le meultz afferme et a seure pur tut temps a venir.'||8. 'To our lord the king and to his council; Richard, earl of Arundel, petitions: that whereas the said Richard should have been restored to the inheritance of Edmund, former earl of Arundel, his father, by agreement of the parliament held at Westminster in the fourth year of the reign of our said lord the king ; (fn. ii-225-45-1) may it please our said lord the king to grant and command that the said restoration shall be viewed and examined by good deliberation among the wise men. And in the event that the said restoration is obscure or defective in any point, let it be better declared, ratified and established through more explicit words in this parliament, according to the advice of the aforesaid wise men, in order that the said Richard's estate shall thereby be the better affirmed and guaranteed for all times to come.'|
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Il plest a nostre seignur le roi qe ceste peticioun soit examine par ses sages, et qe par lour avisement la restitucioun dont ceste peticioun fait mencioun soit ore en ce parlement recitee, declaree et ratifie en manere come la peticioun demaunde.||It pleases our lord the king that this petition be examined by his wise men, and that by their advice the restoration which this petition mentions shall now be recited, declared and ratified in this parliament in the manner which the petition requests.|
|Concordia parliamenti domini Edwardi regis Anglie et Francie tenti apud Westm' in octabis purificacionis beate Marie, anno regni sui Anglie vicesimo quinto, regni vero sui Francie duodecimo.||Concord of the parliament of the lord Edward, king of England and France, held at Westminster in the octave of the Purification of the Blessed Mary in the twenty-fifth year of his reign of England, and the twelfth of France .|
|Ricardus comes Arundell exhibuit domino regi et consilio suo in presenti parliamento suo peticionem supradictam; pretextu cujus peticionis et ejus indorsamenti dominus rex venire fecit coram eo in presenti parliamento quandam concordiam nuper factam in parliamento suo tento apud Westm' die lune proximo post festum Sancte Katerine virginis, anno regni sui Anglie quarto, que quidem concordia sequitur inferius irrotulata:||Richard, earl of Arundel, has presented the aforesaid petition to the lord king and his council in his present parliament; by reason of which petition and its endorsement the lord king has caused to be brought before him in the present parliament a certain concord lately made in his parliament held at Westminster on the Monday next after the feast of Saint Catherine the Virgin in the fourth year of his reign of England , which enrolled concord follows below:|
|9. 'Al parlement somons a Westm' le lunedy preschein apres le fest Seinte Katerine, l'an du regne nostre seignur le roi Edward, roi d'Engleterre tierce apres la conqueste, quart, bailla Richard d'Aroundell, fitz eysne Edmond nadgairs conte d'Aroundell, une peticioun, c'estassaver le mekerdy preschein devant la feste Seinte Lucie, en cestes paroles:||9. 'At the parliament summoned at Westminster on the Monday next after the feast of Saint Catherine in the fourth year of the reign of our lord the king Edward the third since the Conquest, king of England, Richard of Arundel, eldest son of Edmund, former earl of Arundel, delivered a petition, that is to say on the Wednesday next before the feast of Saint Lucy, in these words:|
|"A nostre seignur le roi et a son conseil monstre Richard, fitz Esmon conte d'Arundell, qe come la grant chartre voet qe nul count, baroun, ne autre du roialme seit jugge mes par proces de ses piers; q'il pleise a nostre dit seignur le roi aver regard, coment Esmond son pier, conte de Aroundell, estoit pris, enprisonee et mys a la mort, terres, biens et chateux forjugez encontre la leie et custume du roialme. De quei il prie q'il plese a nostre dit seignur le roi, et a son bon conseil, qe il voil de sa haute grace et seignurie ordeiner et faire remedie, et qe le dit Richard d'Arundell puisse son droit et son heritage < aver > et rejoier selonc lei de terre et custume de roialme." La quele peticioun lue devant le roi, countes, barouns et autres grantz en mesme le parlement, si fust avis a les ditz grauntz, qe fort serroit a rendre au dit Richard l'eritage son dit pier, qe ajugge esteit a la mort devant le primer parlement nadgairs summons a Westm' apres l'encorounement; lequel juggement en mesme le parlement fust afferme. Et sur ceo le dit Richard pria la grace nostre seignur le roi de dite heritage; et nostre seignur le roi voillant faire grace a touz qe la deservent, eant graunt esperaunce de bien en le dit Richard, de soun real poiar et de sa roial dignite, a la requeste et par assent des ditz prelatz, countes, barouns et grauntz en mesme le parlement, si ad graunte au dit Richard touz les terres et tenementz, dont le dit conte son pier morust seisi en son demeigne come de fee, en qi meyns q'il soient, a tener en mesme le maner come le dit conte son piere les tynt, et com le dit Richard les devoit aver tenuz par descente de heritage si nul juggement n'eust este renduz sur le dit conte son pier, ne nule execucione faite; sauvaunt a nostre seignur le roi les terres donez au dit conte son piere par le roi le pier nostre seignur le roi q'ore est. Et tout soit il qe le conte de Kent morust seisi com de doun le roi du chastell d'Aroundell et des terres appurtenaunces qe furent au dit conte d'Arundell, et nostre seignur < le roi eit graunte a Esmon fitz au > dit conte de Kent son heritage, savant a lui la garde, et a la countesse de Kent son dower; si ad nostre dit seignur le roi grante au dit Richard restitucion de mesme le chastell et des terres appurtenaunces, rendant ent un certein a nostre seignur le roi et a ses heires selonc ceo qe nostre seignur le roi ent vodra ordeiner, et taunt come luy plerra. Et auxi grante, qe la dite countesse de Kent, en recompensacion de son dower a lui afferaunt des ditz chastel d'Aroundell et des terres appurtenaunces, seit dowe des autres terres qe furent au dit conte de Kent, qe duissent demorer en la mayn nostre dit seignur le roi par le nounage le dit heir a conte de Kent. Et qe recompensacion soit fait au dit heir le conte de Kent pur les [p. ii-227][col. a] ditz chastell d'Aroundell et terres appurtenances solonc l'afferaunt, et de ceo le roi lui ferra seurte par sa chartre. Et auxi nostre seignur le roi graunte par assent de mesme le parlement au dit Richard, q'il ne perde noun de counte, honour, action, dreit ne recoverir, ne nul autre profit ne avantage a demandre par my le dit conte d'Arundell son piere qe mort est, et touz autres par my ly come de sank le dite conte d'Arundell son pier, par encheson del avantdit juggement [memb. 5] rendu sur le dit conte d'Arundell son pier, ne del execucion de icele. Mes voet nostre seignur le roi, par assent de mesme le parlement, qe le dit Richard soit auxi avant en tote condicions come nul juggement fust unqe rendu sur le dit conte d'Arundell son piere, ne execucion faite. Et auxi est assentu et acorde par le dit nostre seignur le roi et les grantz de mesme le parlement, qe nul piere de la terre, conseiller ne autre grant ne petit, de quel estat ou condicioun q'il soit, pur la morte le dit conte d'Arundell ne seit empeche, moleste ne greve.' Et ore, sur la recitacioun del acorde et restitucion de sus escrits, pur l'estat del dit Richard counte d'Arundell mieltz declarer et enseurer, acorde est et assentu par nostre seignur le roi, prelatz, contes, barouns et communes esteantz ore en ceo parlement < tenu a Westmonst' > , qe la dite restitucioun seit afferme, et qe ele seit de tiel force et vertue qe Johan ore counte de Kent ne ses heirs james dreit, accioun ne cleym ne puissent aver ne chalenger vers le dit Richard conte d'Arundell en nule court d'Engleterre, ne en Gales, par bref ne en autre manere, ne par peticion en parlement, de quecumqe possessioun ou seisine qe Johan ore conte de Kent, ou le conte Esmon son piere, ou Esmon eisne frere au dit Johan, unqes avoient del dit chastel d'Arundell, et des autres terres a ceo appurtenantes, en le mene temps parentre la mort le dit Esmon conte d'Arundell et le temps de la dite restitucion [col. b] fait au dit Richard; issint qe le dit Richard, conte d'Arundell, par la dite restitucion et par cest acorde eit autiel estat come il averoit par successioun de heritage apres la mort le dit Esmon conte d'Arundell son pier, en cas qe nul juggement ne ust este vers lui rendu, auxi bien de tut le remenaunt del heritage dont le dit Esmon conte d'Arundell morust seisi en Engleterre et en Galys, come de dit chastel d'Arundell, et des autres terres a ceo appurtenantes come desus est dit. Et qe nul desormes droit ne accioun ne puisse aver, chalanger, ne demaunder, vers le dit Richard conte d'Arundell et ses heirs, par cause de quecumqe possessioun ou seisine del meen temps par entre la mort le dit Esmon conte d'Arundell et le temps de la restitucioun susdite fait au dit Richard; issint qe par les dites acord et restitucioun soit chescun estat et possession del mene temps voide, deffeit et anulli pur touz jours avenir'||"To our lord the king and to his council; Richard, son of Edmund, earl of Arundel, petitions: whereas the Great Charter wills that no earl, baron or any other person of the realm be judged except by process of law before his peers, that it might please our said lord the king to consider how Edmund, earl of Arundel, his father, was arrested, imprisoned and put to death, and his lands, goods and chattels forfeited contrary to the law and custom of the realm. Whereupon he prays that it might please our said lord the king and his good council that he be willing, of his high grace and lordship, to ordain and make remedy, and that the said Richard of Arundel be able to have and enjoy again his right and his inheritance according to the law of the land and the custom of the realm." Which petition having been read before the king, earls, barons and other great men in the same parliament, it seemed to the said great men that the inheritance of his said father (who was adjudged to death before the first parliament lately summoned at Westminster after the coronation; which judgment was affirmed in the same parliament) ought to be restored to the said Richard. And thereupon the said Richard prayed the grace of our lord the king for the said inheritance. And our lord the king, wishing to give grace to all who deserve it, having great expectation of the good in the said Richard, of his royal power and of his royal dignity, at the request and by the assent of the said prelates, earls, barons and great men in the same parliament, has thus granted to the said Richard all the lands and tenements of which the said earl, his father, died seised in his demesne as of fee, in whoever's hands they may be, to be held in the same manner as the said earl, his father, held them and as the said Richard would have held them by descent of inheritance if no judgment had been rendered on the said earl, his father, or if no execution had been made; saving to our lord the king the lands given to the said earl, his father, by the king, the father of our present lord the king. And all that of which the earl of Kent died seised as the king's gift of the castle of Arundel and of the lands appertaining which belonged to the said earl of Arundel, and which our lord the king has granted to Edmund, son to the said earl of Kent, shall be Richard's inheritance, saving to himself the wardship and to the countess of Kent her dower; and our said lord the king has granted to the said Richard restitution of the same castle and the lands appertaining, rendering for them a certain sum to our lord the king and his heirs according to what our lord the king will wish to ordain thereupon, and as much as it will please him. And he has also granted that the said countess of Kent, in compensation for her dower appertaining to her from the said castle of Arundel and the lands appertaining, be dowered with other lands which belonged to the said earl of Kent which ought to remain in the hands of our said lord the king as a result of the non-age of the said heir to the earl of Kent. And that compensation be made to the said heir of the earl of Kent for the [p. ii-227][col. a] said castle of Arundel and the lands appertaining, according to what is appropriate, and for this the king give him guarantee by his charter. And our lord the king has also granted to the said Richard by the assent of the same parliament, that he shall not lose the name of earl, [or] honour, action, right or recovery, or any other profit or advantage to be demanded in respect of the said earl of Arundel, his deceased father, and all other things in respect of him as descendant of the said earl of Arundel, his father, by reason of the aforesaid judgment [memb. 5] rendered on the said earl of Arundel, his father, or of the execution of it. On the contrary, our lord the king wills by the assent of the same parliament that the said Richard shall be as before in all respects as if no judgment had ever been rendered on the said earl of Arundel, his father, or any execution carried out. And it is also assented and agreed by our said lord the king and the great men in the same parliament that no peer of the land, councillor or any other person great or small, of whatever estate or condition he be, shall be impeached, troubled or grieved for the death of the said earl of Arundel.' And now, on the recitation of the above written agreement and restoration, in order better declare and ensure the estate of the said Richard, earl of Arundel, it is agreed and assented by our lord the king, the prelates, earls, barons and commons here present in this parliament held at Westminster , that the said restoration shall be affirmed, and that it shall be of such force and virtue that John, now earl of Kent, and his heirs may never challenge it nor pursue any action or claim against the said Richard, earl of Arundel, in any court of England or Wales by writ or in any other manner, or by petition in parliament, concerning any possession or seisin whatsoever which John, now earl of Kent, or the earl Edmund, his father, or Edmund, eldest brother to the said John, ever had of the said castle of Arundel and other lands appurtenant to this during the time between the death of the said Edmund, earl of Arundel, and the time of the said restoration [col. b] made to the said Richard; so that the said Richard, earl of Arundel, by the said restoration and by this agreement shall have such estate as he would have had by succession of inheritance after the death of the said Edmund, earl of Arundel, his father, if no judgment had been returned against him, both of all the remnant of the inheritance of which the said Edmund, earl of Arundel, died seised in England and in Wales, and of the said castle of Arundel and other lands appurtenant to it as is aforesaid. And that henceforth no right nor action shall be had, challenged or demanded against the said Richard, earl of Arundel, and his heirs by reason of any possession or seisin whatsoever during the time between the death of the said Edmund, earl of Arundel, and the time of the aforesaid restoration made to the said Richard; so that by the said agreement and restoration each estate and possession in the mean time shall be void, undone and annulled for all times to come.|
|Acort fait des justices.||The agreement made concerning justices.|
|10. Et fait aremembrer, qe nostre seignur le roi fist venir en pleine parlement les record et processe du juggement rendu contre Sire William de Thorp', nadgairs son chief justice, (fn. ii-225-56-1) et les fist lire overtement devant les grauntz du parlement, pur saver ent lour avis. Et examine sur ceo chescun apres autre, si sembla a eux touz qe les record et processe furent droitement et ordinement faitz, et le juggement sur ceo rendu resonable, depuis q'il se obligea mesmes par son serement a tiele penance s'il feit al encountre, et conusseit q'il avoit receu douns contre son dit serement. Et sur ceo y fut acorde par les grauntz de mesme le parlement, qe si nul tieu cas aviegne desore enavant de nul tiel, qe nostre seignur le roi preigne devers lui des grauntz qe lui plerra, et par lour bon avis face outre ceo qe plese a sa roiale seignurie. (fn. ii-225-56-2)||10. And let it be remembered that our lord the king in full parliament brought the record and process of the judgment returned against Sir William Thorp, his former chief justice, (fn. ii-225-56-1) and caused them to be read publicly before the great men of the parliament in order to know their advice. And each in turn having examined this, it seemed to them all that the record and process were made rightfully and in a proper fashion, and that the judgment returned on this was reasonable, since he had bound himself by his oath to such penalty if he acted to the contrary, and he knew that he had received gifts against his said oath. And it was thereupon agreed by the great men of the same parliament that, if any such case shall occur henceforth concerning any such thing, our lord the king shall summon before him whichever of the great men please him, and by their good advice act on the same as pleases his royal lordship. (fn. ii-225-56-2)|
|PETICIONS ET RESPOUNS DONEZ EN PARLEMENT S'ENSUYENT.||HERE FOLLOW THE PETITIONS AND ANSWERS GIVEN IN PARLIAMENT.|
|11. I. A nostre seignur le roi supplie si lui plest sa commune, qe la grande chartre et touz les estatutz faitz en temps de ses progenitours, et en son temps demesne, soient meultz gardez et meintenuz qe ne ount este de cea en arere. Et qe punissement de corps soit ordeigne a ses qe fount la encountre. Et qe lui pleise, pur Dieu, avoir regard a ceo qe son povere poeple lui ad fait puis le comencement de ses guerres. Et coment puis par celle pestilence sa commune est grantment anentiz et destruitz, dount citees, burghs et autres villes et hamelles parmie la terre sont descheies, et de jour en autre descheont, et plusours nettement deshabitez qe soleient eider au tax de disme et quinzisme et autres charges grantez a lui en eide de sa guerre. Et ore par lours mortz ceste darrein tax condicionele qe court a meisme la summe sur ceux qe sont remys, sont destruitz et anentiz a grande meschief qe a pein poent vivre.||
[I. Confirmation of the Great Charter; hardships of the people; purveyance.]
11. I. To our lord the king; his commons petition: that it may please him that the Great Charter and all the statutes made in the times of his progenitors and in his own time shall be better kept and maintained than they have been previously. And that corporal punishment shall be ordained on those who act to the contrary. And that it may please him, for the sake of God, to consider the things that his poor people have done for him since the beginning of his wars. And then how his commonalty is greatly ruined and destroyed by this pestilence, because of which cities, boroughs and other vills and hamlets throughout the land have decayed and do decay day after day, and many which used to pay the tax of the tenth and fifteenth and other charges granted to him in aid of his war are completely depopulated. And now, because of their deaths, this new conditional tax, which is assessed at the same sum on those who have survived, destroys and ruins them to such an extent that they can scarcely stay alive.
|Et outre ce, si lui pleise, q'il eit regard a la grande defaute et chierte de blee qe ore est en sa terre, et nomement la grendre partie de la terre gist frische et desgaigne, estre autres meschiefs. Et coment, nient eiant regard as meschiefs suisditz, sur ce commissions sont issuz de prendre blees, chars et autres vittailles, (fn. ii-225-61-1) la ou la commune entendi qe nulles tiels charges ne prises ne serroient faitz saunz assent du parlement et encountre l'estatut. Par quoi supplie sa dite commune, pur Dieu et pur les almes ses progenitours, q'il eit mercie et pite de eux. Et qe tiels charges et commissions cessent et soient repellez.||
[I. Confirmation of the Great Charter; hardships of the people; purveyance.]
And thereupon, if it may please him, that he shall consider the great lack and scarcity of corn that now exists in his land, and namely that the greater part of the land lies fallow and uncultivated, in addition to other misfortunes. And how, taking no notice of the aforesaid misfortunes, commissions were issued in this matter to purvey corn, meat and other victuals, (fn. ii-225-61-1) where the commons intended that no such charges nor prises should be made without the assent of parliament and contrary to the statute. Whereby his said commons petition, for the sake of God and for the souls of his progenitors, that he shall have mercy and pity on them. And that such charges and commissions shall cease and be repealed.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer]|
|Quant au primer article de cest peticion, il plest a nostre seignur le roi, qe la grande chartre et touz les autres estatutz soient gardez et tenuz saunz rien attempter al encontre; et qe ceux qe font al encontraire soient puniz selonc la quantite de trespas.||As regards the first article of this petition, it pleases our lord the king that the Great Charter and all the other statutes shall be kept and upheld with nothing attempted to the contrary; and that he who acts to the contrary shall be punished according to the scale of the wrong.|
|Quant au second article, purceo qe la necessite est si grande de vitailler la ville de Caleys, qe il covient a force qe homme preigne vitailles al oeps le roi pur ses deniers paier au jour compris en la commission, et pur eiser la commune le roi; a lour requeste, et de lour assent, il ad fait mitigacion de la moite de ceo qe fut ordine apurvoier, (fn. ii-225-65-1) et si serra le dit paiement fait au jour susdit si avant come homme purra bonement.||As regards the second article, because the necessity is so great concerning the provisioning of the town of Calais, it is required that a man purveying victuals to the king's benefit must pay his money on the day contained in the commission; and to assist the king's commonalty, at their request and with their assent, he has remitted half of that which was ordained to be purveyed, (fn. ii-225-65-1) and that the said payment shall be made on the aforesaid day as fully as can reasonably be done.|
|12. II. Item prie sa commune, pur ce qe les laborers puis la pestilence ne voleient overer, a grande meschief du poeple, pernaunt pur lour travaille come acorde estoit par nostre seignur le roi et son conseil, ne ils ne ount regard a fynes ne a redempcions, mes fount de jour en autre de pire ou pis. Qe pleise a nostre seignur le roi qe corporel penaunce ovesqes redempcions soit fait sur eux come ils serront atteintz en due manere par l'avise de nostre seignur le roi et son conseil, et par l'assent des piers du roialme, sibien a suyte de partie come a suyte nostre seignur le roi.||
[II. Punishment of labourers.]
12. II. Also his commons pray: that because since the pestilence labourers are unwilling to work, to the great misfortune of the people, and to take for their labour what was agreed by our lord the king and his council, and they have no regard for fines or redemptions, but go day to day from bad to worse. May it please our lord the king that corporal punishment with redemptions shall be imposed on them when they shall be attainted in due manner, by the advice of our lord the king and his council, and by the assent of the peers of the realm, whether at suit of party or at suit of our lord the king.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|La response de ceste peticion piert en l'estatut fait ore a ceste parlement. (fn. ii-225-70-1)||The answer to this petition appears in the statute now made in this parliament. (fn. ii-225-70-1)|
|13. III. Item prie sa dite commune, qe pleise a nostre dit seignur le roi et a les peers de la terre, veer et regarder un tresgrande meschief et destruccion qe se monstre au roialme d'Engleterre ore de novel; c'estassavoir, coment le pape ne soleit avant ces houres faire reservacions de nul benefice de seint eglise, s'il ne fust de benefice de ses chapeleins, ou des clercs qe murerunt en la court de Rome; et ore tard et de novel, pur covetise d'avoir les primers fruitz et les autres profitz qe endependent, ad reservee, et reserve de jour en autre, a sa collacion, generalment et especialment, sibien abbeies et priories, come toutz les autres grantz benefices d'Engleterre qe sont de patronage espiritel. Et generalment il ad reservee ore tard toutes les dignitees d'Engleterre, et provendres en eglises cathedrals, et les donne si bien as alienes come as denzeins; et issint ad le pape touz les primers fruitz des ditz benefices. Et ovesqe ceo, ceux qe purchassent meismes les benefices despendent decoste le double ou le treble en brocage, et ensi est le tresor du roialme destruit, et emporte de an en an, a si grande summe qe le roialme nel purra nul manere endurer saunz estre de tout destruit, et mys en meschief, si hastive remede ne soit mys. Qar homme purra bien monstrer, qe ceste chose tourne a plus grande destruccion du roialme qe toute la guerre nostre seignur le roi, desicome celle monoie s'enva a la court de Rome d'an en an, saunz james retourner. Et si amount ele annuelment plus qe le roi emport de son roialme. Et homme dit communement, qe meisme nostre tresore devient a profit des enemys pur faire guerre encontre noz meismes. Et ensi piert il clerement, qe les ditz reservacions sont compassez subtilement et par mal engyn, en destruccion du roi et de tout le roialme, et en eide et comfort des enemys. Et d'autrepart, plusours foitz par tiels suspectes et feyntz reservacions, privement supposez estre faites, plusours suffisauntz clercs du roialme, qe par long temps ount continuez lours possessions en lours benefices par bon title, ensont oustez et debotez par tiels brocours, encontre Dieu et droiture, et ne pount nul recoverir avoir. Dont pleise a nostre dit seignur le roi et a son conseil ordeiner remedie sur les meschiefs avantditz ore en ce parlement, qar tantqe la chose serra plus longement suffert, taunt serra ele plusfort areboter.||
[III. Papal provisions.]
13. III. Also his said commons pray: that it may please our said lord the king and the peers of the land to consider and regard a very great misfortune and destruction which has recently appeared in the realm of England; that is to say, how the pope was not accustomed before this time to make reservations of any benefice of holy Church, unless it was to the advantage of his chaplains or of the clerks who stay in the court of Rome; and lately and recently, because of his desire to have the first fruits and the other profits which are involved, he has reserved and day after day reserves to his collation, generally and specifically, both abbeys and priories and all the other great benefices of England which are of spiritual patronage. And generally he has lately reserved all the high offices of England and prebends in cathedral churches, and given them to aliens as well as to denizens; and thus the pope has all the first fruits of the said benefices. And in addition to this, those who purchase the same benefices spend close to double or treble in brokerage, and thus the treasure of the realm is destroyed, and carried off year after year to so great a sum that the realm cannot endure in any way without being totally destroyed and put to misfortune, unless hasty remedy is provided. For it can be easily shown that this matter has resulted in greater destruction to the realm than the entire war of our lord the king, inasmuch as this money is sent to the court of Rome year after year without ever returning, and that it annually amounts to more than the king takes from his realm. And it is commonly said that our same treasure goes to the profit of enemies for making war against us. And thus it clearly appears that the said reservations are cunningly and deceitfully planned, to the destruction of the king and of all the realm, and to the aid and comfort of enemies. And moreover, often by such suspect and deceitful reservations, alleged to be made privately, many worthy clerks of the realm, who have held possession of their benefices for a long time by good title, are removed and expelled by such brokers, against God and justice, and are unable to have any recovery. Wherefore may it please our said lord the king and his council to ordain remedy on the aforesaid misfortunes now in this parliament, because the longer such things are suffered, the more difficult it will be to resist them.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|< Acorde > est, qe le respons de ceste peticion soit mis en estatut, et issint est il, come piert en les articles de l'estatut desouz escrit. (fn. ii-225-75-1)||It is agreed that the answer to this petition shall be put in a statute, and it is thus as it appears in the articles of the statute written below. (fn. ii-225-75-1)|
|14. IIII. Item, qe au tiele remedie soit ordene et establie devers touz ceux qe pursuent en la court de Rome, a deffaire l'effect des juggement renduz en court le roi sibien pur le roi come pur autres; desicome ils se afforcent, tant come en eux est, a deffaire et anuller les leys du roialme.||
[IIII. Penalties against attempts to undo judgments in the king's courts.]
14. IIII. Also, that similar remedy shall be ordained and established against all those who prosecute in the court of Rome to undo the effect of judgments returned in the king's court both for the king and for others; inasmuch as they strive, as much as is in them, to undo and annul the laws of the realm.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Endroit de anienter les juggementz renduz pur le roi, la leye est assetz conue, et le remedie assez covenable pur qi qe le voudra suyer.||As regards annulling the judgements returned for the king, the law is sufficiently known, and the remedy available for anyone who should wish to sue.|
|15. V. A nostre seignur le roi supplie la commune, qe plese a nostre seignur le roi, pur la pees garder, et pur oster la meintenance de meffesours et destourbours de la pees, qe l'estatutz ordenez pur conservacions de la pees soent gardez et meintenuz, et execucion de ses seont reddement faitz, selonc le purport des ditz estatutz.||
[V. Keeping of the peace.]
15. V. To our lord the king; the commons petition: that it may please our lord the king, for keeping the peace and for preventing maintenance of criminals and disturbers of the peace, that the statutes ordained for conserving the peace shall be kept and maintained, and that they shall be readily executed according to the tenor of the said statutes.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Il plest a nostre seignur le roi qe ensi soit.||It pleases our lord the king that it shall be so.|
|16. VI. Item, qe nul franc homme ne soit mys a respondre de son franc tenement, ne de riens qe touche vie et membre, fyns ou redempcions, par apposailles devant le conseil nostre seignur le roi, ne devant ses ministres quecumqes, si noun qe proces de ley de cea en arere use.||
[VI. Cases before the council.]
16. VI. Also, that no free man shall be put to answer for his freehold, nor for anything which touches life and limb, fines or redemptions, by questioning before the council of our lord the king, or before any of his officials whatsoever, unless process of law has already been instigated in this case.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Il plest a nostre seignur le roi, qe les leies de son roialme soient tenuz et gardez en lour force, et qe nul homme soit tenu a respondre de son fraunk tenement, si noun par processe de ley; mes de chose qe touche vie ou membre, contemptz ou excesse, soit fait come ad este use cea en arere.||It pleases our lord the king that the laws of his realm shall be held and kept in their force, and that no man shall be held to answer for his freehold, except by process of law; but concerning matters which touch life or limb, contempts or excess, it shall be done as previously.|
|17. VII. Item, pur la bone mone d'or et d'argent fait en Engleterre, qe ele ne soit aporte hors du roialme par quecumqe manere, s'il ne soit par especial mandement nostre dit seignur le roi. Et si nul face le contrarie, et de ceo soit atteint duement, eit sa penaunce selonc ce qe ordene serra par nostre dit seignur le roi et son bon conseil, et par l'avise des piers du roialme, si noun les marchauntz d'Engleterre pur grant necessite et profit de la terre.||
17. VII. Also, that the good money of gold and silver made in England shall not be carried out of the realm in any way whatsoever, except by special order of our said lord the king. And if anyone acts to the contrary, and shall be duly attainted of this, he shall have his penalty as it shall be ordained by our said lord the king and his good council, and by the advice of the peers of the realm; except in the case of the merchants of England, acting for the great necessity and profit of the land.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Le roi s'avisera par son bon conseil de ce qe meuthz ensoit a faire.||The king will be advised by his good council on this so that it shall be better done.|
|18. VIII. Item prie la commune, qe les fyns et les redempcions des laborers, qe serront ordenez ore a cest present parlement en chescun countee, soent levez et paiez as chiefs taxours de cest dreyn quinzisme, en eide du poeple, pur le grant enpoveriscement de eaux.||
[VIII. Application of estreats of labour sessions to tax quotas.]
18. VIII. Also, the commons pray: that the fines and redemptions of labourers which shall now be ordained in this present parliament shall be levied and paid to the chief tax collectors of this last fifteenth in each county, in aid of the people, because of their great impoverishment.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Il plest a nostre seignur le roi, qe l'excesses, fins et raunceons de tieu laborers se tournent en alleggeance des povres communs, de ce qe ils paieront au roi par reson de lour quinzisme, solonc ce qe est compris en l'ordinance novelement faite, et escrit desouz en cest roule. (fn. ii-225-100-1)||It pleases our lord the king that the excesses, fines and ransoms of such labourers shall be applied to the alleviation of the poor commons, for that which they pay to the king by reason of their fifteenth, as is contained in the newly made ordinance written below in this roll. (fn. ii-225-100-1)|
|19. IX. Item, come la marchacie del hostel nostre seignur le roi ne deveroit avoir conissance de nul plee si noun des choses touchantz l'ostel nostre seignur le roi, et ce de trespas faite deinz la virge; la enparnount ils plees de jour en autre, de terre, dettes, covenantz et trespas, auxi avant de tout le temps piere nostre seignur le roi q'ore est, come en son temps demesne, encontre l'estatut de ce ordeine: et auxint les gentz qe sont hors de la virge, et hors du pais, par billes feyntes qe sont sewiz devers eux sont attachez par les mareschals a la foith, le primer jour sont attachez par biens et chateux a la somme de diz marcs ou de plus, et lendemain reattaches afforfaire touz les chateux qe ils ount deinz la virge, eux nient sachauntz, ne ils ne poont venir a respondre a tieles billes feintes, ou a altres, ensi brief temps; la quele chose est grant oppression au poeple, dont ils priont remedie. Et qe les seneschals et mareschals de la marchacie, ne lour deputez, ne facent altre proces ne execucion qe ne estoit fait en temps de piere nostre seignur le roi, et ses progenitours, et par l'ordinaunce et estatut de ceo en fait. Et si nul face l'encountre, qe penaunce soit ordeine a cest parlement par le roi et son conseil, et par l'avise du piers du roialme.||
[IX. Court of the verge.]
19. IX. Also, whereas the marshalsea of our lord the king's household should have cognisance of no plea except those matters touching our lord the king's household and those concerning trespass made in the verge, pleas have in fact been undertaken there day after day concerning land, debts, covenants and trespass, throughout the time of the father of our present lord the king as well as in his own time, against the statute ordained on this matter; and also people who are outside the verge and outside the area are sometimes attached by the marshals by false bills which are sued against them -- the first day they are attached by goods and chattels to the sum of ten marks or more, and the next they are reattached and must forfeit all the chattels which they have in the verge, without their knowledge -- and they are unable to come to answer such false bills or other items in so brief a time; which matter is a great oppression to the people, wherefore they pray for remedy. And that the stewards and marshals of the marshalsea or their deputies shall not make any other process or execution which was not made in the time of the father of our lord the king and his progenitors, according to the ordinance and statute made concerning this. And that if anyone acts to the contrary, penalty shall be ordained at this parliament by the king and his council and by the advice of the peers of the realm.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Il plest a nostre seignur le roi, qe les estatutz faitz pur son hostiel et sa meigne soient tenuz et gardez en touz points; (fn. ii-225-105-1) et si nul se sent estre greve contre les ditz estatutz, monstre sa grevance, et il enavera reson.||It pleases our lord the king that the statutes made for his household and his retinue shall be held and kept in all points; (fn. ii-225-105-1) and if anyone feels himself aggrieved against the said statutes, he shall explain his grievance and he shall have justice.|
|20. X. Item prie la commune, qe les purveours nostre seignur le roi, mes dames les roignes, monsir le prince, ne les autres enfauntz nostre dit seignur le roi, ne face purveaunce ne prises des vitailles, ne de feyn ne des aveynes pur chivals, qe ne est este ordeine avant ses houres. Et qe si nul face le contrarie, qe la penaunce de ceo ordeine sur lui soit execut. Et qe plese a nostre dit seignur le roi comander, qe tiels purveaunces due paiement en soit fait, en relevement de son poeple, et en eovere de charite.||
20. X. Also, the commons pray: that the purveyors of our lord the king, my ladies the queens, my lord the prince and the other children of our said lord the king shall not make purveyance or prises of victuals, or of hay or oats for horses, other than as has been ordained before this time. And if anyone shall do the contrary, the penalty ordained concerning this shall be carried out against him. And that it may please our said lord the king to command that due payment shall be made for such purveyances, for the relief of his people and by way of charity.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Il plest au roi qe ensi soit, selonc les estatutz et ordinances ent faitz, (fn. ii-225-110-1) si bien des prises pur l'ostel le roi, come des prises al oeps d'autri.||It pleases the king that it shall be so, according to the statutes and ordinances made thereon, (fn. ii-225-110-1) concerning both prises for the king's household and prises to the benefit of others.|
|21. XI. Item supplie la commune, qe .vi. d. deli. .ij. s. de sac, et .xl. d. de tonel de vyn, grantez par les marchauntz pur condut avoir outre la mier pur salver lour vies et marchaundies, (fn. ii-225-112-1) la ou nul condut a nul temps n'estoit, parount les marchauntz ount perduez lour vies et marchandises, a grant deshonur nostre seignur le roi, et anientisement de ses marchauntz, a grant damage de son poeple; qe plese a nostre dit seignur le roi, qe les ditz marchauntz puissent faire lour conduyt demene, pur salvacion de lour vies et marchaundises. Et les custumes susditz cessunt et ne seont mes demaundez.||
[XI. Subsidy on wool, wine and merchandise.]
21. XI. Also, the commons petition: concerning the 6d. in the pound, 2s. per sack and 40d. per tun of wine granted by the merchants for having safe-conduct over the sea in order to protect their lives and merchandises, (fn. ii-225-112-1) where previously there was no safe-conduct at any fixed time, whereby the merchants have lost their lives and merchandises, to the great dishonour of our lord the king and to the destruction of his merchants, to the great damage of his people; may it please our said lord the king that the said merchants may make their own passage, for the protection of their lives and merchandises. And the aforesaid customs should cease and not be demanded.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Le roi s'avisera, et sur ceo les respondra en covenable manere.||The king will consider this further, and answer them in this matter in a suitable manner.|
|22. XII. Item suppliont la dite commune, qe come les marchauntz eont grantez a nostre seignur le roi .xl. s. de sac de leyne, (fn. ii-225-117-1) la quele chose chiet en charge du poeple et nemy des marchauntz; q'il plese a nostre dit seignur le roi, pur relevement de son poeple, qe les ditz .xl. s. ne seont mes demaundez ne levees desorenavant. Et qe commissions ne soent faites sur tieles grantes singulers, s'il ne soit en plein parlement. Et si nul tiel grant soit fait hors du parlement, soit tenuz pur nul; qar par cause des ditz .xl. s. les marchauntz achatent les leynes par taunt le meyns, et les vendont a chier. Et qe touz maners des marchauntz, si bien povers come riches, et sibien des aliens come des ligeaunce nostre seignur le roi, forpris ses enemys, eont fraunche poer de passer ove lour marchandises, saunz estre restrent des marchauntz qe se dient estre marchantz le roi, ou par altre quecumqe singuler, paiaunt au roi ce qe apertent. Et en cas qe il plese a nostre dit seignur le roi, en ceste sa grante necessite, la subsidie de .xl. s. avantdit un demi an ou un an avoir, lui plese a les piers et commune de la terre sa volunte monstrer, en confort de eaux.||
[XII. Wool subsidy.]
22. XII. Also, the said commons petition: that whereas the merchants have granted to our lord the king 40s. for each sack of wool, (fn. ii-225-117-1) which falls as a burden on the people and not on the merchants; may it please our said lord the king, for the relief of his people, that the said 40s. shall not be demanded or levied hereafter. And that commissions shall not be made on such singular grants, except in full parliament. And if any such grant shall be made outside parliament, it shall be considered null and void; because by reason of the said 40s. the merchants buy the wool for so much the less and sell it for more. And that all manner of merchants, both poor and rich, and both aliens and lieges of our lord the king, except his enemies, shall have free power to pass with their merchandises, without being prevented by merchants who call themselves the king's merchants, or by any other individual whatsoever, paying to the king that which is required of them. And in the event that if pleases our said lord the king, in this his great necessity, to have the aforesaid subsidy of 40s. for half a year or a year, may it please the peers and commons of the land to state their will as may be suitable to them.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Porce qe le subsidie fut grante a nostre seignur le roi pur grante necessite, la quele uncore dure, et se monstre plus grant de jour en autre; quele chose monstre a les grantz et communes a ceo parlement assemblez depar nostre seignur le roi, les ditz seignurs et communes de commune assent ont grante a mesme nostre seignur le dit subsidie, a prendre de la feste de Seint Michel preschein avenir tanqe a la fin de deux aunz prescheins suantz.||Because the subsidy was granted to our lord the king as a result of the great necessity which still endures and shows itself more greatly from day to day, which has been demonstrated to the great men and commons assembled at this parliament on behalf of our lord the king, the said lords and commons by common assent have granted to our same lord the said subsidy, to be taken for two years from Michaelmas next coming.|
|23. XIII. Item prie la commune, qe viscontes, eschetours et coroners seont ostez et chaunges d'an en an, solom le purport des estatutz ent ordenez, pur les outrages, charges et extorsions qe'ils fount a poeple. Et qe les ditz officiers qe serront pur temps avenir, eont suffisauntes possessions deinz les countes ou ils serront, de quei respoundre au roi et a son poeple.||
[XIII. Appointment of sheriffs and other officials.]
23. XIII. Also, the commons pray: that sheriffs, escheators and coroners shall be removed and changed from year to year, according to the tenor of the statutes thereon ordained, because of the excesses, charges and extortions which they impose on the people. And that the said officers who shall be appointed in times to come shall have sufficient possessions in the counties where they shall hold office, in order to answer to the king and to his people.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|L'effect de cest peticion fut autrefoithz ottreie et sur ceo estatut fait, et le roi voet qe l'estatut soit tenuz. (fn. ii-225-125-1)||The intention of this petition was formerly agreed and a statute made thereon, and the king wills that the statute shall be upheld. (fn. ii-225-125-1)|
|24. XIIII. Item, pur ce qe < les > chivals nostre seignur le roi sont sovent en diverses countes pur sojourner, et pur les purveaunces pur eux ordeinez les viscontes des ditz countes ou les chivals serront sount ordeinez de paier pur les ditz purveaunces des issues de lour baillie, et sur lour acompte a l'escheqer pur les ditz purveaunces ount plein allouance, et riens ne paiont au pople taunt come ils sount en office ou hors de office, a grant deshonur de roi, et a grant poveriscement du poeple. Qe plese a nostre seignur le roi, qe tiels viscontes ou ministres qe de ceo serrount atteintes, qe punissement soit ordene sur eux en cest parlement.||
[XIIII. Purveyance for the king's horses.]
24. XIIII. Also, because our lord the king's horses are often lodged in various counties, and as regards the purveyances ordained for them, the sheriffs of the said counties where the horses are have been ordered to pay for the said purveyances from the issues of their bailiwicks, and they have full allowance on their account at the exchequer for the said purveyances, yet they pay nothing to the people whether they are in office or out of office, to the great dishonour of the king and to the great impoverishment of the people. May it please our lord the king, in cases where such sheriffs or officials shall be attainted of this, that punishment shall be ordered against them in this parliament.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Soit proclamacion fait en chescun conte, en presence d'un prodhomme a ceo depute par le roi, qe touz ceux qe se vorront pleindre de nounpaiement pur coustages des tieu chivalx, viegnent devant le tresorer, et lui monstrent le temps de la prise de tieu costages, et le [col. b] temps de quel viscont, et de la summe due; et il lui enfra paiement estre fait ove ses damages.||Proclamation shall be made in each county, in the presence of one law-worthy man appointed to this by the king, that all those who wish to complain about non-payment for the costs of such horses shall come before the treasurer and tell him when these expenses were incurred, and during [col. b] the office of which sheriff, and the sum due; and he will arrange for payment to be made to him, with damages.|
|25. XV. Item prie la commune, qe plese a nostre seignur le roi granter, qe le fee de grantz seals en commune baunk et en baunk le roi, c'estassavoir de chescun brief de juggement .vi. d. soit oste et pardone. Et qe tiels briefs de juggementz puissent estre resceus par viscontes et lour ministres, soutz le seal de justice chief de la place dount ils isseront, come homme fait < en > eire, trelsbastons, en assise, et en oier et terminer. Qar le paiement est ore si grevous pur les briefs de juggement, c'estassavoir pur le meyndre brief qe soit .vi. d. pur le grant seal, et .i. d. pur le seal de justice et .iij. d. pur l'escripture, en destruccion de povere poeple, et a grant arreriscement de profit le roi.||
[XV. Costs of judicial writs.]
25. XV. Also, the commons pray: that it may please our lord the king to grant that the fee for the great seals in the common bench and the king's bench, that is to say for each judicial writ 6d., shall be abolished and pardoned. And that such judicial writs may be received by sheriffs and their officials under the seal of the chief justice of the place where they are issued, as is done in eyre, trailbaston, assize and oyer and terminer. For the payment is now extremely heavy for judicial writs, that is to say for even the smallest writ, 6d. for the great seal, 1d. for the justice's seal, and 3d. for the writing, to the destruction of the poor people and of great detriment to the king's profit.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Il semble au roi qe ceste peticion est nounresonable, et overtement countre l'estatut; (fn. ii-225-135-1) par quoi il ne fet mie de l'ottreire.||It seems to the king that this petition is unreasonable and obviously contrary to the statute; (fn. ii-225-135-1) because of which he will not allow it to be granted.|
|26. XVI. Item prie la dite commune, qe come altrefoith feust ordeigne par estatut, qe nules charteres de pardouns de mort de homme, ne de felonies notories, ne serroient grantez a nulli, si noun en cas ou le roi poist sauver son serement, (fn. ii-225-137-1) nient contresteant cel estatut, diverses chartres ount este grauntez au diverses communes felonues et murdrers, et auxibien en general come en cas especial, et a les uns deux chartres ou treiz, par quoi les maufaisours sount tropesbaudes de mesfaire, en espoir de tieux pardouns avoir, qe son poeple est en grant affray de vivre. Et pur la multitude des tiels chartres les gentz de countees ne osent les malfeisours enditer, a grant esclaundre du roi, et au grant meschief du poeple. Par quoi plese a nostre seignur le roi, qe tiels chartres ne soient desormes grauntes au communs malfesours et mourdrours, ne a nulli, si noun en cas la ou nostre seignur le roi purra sauver son serement et sa conscience: mes tiels communes mesfaisours et mourdrours estoisent a la lei, pur la quiete de sa commune et la pees meintener.||
26. XVI. Also, the said commons pray: that whereas it was formerly ordained by statute that no charters of pardons for homicide or for notorious felonies should be granted to anyone, except in special circumstances in which the king should keep his oath; (fn. ii-225-137-1) notwithstanding this statute, various charters, both general and specific, have been granted to various common felons and murderers, some of them receiving one, two or three charters, by which criminals are greatly emboldened to do wrong, in the hope of having such pardons, so that his people are in great fear of their lives. And as a result of the multitude of such charters the people of the counties do not dare to indict criminals, to the great harm of the king and to the great misfortune of the people. Wherefore may it please our lord the king that henceforth such charters shall not be granted to common criminals and murderers, nor to anyone, except in special circumstances where our lord the king should keep his oath and his conscience; on the contrary, such common criminals and murderers should be dealt with by the law, in order to maintain the peace and quiet of his commonalty.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Il plest au roi de l'ottreire.||It pleases the king to grant this.|
|27. XVII. A nostre seignur le roi prie la commune, qe l'estatut fait a Everwyk, l'an neoffisme, touchant marchandises soit recite et commande de fermement garder par my le roialme, sur les peines contenuz en meismes l'estatut; et adjoustez, qe les marchandz peussent vendre lour marchandises auxibien en reteille come en gros, quele chose serroit grant profit pur nostre seignur le roi et pur tote la commune.||
[XVII. Statute of York.]
27. XVII. To our lord the king; the commons pray: that the statute made at York in the ninth year  concerning merchandises shall be recited and commanded to be strictly kept throughout the realm, on the penalties contained in the same statute; and it should be added that the merchants can sell their merchandises both in retail and wholesale, which thing shall be to the great profit of our lord the king and of all the commonalty.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Le respouns de ceste peticion est mis desouz, entre les articles de l'estatut fait a ceo parlement, come apiert desouz en ceo roul. (fn. ii-225-145-1)||The answer to this petition is put below, among the articles of the statute made in this parliament, as appears below in this roll. (fn. ii-225-145-1)|
|28. XVIII. Item prie la commune, qe l'article del estatut de Westmonstier second, sur la defense des ryvers, comprises deinz mesme l'estatut touchant la destruccion des salmonceux et d'autres pesshons, en temps nounduz, (fn. ii-225-147-1) soit commandez de garder en touz pointz, nientcontresteant chartre ou grante fait a l'encontre; et si nulle chartre soit grante a l'encontre soit repellez.||
[XVIII. Catching of young salmon.]
28. XVIII. Also, the commons pray: that the article of the second statute of Westminster, on the defence of rivers, contained in the same statute touching the destruction of young salmon and other fish at the wrong times, (fn. ii-225-147-1) shall be commanded to be kept in all points, notwithstanding any charter or grant made to the contrary; and if any charter shall be granted to the contrary it shall be repealed.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Il plest au roi qe ensi soit, et qe commissions soient faites sur l'estatut ent fait a tote lesfoitz qe homme les voudra suire. Et sur ceo est ordine en ceo parlement, qe touz les gorz, molyns, estaches, en touz les grantz ryvers d'Engleterre soient oustez, come appiert en les articles de l'estatut desouz escrit. (fn. ii-225-150-1)||It pleases the king that it shall be so, and that commissions shall be made on the statute thence made whenever anyone wishes to pursue them. And in addition it is ordained in this parliament that all the gorces, mills and fishing-weirs in all the great rivers of England shall be removed, as appears in the articles of the statute written below. (fn. ii-225-150-1)|
|29. XIX. Item prie la dite commune, qe les graces de la chaunceller pur briefs avoir ne seont desormes si dures ne si estreites come ore ount este de novel: qar homme prent ore en la chauncellerie fyns de chescun maner [p. ii-230][col. a] du briefs, et ceux fyns serront paiez meintenant en la haneper, qe de cea en arere ne estoit fait. Quel chose est si grant damage au poeple, qe gentz ne pount lour droit pursuier qe resone de la grant charge susdite, et en grant arerissement de profit le roi.||
[XIX. Writs in chancery.]
29. XIX. Also, the said commons pray: that the grace of the chancellor for the purpose of having writs shall not hereafter be so harsh or so strict as it has recently been; so that fines are now taken in the chancery for every kind [p. ii-230][col. a] of writ, and these fines are paid immediately into the hanaper, which was not previously done. Which matter is of such great damage to the people because men cannot pursue their right by reason of the aforesaid great charge, to the great detriment of the king's profit.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Il plest au roi qe le chaunceller soit si gracious come il purra bonement sur la grace des briefs, considerant l'estat des persones qe les < purchacent. >||It pleases the king that the chancellor shall be as gracious as he properly can concerning the grace of writs, considering the estate of the people who purchase them.|
|30. XX. Item prie la dite commune, qe come plusours commissions ount este grauntes a plusours gentz avant ces houres pur prendre mereime al oeps nostre seignur le roi, les queux par colour de lour commission abatont et ount abatuz les arbres cressauntz en tour les mansions des gentz de la dite commune, en grant damage, gast et blemissement de lour mansions. Qe plese a nostre seignur le roi, qe desoremes tiels arbres ne seont copez ne pris encontre la volunte des seignurs des ditz mansions. Et qe en les commissions a tiels purveours grantes, tiels arbres soient expressement forpris.||
[XX. Destruction of trees.]
30. XX. Also, the said commons pray: that whereas several commissions have been granted to several men before this time for taking timber to the benefit of our lord the king, who by colour of their commission cut down and have cut down the trees growing round the houses of the people of the said commonalty, to the great damage, waste and ruin of their houses. May it please our lord the king that henceforth such trees shall not be cut or taken against the will of the lords of the said houses. And that such trees shall be expressly excepted in the commissions granted to such purveyors.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Il semble au conseil qe ceste peticion est resonable, et si plest au roi qe celui qe se sent estre greve se pleigne et il avera covenable remedie.||It seems to the council that this petition is reasonable, and (if it pleases the king) that those who consider themselves aggrieved shall complain and have suitable remedy.|
|31. XXI. Item prie la dite commune, qe brief ad capiendum excommunicatum ne soit graunte par significacion de evesqe, avant ceo qe scire facias soit suy devers la partie, q'il puisse avoir son response si la cause soit de lay fee ou de lay contract, ou de espirituelte.||
[XXI. Writs ad capiendum excommunicatum.]
31. XXI. Also, the said commons pray: that a writ of ad capiendum excommunicatum shall not be granted by authority of a bishop before scire facias is sued against the party, so that he may have his answer if the case concerns lay fee or lay contract or spirituality.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Pur ceo qe ceste peticion est sibien encontre la ley de la terre come de seinte eglise, il semble au conseil q'ele ne doit estre ottroie.||Because this petition is both against the law of the land and against holy Church, it seems to the council that it should not be granted.|
|32. XXII. Item, quant lettre d'escomyngement est mys countre partie de lui faire nient responable, qe la partie eit son respons si la cause soit par ley contract ou de espirituelte.||
[XXII. Answer to the party against whom a letter of excommunication is brought.]
32. XXII. Also, when a letter of excommunication is brought against a party in order to prevent him from responding, that the party shall have his answer if the case concerns lay contract or spirituality.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer]|
|Purce qe ceste peticion est nounresonable, il semble au roi et a son conseil q'ele n'est mie a granter.||Because this petition is unreasonable, it seems to the king and his council that it should not be granted.|
|33. XXIII. Item prient ses marchauntz, come nostre seignur le roi maunda ses briefs al Seint Michel, l'an vint et tierce, (fn. ii-225-172-1) a les portes d'Engleterre, qe nules leynes ne dussent passer s'ils ne apprestassent a nostre dit seignur le roi .ij. marcz al sac, outre la custume et subsidie; q'ils deussent de lour apprest faire endentures entre les custumers le roi et les marchauntz enseales del un foile del coket; et par vertue de dit brief ils dussent avoir allouance de lour apprest de les primers leynes q'ils voudrent eskipper: des queles summes d'aprest les ditz marchauntz ne poent nul allouance avoir, a grant damage et arerissement de eux. Sur quoi prie les ditz marchauntz, qe remedie lour soit fait sur la tenure de dist brief; et q'ils puissent avoir brief de novel de faire allouance.||
[XXIII. Loan on wool exports.]
33. XXIII. Also, his merchants pray: that whereas our lord the king sent his writs to the ports of England at Michaelmas in the twenty-third year, (fn. ii-225-172-1) to the effect that no wool should pass if they had not paid our said lord the king 2 marks for each sack beyond the custom and subsidy; that concerning their loan they should make indentures between the king's customs officers and the merchants sealed with one half of a cocket; and that by virtue of the said writ they should have allowance of their loan from the first wool which they wish to ship; concerning which sums from the loans the said merchants are unable to have any allowance, to their great damage and detriment. Wherefore the said merchants pray that remedy shall be ordained according to the tenor of the said writ; and that they may have a new writ to make allowance.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Wauter de Chiriton estoit fermer des custumes le roi, et il fut partie au bargayne et nul autre, et il en ad sur son acount en rendu due allouance.||Walter Chiriton was tax-farmer of the king's customs and he was party to the agreement and no other, and he had due allowance on his account and return.|
|34. XXIIII. Item prie la commune, pur ceo qe les justices assignes en counteez pur oier et terminer oppressions, trespas, et mesfaitz, et les justices, ore de novel, gentz qe sont devant eux empesches et tendont fyn resonable pur le trespas dount ils sont empesches et acuses, et ils ne les volent accepter, mes en lour absence mettont tiels outrajouses fyns qe les gentz du countez sont a poy destruitz et anientez, et tiels fynes james de toutes lour terres ne pount estre levez; qe plese a nostre seignur le roi, qe tiels fyns seont resonables, et mys en certein par les ditz justices, chivalers et gentz du counte, et nomement en presence de partie s'il voudront venir.||
[XXIIII. Fines by the king's justices.]
34. XXIIII. Also, the commons pray: because justices are assigned in the counties to hear and determine oppressions, trespasses and crimes, and the justices now offer reasonable fine to people who are impeached before them for the trespasses of which they are impeached and accused, and they do not wish to accept them, but in their absence apply such outrageous fines that the people of the counties are almost destroyed and ruined, and such fines can never be levied from all their lands; may it please our lord the king that such fines shall be reasonable and clarified by the said justices, knights and people of the county, and specifically in the presence of the party if he wishes to come.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Le roi voet qe les justices preignent les fynes en presence des parties qe les deivent faire, et de lour acort, et nemy en lour absence.||The king wills that the justices shall take fines in the presence of the parties who ought to make them, and with their agreement, and not in their absence.|
|35. XXV. Item prie la commune, pur les grandes extorcions et oppressions qe l'erchedekenes, officials et lour deputez prenont pour prove de testamentz, de ascun testament .c. s. .x. marcz, .xx. marcz; et auxint outrajouses summes pur penaunce peccuniere; qe pleise a nostre seignur le roi, qe remedie soit ordine qe mes tiele charge ne courge sur le poeple, en destruccion de eux.||
[XXV. Costs of probate.]
35. XXV. Also, the commons pray: as regards the great extortions and oppressions which archdeacons, officials and their deputies take for probate of wills, for each will 100s., 10 marks, 20 marks, and also outrageous sums as monetary penalties; may it please our lord the king that remedy shall be ordained so that no such charge is demanded of the people, to their destruction.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Soit la ley sur ceo use come devant, sibien la ley de seinte eglise come la ley de la terre.||The law in this matter shall be followed as before, both the law of holy Church and the law of the land.|
|36. XXVI. Item prie la commune, qe ceux qe apportent le faux mone d'or et d'argent en Engleterre, et ascunes persones avant ces houres ount este enditez et ount chartre de pardoun, qe tiele chartre de pardoun ne soit grante desore enavant; < et qe ceux qi desorenavant > de tiel apport seront atteintz eient lour penance selonc ceo qe la ley demaunde.||
[XXVI. Pardons to those importing false money.]
36. XXVI. Also, the commons pray: that those who bring false money of gold and silver into England, and any persons before this time who have been indicted of this and have a charter of pardon, that such charter of pardon shall not be granted hereafter; and that those who hereafter shall be attainted of such imports shall have their penalty as the law demands.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Il plest au roi qe ensi soit, aussibien de ceux qi le font, come de ceux qi le portent ou ont porte en la terre; et qe nul tiele chartre soit desore grante.||It pleases the king that it shall be so, concerning both those who make it and those who carry or have carried it into the land; and that no such charter shall be granted henceforth.|
|37. XXVII. Item prie la commune, qe de peals de leyne des berbiz, hogets, agnels, qe soleient doner a custume pur le .c. .xl. d. au roi; et fount les custumers de .ccc. un sac de leyne, et parnount pur la custume .iij. marcz et demi, come pur un sac de leyne, a grant oppression du people: de quei ils priount remedie.||
[XXVII. Assessment of woolfells for export.]
37. XXVII. Also, the commons pray: that concerning woolfells of sheep, yearling sheep and lambs, they ought to pay customs of 40d. per 100 to the king; yet the customers make one sack of wool from every 300, and take for the custom 3½ marks, the same as for one sack of wool, to the great oppression of the people; wherefore they pray remedy.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|L'aunciene custume q'ad este use de tut temps ne poet estre subtreite.||The ancient custom which has always been applied cannot be withdrawn.|
|38. XXVIII. Item prie la dite commune, come avant ces houres en parlement ad este assentuz et ordeine, qe une mesure soit par my la terre, et a cella faire et tenir certeins gentz de chescun counte serroient assignes, et qe le tresorer d'Engleterre maundreit en chescun counte un estandard enseale de chescun manere de mesure; (fn. ii-225-197-1) quel chose n'est pas faite, neles ditz estandardes maundes. Pleise a nostre seignur le roi comaunder ore a cest parlement a son dit < tresorer > , de tenir la dite ordinaunce, et maunder sanz delay en chescun counte les dites estandardes, come desus est dit. Et qe les estrikes soient auxibien enseales, come bussels et autres mesures.||
[XXVIII. Weights and measures.]
38. XXVIII. Also, the said commons pray: that whereas before this time it has been agreed and ordained in parliament that there shall be one measure throughout the land, and that certain people from each county should be assigned to enact and maintain this, and that the treasurer of England shall order one stamped standard of each kind of measure in each county; (fn. ii-225-197-1) which has not been done and the said standards have not been ordered. May it please our lord the king to command now in this parliament that his said treasurer observe the said ordinance, and order the said standards in each county without delay, as is aforesaid. And that the strikes shall also be stamped, as well as bushels and other measures.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|L'entencion le roi est q'il est ensi par tout, et s'il ne soit faite ore il voet q'il soit faite.||The king's intention is that it be so everywhere, and if it has not been done he wills that it shall be done.|
|39. XXIX. Item prie la commune, qe par nule bille especiale de singuler persone ne soit nul estatut avant ordenez chaungez, ne altre processe ne soit fait sur l'execucion des estatutz, qe n'ad este faitz et use de cea en arere.||
[XXIX. Alteration of statutes.]
39. XXIX. Also, the commons pray: that no previously ordained statute shall henceforth be changed by any special bill from an individual person, nor shall any other process which has not previously been made or used in such cases be allowed with respect to the execution of statutes.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|Soit l'entencion de ceste peticion declare countre le preschein parlement.||The intention of this petition shall be declared in preparation for the next parliament.|
|40. XXX. Plese a nostre seignur le roi et a son conseil ordeigner, qe l'office de l'aunage puisse estre use et meigntene peisiblement, en manere come soleit en temps de saine memoire Henri nadgaires roi d'Engleterre, et en temps sire Edward fitz au dit Henri et roi proschein ensuant, come pleinement est contenu et enrolle en la chauncellerie, pur la grant defaut q'est trove communement en draps faites auxibien en Engleterre come aillours, qe ne tenent droite mesure ne en longure ne en laieure, a grant damage de nostre seignur le roi, et de touz autres grantz seignurs, et de tote la comunalte de roialme. Cestes choses plese a nostre dit seignur et a [p. ii-231][col. a] son conseil parfaire, en eiant regard a commun profit de sa terre, et nient a singuler profit de drapers.||
[XXX. Office of alnager.]
40. XXX. May it please our lord the king and his council to ordain that the office of alnager may be practised and maintained peacefully in the manner accustomed in the reign of Henry, former king of England, of good memory, and in the time of the lord Edward, son to the said Henry and the next king, as is fully contained and enrolled in the chancery, as a result of the great fault which is commonly found in cloth made both in England and elsewhere, which does not observe the correct measure in either length or width, to the great damage of our lord the king and of all other great lords, and of the whole commonalty of the realm. May it please our said lord the king and [p. ii-231][col. a] his council to accomplish these things, considering the common profit of his land and not the individual profit of drapers.
|[editorial note: Responsio.]||[editorial note: Answer.]|
|La response de ceste peticion piert en les articles de l'estatut desouz escrites. (fn. ii-225-210-1)||The answer to this petition appears in the articles of the statute written below. (fn. ii-225-210-1)|
|Et le brief fait sur mesme la peticion en temps l'ael nostre seignur le roi apiert en la dorse de ceste roul. (fn. ii-225-212-1)||And the writ concerning the same petition made in the time of our lord the king's grandfather appears on the dorse of this roll. (fn. ii-225-212-1)|
|L'estatut des enfantz nez pardela des marchandises vendre etc.||The statute concerning children born overseas, selling merchandises etc.|
|41. Nostre seignur le roi, a son parlement tenuz a Westm' a les octaves de la purificacion de nostre dame, l'an de son regne d'Engleterre vintisme quint, et de France douszisme, consideraunt les grantz meschiefs et damages qe sont avenuz au poeple de son roialme d'Engleterre, sibien pur ceo qe les estatutz devant ces heures ordinez n'ont mie este tenuz et gardez come ils deveroient, come par cause de la pestilence mortiele qe nadgairs dura; et veullant purvoier, au quiete et commune profit de son poeple, sur ceo remedie covenable, par assent des prelatz, countes, barons et autres grantz, et tote la commune de son dit roialme, au dit parlement somons, ad ordine et establi les choses souz escrites. C'estassaver, porceo qe ascunes gentz estoient en awere, si les enfauntz nez es parties de dela dehors la ligeance d'Engleterre serroient hables a demander heritage deinz mesme la ligeance ou nemie, de quoi peticion fut mise autrefoitz en parlement tenuz a Westm' l'an nostre dit seignur le roi disseptisme, et ne fut mie a teu temps en tout assentu, nostre dit seignur le roi veulliant qe totes doutes et aweres fuissent oustes, et la lei en ceo cas declare et mise en certeine, fist charger les prelatz, countes, barons et autres sages de son conseil, assemblez a ceo parlement, a faire deliberacion sur cel point. Les queux d'un assent ont dit, qe la lei de la corone d'Engleterre est, et ad este touz jours tiele, qe les enfantz des rois d'Engleterre, queu part q'ils soient nez, en Engleterre ou aillours, sont hables et deivent porter heritage apres la mort lour auncestres; laquele lei nostre seignur le roi, les ditz prelatz, countes, barons et autres grantz, et tote la commune, assemblez el dit parlement, approevent et afferment pur touz jours. Et endroit des autres enfantz nez hors de la ligeance d'Engleterre en temps de nostre dit seignur le roi, si sont ils uniement acordez, qe A. B. C. etc. qi nasqirent pardela hors de la ligeance d'Engleterre, soient desore hables d'aver et enjoyer lour heritages apres la mort lour auncestres totes partz deinz la ligeance d'Engleterre, siavant come ceux qi nasqirent deinz mesme la ligeance. Et qe touz les enfantz heriters qe serront nez desore hors la ligeance le roi, des queux enfantz les piere et miere au temps du nestre sont et serront a la foi et de la ligeance du roi d'Engleterre, eient et enjoyent mesme les benefitz et avantage d'aver et porter heritage deinz la dite ligeance, come les autres heriters avantditz en temps avenir; issint totefoitz, qe les miers de tieux enfantz passent la miere par conge et volunte de lour barons. Et si allegge soit contre nul tiel nee pardela, q'il est bastard, en cas ou l'evesqe doit aver conissance de bastardie, soit mande a l'evesqe du lieu la ou la demande est, de certifier la court le roi ou le ple ent pent, sicome auncienement ad este use en cas de bastardie allegge contre ceux qi nasqirent en Engleterre. (fn. ii-225-215-1)||41. Our lord the king, at his parliament held at Westminster on the octave of the Purification of Our Lady in the twenty-fifth year of his reign of England and the twelfth of France , considering the great misfortunes and damages which have come upon the people of his realm of England, both because the statutes ordained before this time have not been held and kept as they should have been and because of the deadly pestilence which lately endured, and wishing to provide suitable remedy in this matter for the peace and common profit of his people, by assent of the prelates, earls, barons and other great men and of all the commons of his said realm summoned to the said parliament, has ordained and established the points written below. That is to say, because some people were in doubt whether the children born in overseas parts outside the allegiance of England should be able to demand inheritance within the same allegiance or not, on account of which a petition was formerly put in the parliament held at Westminster in the seventeenth year of our lord the king and was not at such time completely agreed, our said lord the king, wishing that all doubts and uncertainties were removed and the law in this case declared and clarified, commanded the prelates, earls, barons and other wise men of his council assembled at this parliament to make deliberation on this point. Who said with one assent that the law of the crown of England is, and has always been, such that the children of English kings, wherever they were born, in England or elsewhere, are able to and ought to have inheritance after the death of their progenitors; which law our lord the king, the said prelates, earls, barons and other great men and all the commons assembled at the said parliament approved and affirmed forever. And as for other children born outside the allegiance of England during the reign of our said lord the king, they are unanimously agreed that A. B. C. etc. who were born overseas outside the allegiance of England should henceforth be able to have and enjoy their inheritances after the death of their progenitors in all parts within the allegiance of England, as completely as those who were born within the same allegiance. And that all the child heirs who henceforth shall be born outside the king's allegiance, whose father and mother at the time of the birth are and at that time shall be of the allegiance of the king of England, shall have and enjoy the same benefits and advantage of having and bearing inheritance in the said allegiance as other aforesaid heirs in times to come; always provided that the mothers of such children cross the sea by the leave and will of their husbands. And if it shall be alleged against anyone born overseas that he is a bastard, in cases where the bishop ought to have jurisdiction over bastardy, the bishop of the place where this is claimed shall be ordered to certify in the king's court where the plea is pending, as has been the custom in the past in cases of bastardy alleged against those who were born in England. (fn. ii-225-215-1)|
|42. Item acorde est et assentuz, qe tote manere de draps vendables qe serront venduz pur entiers draps en Engleterre, en qi meyns des marchauntz du roialme d'Engleterre ou autres meisme le roialme il soent trovetz, soient aunes par l'auneour le roi et ses deputes, en toutez cites, burghs et autres villes deinz fraunchise et dehors, sibien en la cite de Londres come aillours; et qe touz les draps qe serront trovez de meindre mesure par un aune qe de l'assise contenuz en l'estatut de Norhampton', par quele est ordeigne, 'qe la longure de chescun drape de rai serra mesure par une corde de sept aunes, quatrefoitz mesure par la liste; et la leure [col. b] de chescun drape de rai sis quarters de lee mesure par l'aune. Et des draps de colour, la longure soit mesure par le dos par une corde des sis alnes et demi, quatrefoitz mesure, et la leeure sis quarters et demy mesure par l'aune, saunz defoler les draps,' (fn. ii-225-217-1) soient arestuz et forfaitz au roi, et qe l'auneour les delivere au garderober le roi par endenture, nient contresteant fraunchise, usage ou privilege fait as cites, burghs ou a quecumqe persone du roialme d'Engleterre acontraire. Et soit l'auneour le roi jure de faire son office bien et loialment; et en cas q'il soit ent trove en defaute, et de ceo soit atteint devant les gardeins des feires, ou mairs, baillifs de lieus, ou le drape serra achate, ou autres juges de tenir les plees illoeqs, ou devant autres queux nostre seignur le roi a ceo assignera, eit la prisone d'un an, et soit reint a la volunte le roi, et ouste de son office pur touz jours. Et respoigne l'auneour sibien pur ses deputes come pur lui meismes. Et auxint acorde est et establie, qe chescun achatour de tiel drape, ou autre qe vorra suer qe le dit auneour ad fait fraude ou deceit en son office, et la fauxine soit notoriment trove et conue a sa seute, eit la moite de ceo qe serra issint forfait, ou le pris de doun le roi, et le roi l'autre moite. Et qe chescun achatour de tiel drape, apres ceo q'il soit acorde du pris ove le vendour, puisse fraunchement auner le dit drape a sa volunte, a saverinon s'il soit d'assise ou nemie, avant q'il eit paie ses deniers, tote soit il qe le seal l'auneour y soit mys. Et si l'achatour troeve defaute apres l'achate, monstre cele defaute au mair et baillif du lieu, ou gardeins de la feire ou marche, et si defaute soit trove notoriment devant eux, soit le drape forfait au roi, et seisi en la main le roi par les ditz mair et baillifs, ou gardeins de la faire ou marche, et demurge en lour garde; et meismes les mair et baillifs ou gardeins certifiont au chaunceller de mesme la forfaiture, a la seute l'achatour, ou d'autri qe vorra faire la dite seute, sanz rien prendre de lui. Et le chaunceller, eue cele certificacion, mande brief as ditz mair et baillifs ou gardeins, a deliverer a celui qi ensi avera sievy l'une moite de la forfaiture, et de sauver l'autre moite al oeps le roi. Et si les mair et baillifs ou gardeins refusent de faire execucion de ceste acorde en la manere avantdite, soient puniz par fyn et ranceon quant ils serront de ceo atteintz, si bien a la sieute nostre seignur le roi, come a la seute de partie. Et qe ceste article se comence de tenir lieu le primer jour de Septembre preschein avenir; et qe les marchauntz et autres q'ont draps avendre se puissent deliverer fraunchement des draps q'ils ount entre meins en le mene temps. (fn. ii-225-217-2)||42. Also, it is agreed and assented that all manner of saleable cloths which shall be sold as full cloths in England, in the hands of whichever merchants of the realm of England or others of the same realm they shall be found, shall be measured by the king's alnager and his deputies in all the cities, boroughs and other vills inside as well as outside franchises, in the city of London as elsewhere; and that all the cloths which shall be found of smaller measure by one ell than of the assize contained in the Statute of Northampton, by which it was ordained 'that the length of each cloth of ray should be measured by a rope of 7 ells, measured four times within the selvage; and the width [col. b] of each striped cloth 6 quarters wide measured by the ell; and concerning coloured cloth, the length shall be measured along the back by a rope of 6½ ells, measured four times, and the width 6½ quarters measured by the ell, without defiling the cloths', (fn. ii-225-217-1) shall be siezed and forfeited to the king, and that the alnager shall deliver them to the king's wardrobe by indenture, notwithstanding any franchise, custom or privilege made to cities, boroughs or to any person of the realm of England to the contrary. And the king's alnager shall swear to do his office well and loyally; and in the event that he shall be found in default, and shall be attainted of this before the wardens of fairs, mayors or bailiffs of the places where the cloths shall be bought, or other judges holding the pleas there, or before others assigned to this by our lord the king, he shall be imprisoned for one year and shall be released at the king's will, and shall be removed from his office forever. And the alnager shall be answerable for his deputies as well as for himself. And it is also agreed and established that each buyer of such cloth, or other who wishes to sue that the said alnager has committed fraud or deceit in his office, the fraud having been clearly established and known at his suit, shall have one half of that which shall be thus forfeited, or the value at the king's gift, and the king shall have the other half. And that each buyer of such cloth, after he shall have agreed the price with the seller, may freely measure the said cloth at his will, to know whether or not it is of the assize, before he pays his money, albeit that the alnager's stamp has been put there. And if the buyer finds fault after the purchase, he shall show this fault to the mayor and bailiff of the place or to the wardens of the fair or market, and if fault shall be clearly found before them the cloth shall be forfeited to the king and siezed into the king's hands by the said mayor and bailiffs or the wardens of the fair or market, and shall remain in their custody; and the same mayor and bailiffs or wardens shall certify the same forfeiture to the chancellor at the suit of the buyer or of others who wish to make the said suit, without anything being taken from him. And the chancellor, having such certification, shall issue a writ to the said mayor and bailiffs or wardens to deliver one half of the forfeiture to the person who has thus sued, and to reserve the other half to the king's benefit. And if the mayor and bailiffs or wardens refuse to execute this agreement in the aforesaid manner, they shall be punished by fine and ransom whenever they are attainted of this, whether at the suit of our lord the king or at the suit of party. And that this article shall begin to take force on 1 September next coming; and that the merchants and others who have cloths to sell may deal freely with those cloths which they have in hand in the meantime. (fn. ii-225-217-2)|
|43. Item come contenu soit en un estatut fait a Everwyk, l'an du regne nostre dit seignur le roi neofisme, 'qe touz marchantz, aliens et denizeins, et touz autres, et chescun de eux, de quel estat ou condicion q'ils soient, qe achater ou vendre voillent blees, vins, aver de poys, chars, pesson et totes autres vivres et vitailles, leines, draps, merces, marchandises et tote manere d'autres choses vendables, de quel part q'ils viegnent, par foreins ou par deniszeins, a quel lieu qe ceo soit, soit il burgh, ville, port du meer, feire, marche ou autre lieu deinz mesme le roialme, deinz fraunchise ou dehors, les puissent fraunchement et sanz destourber vendre a qi qe lour plest, auxibien a foreins come a denzeins, forpris les enemis de nostre seignur le roi et de son roialme'; (fn. ii-225-219-1) acorde est par nostre dit seignur le roi, prelatz, countes, barons et touz autres grantz et communes en ceste present parlement qe le dit estatut en touz pointz et articles contenuz en y cele soit tenuz, garde et meintenuz. Et qe si nul estatut, chartre, lettre patente, proclamacion ou mandement, usage, allouance ou juggement soit fait a contraire soit overtement repelle, anienti et tenuz pur null. Et outre ceo, qe chescun marchaunt ou autre, de quele condicion q'il soit, auxibien alien come denzein, qe [p. ii-232][col. a] amesne vins, chars, pesson ou autre manere des vitailles, draps, peaux ou aver de poys ou quecumqes autres merces ou marchandises a la cite de Loundres ou as autres cites, burghs et bones villes d'Engleterre ou portz du meer, les puyt fraunchement et saunz chalange ou empeschement de nulli vendre en groos ou a [editorial note: This letter has been inserted later but in a contemporary hand.] retaille ou par parcelles, a sa volunte, as quecumqes gentz qe les voudrent achater, nient contresteant quecumqes fraunchises, graunte ou custume, use ou quecumqes autres choses faitz a contrarie, desicome qe tiels fraunchises et usages sont en commune prejudice du roi, et de tut son poeple. Et qe nul mair, baillif, cachepol, ministre ne nul autre, se melle de la vende de nulle manere des vitailles vendables, menetz ou portes as cites, burghs, n'autres villes, ne feire, ne marche fors soulement celui a qi les vitailles sont. Et qe proclamacion ent soit fait de novele en touz les countes d'Engleterre, et en la cite de Londres, et en touz autres cites, burghs, bones villes, portz de meer et aillours deinz le roialme d'Engleterre ou mester serra. Et qe nostre dit seignur le roi sur ceo face assigner ses justices totes foitz qe lui plerra, et mester soit d'enquere de touz ceux qe vendrent, et riens facent al encontre, et de les punire selonc la peine contenue en mesme l'estatut fait l'an neofisme. Et qe chescun qe vorra suer devers nul tiel eit brief de la chauncellerie de lui attacher par son corps come destourbour de commune profit, de lui faire ent venir a respons en la court le roi. (fn. ii-225-219-2)||43. Also, whereas it is contained in a statute made at York in the ninth year of the reign of our lord the king  'that all merchants, aliens and denizens, and all others, and each of them, of whatever estate or condition they may be, who wish to buy or sell corn, wine, avoirdupois, meat, fish and all other flesh and victuals, wool, cloths, wares, merchandises and all manner of other saleable items, from whatever part they come, foreign or denizen, wherever this may be, whether it is a borough, vill, sea port, fair, market or other place in the same realm, inside as well as outside the franchise, they may freely and without disturbance sell to whomsoever they please, both foreign and denizen, except the enemies of our lord the king and of his realm': (fn. ii-225-219-1) it is agreed by our said lord the king, the prelates, earls, barons and all other great men and commons in this present parliament that the said statute shall be upheld, kept and maintained in all points and articles contained in the same. And that if any statute, charter, letter patent, proclamation or command, custom, allowance or judgment shall be made to the contrary it shall be publicly repealed, cancelled and treated as null. And moreover, that each merchant or other person, of whatever condition he may be, whether alien or denizen, who [p. ii-232][col. a] brings wine, meat, fish or other manner of victuals, cloths, hides or avoirdupois or any other wares or merchandises whatsoever to the city of London or to other cities, boroughs and good vills of England or sea ports, may freely and without challenge or impeachment from anyone sell them wholesale or retail or by portions at his will to any people whatsoever who wish to purchase them, notwithstanding any franchises, grant or custom, usage or anything else whatsoever made to the contrary, inasmuch as such franchises and customs are to the common detriment of the king and of all his people. And that no mayor, bailiff, arresting officer, official or any other person shall concern himself with the sale of any manner of saleable victuals brought or carried to cities, boroughs or other vills, or to a fair or market except in cases where the victuals are their own. And that proclamation shall thereon be newly made in all the counties of England and in the city of London and in all other cities, boroughs, good vills, sea ports and elsewhere within the realm of England where necessary. And that our said lord the king should assign his justices in this matter whenever it pleases him and is necessary, to inquire into all those who sell and do anything to the contrary, and to punish them according to the penalty contained in the same statute made in the ninth year; and that each person who wishes to sue against any such person shall have a writ from the chancery to attach him by his body as a disturber of the common profit, in order to make him come to answer in the king's court. (fn. ii-225-219-2)|
|44. Acorde est auxint et establie, qe les forstallours des vins et des vitailles, et des totes autres merces et marchandises qe viegnent as les bones villes par terre ou par eawe, en damage nostre seignur le roi et de son poeple, si de ceo soient atteintz, a la seute le roi ou de partie, devant mair, baillifs ou justices a ceo assignetz, ou aillours en la court le roi. Et s'il soit atteint a la seute le roi par enditement ou en autre manere, soient les choses forstalles forfaitz au roi si l'achatour ent eit fait gre au vendor, et s'il n'eit fait gree de tut mes par arres, encorge l'achatour la forfaiture de taunt come les biens forstalles amontont solonc la value q'il les avera achate, s'il eit de quei, et s'il n'et, adonqes eit la prisone de deux anz et pluis a la volunte le roi, sanz estre lesse a meinprise ou delivers en autre manere. Et s'il soit atteint a la seute de partie, eit la partie la moite des tiels choses forstalles et forfaitz, ou le pris de doun le roi, et le roi l'autre moite. (fn. ii-225-221-1)||44. It is also agreed and established in cases where forestallers of wines and victuals and of all other wares and merchandises who come to the good vills by land or by water, to the damage of our lord the king and his people, and are attainted of this at the suit of the king or of the party before the mayor, bailiffs or justices assigned to this, or elsewhere in the king's court: that if they are attainted at the suit of the king by indictment or in other manner, the forestalled items shall be forfeited to the king if the buyer has made payment to the seller for them, and if he has not made payment for everything by ready money, the buyer shall incur the forfeiture of the value of the forestalled goods, if he has the means, and if he does not then he shall be imprisoned for two years and more at the king's will without being let to mainprise or released in any other manner; and if he shall be attainted at the suit of party, the party shall have one half of such forestalled and forfeited items, or the value at the king's gift, and the king shall have the other half. (fn. ii-225-221-1)|
|45. Item, pur ceo qe communes passages des neofs et bateux en les grantz rivers d'Engleterre si sount soventfoithz destourbes par les lever des gortz, molyns, estanks, estaches et kideux, en grant damage du poeple; acorde est et establi, qe touz tiels gortes, molyns, estankes, estaches et kideux, qe sont levez et mis en temps le roi l'ael, et puis en cea, en tiels rivers, par queux les neofs et bateux sont destourbez q'ils ne poent passer come ils soleint, soient oustes et nettement abatuz sanz estre relevez. Et soit sur ceo brief mande a viscounts des lieus ou mester serra, de surveer et d'enquere et defaire ent execucion. Et auxint qe justices soient sur ceo assignes as totes les foithz q'il bosoignera. (fn. ii-225-223-1)||45. Also, because the free passage of ships and boats in the great rivers of England is often disrupted by the raising of gorces, mills, weirs, stakes and kiddles, to the great damage of the people, it is agreed and established that all such gorces, mills, weirs, stakes and kiddles which were raised and placed in such rivers in the time of the king's grandfather and thereafter, by which ships and boats are disturbed so that they cannot pass as they are accustomed, shall be removed and completely demolished without being rebuilt. And a writ shall be issued in this matter to sheriffs of places where it shall be necessary, to survey and inquire and execute the same. And also that justices shall be assigned in this matter whenever necessary. (fn. ii-225-223-1)|
|L'estatut de reservacions et provisions.||The statute of reservations and provisions.|
|46. Come jadiz en le parlement de bone memoire sire Edward roi d'Engleterre, ael nostre seignur le roi q'ore est, l'an de son regne trentisme quint, a Kardoill tenuz, oie la peticion mys devant le dit ael et son conseil en le dit parlement par la communalte de son roialme, contenant, qe come seinte eglise d'Engleterre estoit founde en estat de prelatie deinz le roialme d'Engleterre par le dit ael et ses progenitours, et countes, barons et nobles de son roialme, et lour auncestres, pur eux et le poeple enfourmer de la lei de Dieu, et pur faire hospitalites, almoignes et autres oevrs de charite, es [col. b] lieus ou les esglises feurent foundez pur les almes des foundours et de lour heirs, et de touz Cristiens, et certeins possessions, tant en feez, terres et rentes, come en avowesons, qi se extendent a grant value, par les ditz foundours feurent assignez as prelatz et autres gentz de seinte eglise du dit roialme pur cele charge sustenir, et noemement des possessions qe feurent assignez as ercevesqes, evesqes, abbes, priours, religious et autres gentz de seinte eglise par les rois du dit roialme, countes, barons et autres nobles de son roialme, mesmes les rois, contes, < barons > < et nobles, come > seignurs et avowes eussent, et aver deussent, la garde de tieles voidances, et les presentementz et collacions des benefices esteantz des tiels prelaties; et les ditz rois en temps passe soleint avoir la greinure partie de lour counseux pur la sauvacion du roialme, quant ils en eurent mester, des tieux prelatz et clercs issint avances; le pape de Rome acrochaunt a lui la seigneurie des tiels possessions et benefices, mesmes les benefices dona et granta as aliens qe unqes ne demureront el roialme d'Engleterre, et as cardinalx qe y demurer ne purroient, et as autres tant aliens come denzeins, autrecy come il eust este patron ou avowe des ditz dignitez et benefices, come il ne feust de droit, selonc la lei d'Engleterre. Par les queux s'ils fuissent soeffertz, au peine demurroit ascun benefice en poi de temps el le dit roialme q'il ne serroit es meins des aliens et denzeins par vertue des tiels provisions, contre la bone volunte et disposicion des foundours de meismes les benefices, et issint les elections des ercevesqes, evesqes et autres religious faudroient, et les almoignes, hospitalites et autres oevrs de charite qe serroient faitz es ditz lieux serroient soustretz, le dit ael et autres lays patrons, en temps de tiels voidances perderoient lour presentementz, le dit conseil parireit, et biens sanz noumbre serroient emportez hors du roialme, en adnullacion del estat de seinte eglise d'Engleterre, et desheritisoun del dit ael et des countz, < barons et nobles, > et en offense et destruccion des leies et droitures de son roialme, et grande damage de son poeple, et subversion del estat de tout son roialme susdit, et contre la bone disposicion et volente des primeres fondours; del assent des countes, barons, nobles et tote la dite communalte, a lour instante requeste consideres les errours, < grevances > et damages susdites, en le dit pleniere parlement feust purveu, ordeigne < et establi > [...] qe le ditz grevances, oppressions et damages en mesme le roialme desadonqes mes ne serroient suffertz en ascune manere. Et ja monstre soit a nostre seignur le roi en cest parlement tenuz a Westm' a les < oetaves susdites, > par la grevouse pleinte de tote la commune de son roialme, qe les grevances et meschiefs susdites s'aboundent de temps en temps, a plus grande damage et destruccion de tote le roialme plus qe unqes ne firent; c'estassaver, qe ore de novel nostre seint piere le pape, par procurement des clercs et autrement, ad reserve, et reserve de jour en autre, a sa collacion generalment et especialment sibien < erceveschees, > evesches, abbeies et priories, come toutes dignites et autres benefices d'Engleterre qe sont del avowerie des gentz de seinte eglise, et les donne auxibien as aliens come as denzeins, et prent de touz tiels benefices les primers fruitz et autres profitz plusours; et grande partie del tresore du roialme si est emporte et despendu hors du roialme par les purchaceours des tiels graces. Et auxint par tieles reservacions prives plusours clercs avances en cest roialme par lour verrois patrons, q'ount tenuz lour avancementz peisiblement par long temps, sont sodeinement oustez. Sur quoi la dite commune ad prie a nostre seignur le roi, qe desicome le droit de la corone d'Engleterre et la leie du dit roialme sont tieles, qe sur meschiefs < et damages > qe aviegnent a son [memb. 1] roialme il doit et est tenuz par son serement de l'acorde de son poeple en son parlement faire ent remedie et lei, en oustant les meschiefs et damages q'ency aviegnent, qe lui pleise de ceo ordeiner remedie. Nostre [p. ii-233][col. a] seignur le roi veant les meschiefs et damages susnomeez, et eiant regard au dit estatut fait en temps son < dit > ael, et a les causes contenues en y cele, le quel estatut tient touz jours sa force, et ne feust unqes defait n'anully en nul point, et par taunt est il tenuz par son serement de le faire garder come la lei de son roialme, coment qe par soeffrance et negligence ad este depuis attempte a contraire, et auxint eant regard a les grevouses pleintes a lui faites par son poeple en ses diverses parlementz cea enarere tenuz; voillantz les tresgrantz damages et meschiefs qe sont avenuz et viegnent de jour en autre a l'esglise d'Engleterre par la dite cause remedie ent ordeiner, par assent de touz les grantz et la communalte de son dit roialme, al honour de Dieu et profit de la dite esglise d'Engleterre et de tot son roialme, ad ordeine et establie qe les franches eleccions des ercevesqes, evesqes et totes autres dignitez et benefices electives en Engleterre, se tiegnent desore en manere come eles feurent grantes par les progenitours nostre dit seignur le roi, et par les auncestres des autres seignurs foundez. Et qe touz prelatz et autres gentz de seinte eglise, qi ont avowesons de queconqes benefices des douns nostre seignur le roi et de ses progenitours, ou d'autres seignurs et donurs, pur faire divines services et autres charges ent ordeinez, eient lour collacions et presentmentz franchement en manere come ils estoient feffez par lour donours. Et en cas qe d'ascun erceveschee, eveschee, dignite ou autre queconqe benefice soit reservacion, collacion ou provision faite par la court de Rome, en destourbance des eleccions, collacions ou presentacions susnomez, qe a mesme le temps des voidances qe tiels reservacions, collacions et provisions deussent prendre effect, qe a mesme l'avoidance nostre seignur le roi et ses heirs eient et en joisent pur celle foitz les collacions as ercevesches, evesches et autres dignitez electives qe sont de s'avowerie, au tiels come ses progenitours avoient avant qe franche eleccion fuist grante, desicome les eleccions furent primes grantes par les progenitours le roi sur certeins forme et condicion, come a demander du roi conge d'elire, et puis apres la eleccion d'aver son assent roial, et nemie en autre manere; les queles condicions nient gardees la chose doit par reson resorter a sa primere nature. Et qe si de ascun meson de religion de l'avowerie le roi soit tiele reservacion, collacion ou provision faite, en destourbance de franche eleccion, eit nostre seignur le roi et ses heirs a celle foitz la collacion a doner cele dignite a persone covenable. Et en cas qe reservacion, collacion ou provision soit faite par la court de Rome de nulle eglise, provendre ou autre benefice, qe sont del avowerie des gentz de seinte eglise, dont le roi est avowe paramont immediat, qe a mesme le temps de voidance, a quel temps la reservacion, collacion ou provision devereit prendre effect, come desus est dit, qe le roi et ses heirs de ceo eient le presentement ou collacion a celle foitz; et issint de temps en temps, as totes les foitz, qe tiels gentz de seint eglise serront destourbez de lour presentementz ou collacions par tieles reservacions, collacions ou provisions, come desus est dit. Sauve a eux le droit de lour avowesons et lour presentementz quant nulle collacion ou provision de la court de Rome ent ne soit faite, ou qe les ditz gentz de seinte eglise osent et veullent a mesmes les benefices presenter ou collacions faire, et lour presentes puissent l'effect de lour collacions ou presentmentz enjoier. Et en mesme la manere eit chescun autre seignur, de quele condicion q'il soit, les presentementz ou collacions a les mesons de religion qe sont de s'avowerie, et as benefices de seinte eglise qe sont appurtenantz a mesmes les mesons. Et si tieux avowes ne presentent point a tiels benefices deinz le demy an apres tiels voidances, ne l'evesqe de lieu ne la doun par laps de temps deinz un mois apres le demy an, q'adonqs le roi eit ent les presentementz ou collacions come il ad d'autres de s'avowerie demesne. Et en cas qe les presentez [col. b] le roi, ou les presentes d'autres patrons de seinte esglise, ou de lour avowes, ou ceux as queux le roi ou tielx patrons et avowes susditz averont donez benefices appurtenantz a lour presentementz ou collacions, soient destourbeez par tiels provisours, issint q'ils ne puissent avoir possession des tiels benefices par vertue des presentementz et collacions issint a eux faites, ou qe ceux qi sont en possessions des tieux benefices soient empesches sur lour ditz possessions par tielx provisours, adonqes soient les ditz provisours et lour procuratours, executours et notaires, attachez par lour corps, et mesnes en response; et s'ils soient convictz, demoergent en prisone sanz estre lessez au meinpris, < en baille > ou autrement deliveres, tanq'ils averont fait fyn et redempcion au roi a sa volente, et gree a la partie qe se sentera greve; et nient meins avant q'ils soient delivres facent plein renunciacion, et troevent soefisante seurte q'ils n'attempteront tiele chose en temps avenir, ne nul processe ne siweront par eux ne par autre devers nully en la dite court de Rome, ne nulle part aillours, par nulles tieles emprisonementz ou renunciacions, ne nulle autre chose dependant de eux. Et en cas qe tielx provisours, procuratours, executours et notaires ne soient trovez, qe l'exigende courge devers eux par due processe, et qe briefs issent de prendre lour corps quele part q'ils soient trovez, auxibien a la seute le roi come de partie. Et q'en le meen temps le roi eit les profitz des tieles benefices < issint occupez par tielx provisours, forpris abbeies, priories et autres mesons q'ont college ou covent; et en tiels mesons eient les covent et colleges les profitz; sauvant totefoitz a nostre seiognur le roi et as autres seignurs, lour aunciene droit. Et eit cest estatut lieu autresibien de reservacions, collacions et provisions, faites et grauntes en temps passe devers touz ceaux qe ne sont unqore adept > corporele possession des benefices a eux grauntes par meismes les reservacions, collacions et provisions, come devers toux autres en temps avenir. Et doit cest estatut tenir lieu commenceant a les oetaves susdites. (fn. ii-225-226-2)||46. Whereas formerly in the parliament of the lord Edward of good memory, king of England, grandfather of our present lord the king, held at Carlisle in the thirty-fifth year of his realm , the petition put before the said grandfather and his council in the said parliament by the commonalty of his realm was heard, (fn. ii-225-226-1) containing that whereas the holy Church of England was founded in the state of a prelacy in the realm of England by the said grandfather and his progenitors, and by the earls, barons and nobles of his realm and their ancestors, for teaching them and the people about God's law, and for performing offerings, alms and other works of charity in [col. b] places where churches were founded for the alms of the founders and their heirs and all Christians; and certain possessions, whether in fees, lands and rents or in advowsons, which amounted to a great value, were assigned by the said founders to prelates and other people of holy Church of the said realm to sustain this charge, especially possessions which were assigned to archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, religious and other people of holy Church by the kings of the said realm and by the earls, barons and other nobles of his realm; the same kings, earls, barons and nobles, as lords and patrons, had and should have the keeping of such vacancies, and the presentations and collations of the benefices existing in such prelacies; and the said kings in past times were accustomed to have the greater part of their councils for the salvation of the realm, when they had need from prelates and clerks advanced by this means; the pope of Rome took for himself the lordship of such possessions and benefices, giving and granting the same benefices to aliens who never dwelt in the realm of England and to cardinals who could not dwell there, and to others, both aliens and denizens, as if he had been patron or protector of the said high offices and benefices, as he had no right to do under the law of England. Had they allowed such things, every benefice in the said kingdom would in a short time have been in the hands of such aliens and denizens by virtue of such provisions, contrary to the good will and disposition of the founders of the same benefices, and the elections of archbishops, bishops and other religious would have been annulled, and the alms, hospitalities and other works of charity which ought to be made at the said places would have been withdrawn, the said grandfather and other lay patrons would have lost their presentations in times of vacancy, the said council would have been disbanded, and goods without number would have been carried out of the realm, to the annulment of the estate of the holy Church of England, and in disinheritance of the said grandfather and of the earls, barons and nobles, and to the offence and destruction of the laws and rights of his realm, and to the great damage of his people and the subversion of the state of all his aforesaid realm, and contrary to the good disposition and will of the first founders. Therefore it was provided, ordained and established in the said full parliament, with the assent of the earls, barons, nobles and all the said commonalty, at their instant request, considering the aforesaid errors, grievances and damages, that the said grievances, oppressions and damages in the same realm henceforth should not be suffered in any manner. And now it has been demonstrated to our lord the king in this parliament [of 1351] held at Westminster on the aforesaid octave, by the grievous complaint of all the commonalty of his realm, that the aforesaid grievances and misfortunes continue to abound, more than ever before, to the very great damage and destruction of all the realm; that is to say that recently our holy father the pope, by the procurement of clerks and otherwise, has reserved and from day to day does reserve to his collation, generally and individually, not only archbishoprics, bishoprics, abbeys and priories but also all the high offices and other benefices of England, that are of the advowson of the people of holy Church, and he gives them both to aliens and to denizens, and he takes from all such benefices the first fruits and many other profits; and a great part of the treasure of the realm is thus exported and spent outside the realm by the purchasers of such favours. And also by such private reservations many clerks advanced in this realm by their true patrons, who have held their advancements peacefully for a long time, are suddenly removed. Wherefore the said commons have prayed our lord the king that, since it is the right of the crown of England and the law of the said realm that when misfortunes and damages come upon his [memb. 1] realm he is obliged, and is required by his oath, to make remedy and law, with the agreement of his people and his parliament, to remove the misfortunes and damages which thus arise, that it may please him to ordain remedy in this matter. Our [p. ii-233][col. a] lord the king, seeing the aforesaid misfortunes and damages and considering the said statute made in the time of his said grandfather and the matters contained in the same, which statute should always hold its force and should never be annulled in any point, and which he is therefore held by his oath to uphold as the law of his realm, and how by sufferance and negligence things have since been attempted to the contrary, and also considering the grievous complaints made to him by his people in his various parliaments held previously; wishing that remedy be ordained thereon for the very great damages and misfortunes which have occurred and happen from day to day to the Church of England by this said reason, by assent of all the great men and the commonalty of his said realm, to the honour of God and the profit of the said Church of England and of his realm, has ordained and established that the free elections of archbishops, bishops and all other elective high offices and benefices in England shall henceforth be held in the manner in which they were granted by the progenitors of our said lord the king and established by the ancestors of the other lords. And that all prelates and other people of holy Church who have advowsons of any benefices whatsoever of the gifts of our lord the king and of his progenitors, or of other lord and donors, for celebrating divine services and other charges thence ordained, shall have their collations and presentations freely in the manner in which they were seised by their donors. And in the event that any archbishopric, bishopric, high office or other benefice whatsoever shall be subject to reservation, collation or provision by the court of Rome, in contravention of the aforesaid elections, collations or presentations, that at the same time as the vacancies of such reservations, collations and provisions shall take effect, our lord the king and his heirs shall have and enjoy at that time the collations to archbishoprics, bishoprics and other elective high offices which are of his advowson, just as his progenitors had them when free election was granted; insofar as the elections were first granted by the king's progenitors under certain forms and conditions, namely, to request the king permission to elect, and then after the election to have his royal assent, and not in any other manner, which conditions not having been kept, the matter should by reason revert to its first condition. And that if such reservation, collation or provision shall be made concerning any religious house of the king's advowson, in contravention of free election, our lord the king and his heirs shall have at that time the collation to give this office to a suitable person. And in the event that a reservation, collation or provision be made by the court of Rome of any church, prebend or other benefice which is of the advowson of people of holy Church, of which the king is acknowledged to be pre-eminent without intermediary, at the same time as the vacancy, at which time the reservation, collation or provision might take effect as is aforesaid, the king and his heirs shall have the presentation or collation on that occasion; so that from time to time, for evermore, such people of holy Church shall be deprived of their presentations or collations by such reservations, collations or provisions, as is aforesaid; saving to them the right of their advowsons and their presentations when no collation or provision of the court of Rome has been made, or when the said people of holy Church dare and wish to present the same benefices or make collations, and their presentees may enjoy the effect of their collations or presentations. And in the same manner each other lord, of whatever condition he may be, shall have the presentations or collations to the religious houses which are of his advowson, and to the benefices of holy Church which belong to the same houses. And if such patrons do not present anyone to such benefices within half a year after such vacancies, nor the bishop of the place give it them by lapse of time within one month after the half year, then the king shall have the presentations or collations as he has others of his own advowson. And in the event that the king's presentees [col. b] or the presentees of other patrons of holy Church, or of their patrons, or those to whom the king or such aforesaid patrons and protectors have given benefices appurtenant to their presentations or collations, shall be disturbed by such provisors, so that they may not have possession of such benefices by virtue of such presentations and collations made to them, or those who are in possession of such benefices shall be impeached concerning their said possessions by such provisors, then the said provisors and their procurators, executors and notaries shall be attached by their bodies, and brought to answer, and if they are convicted, shall remain in prison without being let to mainprise, bail or otherwise released, until they have made fine and redemption to the king at his will, and at the will of the party who feels himself aggrieved; and moreover before they shall be released they shall make full renunciation, and find sufficient security that they will not attempt such a thing in times to come, nor sue any process for them or for another against anyone in the said court of Rome, nor anywhere else, for any such imprisonments or renunciations, nor any other thing dependent on them. And in the event that such provisors, procurators, executors and notaries are not found, exigent shall run against them by due process, and writs shall be issued to take their bodies wherever they shall be found, both at the suit of the king and of the party. And that in the meantime the king shall have the profits of such benefices thus occupied by such provisors, except abbeys, priories and other houses which are colleges or convents; and in such houses the convents and colleges shall have the profits, saving always to our lord the king and to other lords their ancient right. And this statute shall apply to reservations, collations and provisions made and granted in past times against those who never had bodily possession of the benefices granted to them by the same reservations, collations and provisions, and against all others in times to come. And this statute should take effect beginning at the aforesaid octave. (fn. ii-225-226-2)|
|L'estatut d'artificers et servauntz.||The statute concerning craftsmen and servants.|
|47. Come nadgairs, contre la malice des servauntz queux furent perceouse, et nient voillantz servire apres la pestilence sanz trope outrajouses louers prendre, nostre seignur le roi eust ordeigne par assent des prelatz, nobles et autres de son conseil, qe tiels maners des servantz, sibien hommes comme femmes fuissent tenuz de servir, resceivantz salaries et gages acustumes es lieus ou ils deveront servir, l'an du regne le dit nostre seignur le roi vintisme, ou cynk ou sis anz devant, et qe mesmes les servantz refusantz servir par autiele manere fusent puniz par emprisonement de lour corps, sicome en mesme l'ordinance est contenuz plus au plein; sur quei commissions furent faitz as diverses gentz en chescun counte, d'enquere et punir touz ceux qe venissent acontraire. Et ja, par tant qe done est entendre a nostre dit seignur le roi en cest present parlement par la peticion de la commune, qe les ditz servantz, < nient > eaunt regard a la dite ordinance, mes a lour eses et singulers coveitises, se retreent de servir as grauntz ou as autres, s'ils n'eient livereisons et louers au double ou treble de ceo q'ils soleint prendre le dit an vintisme et devant, a grant damage des grantz et empovrissement de touz ceux de la dite commune; dont il estoit prie par mesme la commune de remedie. Par quei en mesme le parlement, par assent des prelatz, countes, barons et autres grauntz, et de la dite commune illoeqes assemblez, pur refreindre la malice des ditz servantz sont ordeignez et establis les choses subescrites, c'estassaver, qe chescun charetter, < caruer, > chaceour des carues, bercher, porcher, deye, et touz autres servantz, preignent livereisons et louers acustumez le dit an vintisme, et < a quatre ou > treiz anz devaunt; issint q'en pais ou furment soleit estre done, preignent pur le bussell .x. d. ou furment a la volunte le donour, tanqe autrement soit [p. ii-234][col. a] ordeigne. Et qe ils soient allouez de servir par l'an entier, ou autres termes usuels, et nemie par journes. Et qe nul preigne en temps de sarcler ou feyns faire forsqe .i. d. le jour; et fauchours des prees pur l'acre .v. d. ou par lajourne .v. d.; et siours des blees, en la primer semaigne d'Augst .ij. d. et en la secunde .iij. d. et issint tanqe au fyn d'Augst, et meyns en pais ou il soleit estre done, sanz manger ou autre curtesie demaunder, doner ou prendre. Et qe tiels overours portent overtement en lour meins as villes marchauntz lour instrumentz, et illoeqs soient louez, en lieu commune et nemie prive. Item, qe nul preigne pur le batre d'un quarter de frument ou sigle outre .ij. d. obole; et pur le quarter d'orge, feves, poys et aveines .i. d. obole si taunt soleit estre done. Et en pais ou homme soleit sier pur certeins garbes, et batre pur certeins bussels, ne preigne plus, n'en autre manere, q'il soleit le dit an vintisme et devant. Et qe mesmes les servantz soient sermentez deuxfoitz par an devant seigneurs, seneschals, baillifs et conestables de chescune ville, a cestes choses tenir et faire. Et qe nul de eux irra hors de la ville ou il demurt en ivere pur servir en estee, s'il puisse aver service en mesme la ville, parnaunt come devant est dit; sauve qe les gentz des countes de Stafford, Lancastre et Derby, et gentz de Cravene et de la marche de Gales < et d'Escoce > et autres lieus, puissent venir en temps d'Augst de laborer en autres countes, et sauvement returnir come ils soleint faire avant ces heures. Et qe ceux qe refusent de faire tiel serement, ou de performer ceo q'ils ount devant jurez ou empris, soient mys en ceppes par les ditz seignurs, seneschals, baillifs et conestables des villes par .iij. jours ou plus, ou mandez a la proscheine gaole, a demurer illoeqs tanqe q'ils se voillent justicer. Et qe ceppes soient faitz en chescun ville par celle encheson, entre cy et la Pentecost. Item, qe carpenters, masons, tegulers et autres coverours de mesons, ne preignent le jour pur lour overaigne forsqe en manere come ils soleint, c'estassaver, mestre carpenter .iij. d. et autre .ij. d. mestre mason de fraunche piere .iiij. d. et autre mason .iij. d. et lour servauntz .i. d. obole; teguler .iij. d. et son garson .i. d. obole et autre coverour de rees et estrein .iij. d. et son garson .i. d. obole. Item, plaisterers et autres overours des mures d'argill et lour garsons, par mesme la manere, saunz manger ou boire, c'estassaver, de la Pask tanqe al Seint Michel, < et de cel temps meins, > selonc l'afferant et descrecion des justices qe serront a ceo assignez. Et qe ceux qe fount cariage par terre ou par ewe ne preignent plus pur tiel cariage faire q'ils ne soleint le dit an vintisme, ou quatre anz devant. Item, qe corveisers ne suours ne vendent botes, soulers, n'autre chose touchante lour meistere, par autre manere q'ils ne soleint le dit an vintisme. Et qe orfevres, sellers, ferours des chivaux, esperonners, tanneours, cardours, pelleters, taillours et touz autres overours, artificers et laborers, et touz autres servantz nient especifietz, soent sermentez devant les ditz justices, defaire et user lour artes et offices en manere come ils fesoient le dit an vintisme, et en temps devant, sanz les refuser par cause de ceste ordinance. Et si nul des ditz servantz, laborers, overours ou artificers, apres tiel serement fait, veigne encontre cele ordinance, soit puny par fyn, raunceon et emprisonement, selonc la discrecion des ditz justices. Item, qe les ditz seneschals, baillifs et conestables des dites villes, soient sermentez devant mesmes les justices, d'enquere diligealment, par totes les bones voies q'ils purront, de touz ceux qe vendrent contre cele ordinance, < et > de certifier mesmes les justices de lour nouns; et totes les foitz q'ils vendront en pais, de fair lour sessions, issint qe les ditz justices eue certificacion de meismes les seneschals, baillifs et conestables des nouns des rebelles, les facent attacher par lour corps d'estre devaunt meismes les justices, a respondre de tiels contemptz, issint q'ils facent fyn et ranceon au roi en cas q'ils soient atteintz, et outre soient comandez a la prisone a [col. b] y demurer tant q'ils averont trove seurte de servir et prendre, et lour overaignes faire, et choses vendables vendre, en la manere avantdite. Et en cas qe nul d'eux veigne contre son serement, et de ceo soit atteint, eit la prisone de .xl. jours. Et si autrefoitz il soit convicte, eit la prisone d'un quarter dil an, issint qe a chescune foitz q'ils trespassent et soient convictz eient la penance au double. Et qe mesmes les justices enquergent, a chescune foitz q'ils vendront, des ditz seneschals, baillifs et conestables, s'ils eient fait bone et loiale certificacion, ou null concelle par doun, procurement ou affinite, et les punir par fyn et raunceon, s'ils soient trovez coupables. Et qe mesmes les justices eient poier d'enquere et faire due punissement des ditz ministres, overours, laborers et autres servauntz qecumqs; et auxint des hostellers, herbergers et ceux qe vendont vitailles en retaill, et autres choses nient especifies, sibien a la seute de partie come par presentement, et d'oier et terminer et mettre la chose en execucion par exigende apres la primer capias si mester soit; et de deputer autres soutz eux, tauntz et tieux come ils verront qe mieltz soit pur la garde de mesme ceste ordinance; et qe ceux qe voudrent seure vers tieux servantz, overours et laborers pur excesse prise de eux, et ils soient de ceo atteintz a lour seute, q'ils puissent reaver celle excesse. Et en cas qe nul vodra seure pur tiel excesse reaver, adonqs soit leve des ditz servantz, overours, laborers et artificers, et livere as coillours de la quinzisme, en alegeance des villes ou tiel excesse fuist prise. Item qe viscontes, conestables, baillifs et gaolers, clercs des justices ou de viscontes n'autres ministres qecumqes, rien ne preignent par cause de lour office de mesmes les servantz, pur fees, suete de prisone, n'en autre manere. Et s'ils eient rien pris en tiele manere, q'ils le facent deliverer a les coillours de disme et quinzisme, en eide de la commune pur temps qe les dismes et quinzismes courgent, auxibien pur tut le temps passe, come pur le temps avenir. Et qe les ditz justices enquergent en lour sessions, si les ditz ministres eient riens resceu de mesmes les servantz, et ceo q'ils troverent par tiels enquestes qe les ditz ministres averont resceu, facent mesmes les justices lever de chescun des ditz ministres et liverer a les ditz coillours, ensemblement ove l'excesse et fyns et raunceons faitz, et auxint les amerciementz de touz ceux qe serront amerciez devant les ditz justices, en allegeance des villes, come desus est dit. Et en cas qe l'excesse trove en une ville passe la quantite de la quinzisme de mesme la ville, soit le remenant de tiel excesse leve et paie par les ditz coillours as les pluis prescheins villes povres, en eide de lour quinzisme, par avisement des ditz justices; et qe les fyns, ranceons, excesses et amerciementz des ditz servantz et laborers pur temps avenir, coraunte la dite quinzisme, soient liverez as ditz coillours en la forme susdite, par endenture a faire entre eux et les ditz justices; issint qe mesmes les coillours puissent estre charges sur lour acompte par mesmes les endentures, en cas qe les ditz fyns, ranceons, amerciementz et excesse ne soient paiez en eide de la quinzisme avantdite. Et cessaunte mesme la quinzisme soit leve al oeps le roi, et respoundu a lui par le visconte du counte. Item, qe les ditz justices facent lour sessions en touz les countes d'Engleterre au meyns quatrefoitz par an, c'estassaver, a les festes del annunciacion nostre dame, Seinte Margarete, Seint Michel et Seint Nicholas, et auxint totes les foitz q'il bosoignera, solonc la discrecion des justices. Et qe ceux qe parlent en presence des ditz justices, ou autre chose facent en lour absence ou presence, en abaudissement ou meintenance des ditz servantz et laborers au contraire de ceste ordinance, soient grevement puniz solonc la discrecion des ditz justices. Et si nul des ditz laborers, artificers ou servantz, s'enfui d'une counte tanq'en autre par cause de ceste ordinance, qe les viscontes des countes ou tiels futifs serront trovez, les facent prendre au mandement des justices des countes [p. ii-235][col. a] dount ils s'enfuerent et les meignent a la chief gaole de mesme cele counte, illoeqs ademurer tanqe a la proschein cession de mesmes les justices. Et qe les ditz viscountes returnent tiels mandementz devant mesmes les justices a lour proscheins cessions. Et qe ceste ordinance soit tenuz et garde sibien deinz la cite de Londres come en autres citees et burghs, et aillours par my la terre, sibien deinz fraunchise come dehors. (fn. ii-225-229-1)||47. Recently, against the malice of servants who were idle and unwilling to serve after the pestilence without taking the most outrageous payments, our lord the king, with the assent of the prelates, nobles and others of his council, ordained that such manner of servants, both men and women, should be obliged to serve, receiving the salaries and wages customary in the places where they would have served in the twentieth year of the reign of our said lord the king, or five or six years before, and if the same servants refused to serve in like manner, they would be punished by imprisonment of their bodies, as is more fully contained in the same ordinance; wherefore commissions were made out to various people in each county to seek out and punish all those who offended against the ordinance. And now, because it has been suggested to our said lord the king in this present parliament by the petition of the commons that the said servants, having no regard for the said ordinance but only for their ease and their own greed, withdraw themselves from serving great men or others, unless they have liveries and payments double or treble that which they were accustomed to take in the said twentieth year and before, to the great damage of the great men and to the impoverishment of all the said commonalty; for which remedy was prayed by the same commons. Wherefore in the same parliament, by assent of the prelates, earls, barons and other great men and of the said commons assembled there, in order to restrain the malice of the said servants, the points written below were ordained and established. That is to say, that each carter, ploughman, driver of ploughs, shepherd, swineherd, dairymaid and all other servants shall take the liveries and payments accustomed in the said twentieth year, and four or three years before; so that in areas where wheat is usually given, they shall take 10d. for each bushel of wheat at the will of the giver, until it shall be ordained [p. ii-234][col. a] otherwise. And that they shall be hired to serve for one whole year, or for other usual term, and not by the day. And that in times of weeding or hay-making no one shall take more than 1d. for each day; and mowers of meadows 5d. for each acre or 5d. for each day; and reapers of corn 2d. in the first week of August and 3d. in the second and so on until the end of August, and less in areas where less is usually given, without food or other favours being demanded, given or taken. And that such workers publicly carry their tools in their hands to market vills, and be hired there in a common and not in a private place. Also, that no one shall take more than 2½d. for threshing one quarter of wheat or rye; and 1½d. for a quarter of barley, beans, peas and oats if so much used to be given. And in areas where it is the custom to pay reapers by the sheaf and threshers by the bushel, no more shall be taken in any other manner than as was accustomed in the said twentieth year and before. And that the same servants shall be sworn twice a year before the lords, stewards, bailiffs and constables of each vill to uphold and observe these things. And that none of them shall leave the vill where they dwell in the winter to serve in the summer, if they may have service in the same vill, taking wages as is aforesaid; saving that the people of the counties of Stafford, Lancaster and Derby and the people of Craven and of the marches of Wales and Scotland and other places may come and work in other counties in August, and return safely as they were accustomed to do before this time. And those who refuse to take such oath or to perform that which they have previously sworn or undertaken shall be put in stocks for three days or more by the said lords, stewards, bailiffs and constables of the vills, or taken to the nearest gaol, there to remain until they are willing to submit to justice. And that stocks shall be made in each vill for this purpose between now and Whitsun. Also, that carpenters, masons, tilers and other roofers of houses shall not take more per day for their work than is customary, that is to say a master carpenter 3d. and others 2d., a master mason of freestone 4d. and other masons 3d. and their servants 1½d., a tiler 3d. and his assistant 1½d. and other roofers of reed and straw 3d. and his assistant 1½d. Also, plasterers and workers of clay walls and their assistants, shall be paid in the same manner, without food or drink, that is to say from Easter until Michaelmas, and from this time less according to the requirements and discretion of the justices who shall be assigned for this. And that those who make carriage by land or by water shall not take more for making such carriage than they were accustomed in the said twentieth year or four years before. Also, that cordwainers and shoemakers shall not sell boots, shoes or any other thing touching their craft, in any manner other than as they were accustomed in the said twentieth year. And that goldsmiths, saddlers, farriers of horses, spurriers, tanners, curriers, pelterers, tailors and all other workers, craftsmen and labourers and all other servants not specified here shall be sworn before the said justices to perform and practise their crafts and offices in the manner in which they did in the said twentieth year and in earlier times, without refusing because of this ordinance. And if any of the said servants, labourers, workers or craftsmen, after making such oath, shall contravene this ordinance, he shall be punished by fine, ransom and imprisonment at the discretion of the said justices. Also, that the said stewards, bailiffs and constables of the said vills shall be sworn before the same justices to inquire diligently in every appropriate way they can, concerning all those who contravene this ordinance and to certify the same justices of their names; and that each time the justices come into the area to hold their sessions, they shall have certification from the same stewards, bailiffs and constables of the names of rebels, and shall have them attached by their bodies to be before the same justices to answer for such contempts, so that they shall make fine and ransom to the king in the event that they shall be attainted, and shall furthermore be commanded to prison, there to [col. b] remain until they have found security to serve and take wages, and to do their work, and to sell goods, in the aforesaid manner. And in the event that any of them shall contravene his oath, and be attainted of this, he shall be imprisoned for forty days. And if he is convicted again, he shall be imprisoned for a quarter of a year, so that each time that they commit trespass and are convicted the penalty shall be doubled. And each time they come there the same justices shall inquire whether the said stewards, bailiffs and constables have made good and loyal certification or concealed anything by bribe, procurement or affinity, and punish them by fine and ransom if they shall be found guilty. And that the same justices shall have power to inquire into and impose due punishment upon any of the said officials, workers, labourers and other servants whatsoever; and also upon hostellers, innkeepers and those who sell victuals in retail and other items not specified here, whether at the suit of the party or by presentment, and to hear and determine and put the matter in execution by exigent after the first capias if it shall be necessary; and to appoint as many deputies as they consider shall be best for the keeping of this same ordinance. And those who would sue against such servants, workers and labourers for taking excess from them, if they are attainted at their suit, may reclaim this excess. And in the event that no one will sue in order to reclaim this excess, it shall then be levied from the said servants, workers, labourers and craftsmen and delivered to the collectors of the fifteenth, in alleviation of the vills where such excess was taken. Also, that sheriffs, constables, bailiffs and gaolers, clerks of justices or of sheriffs and other officials whatsoever should take nothing by reason of their office from the same servants for fees, suit of prison or in any other manner. And if they take anything in such manner, they shall cause it to be delivered to the collectors of the tenth and fifteenth in aid of the commonalty for the time that the said tenth and fifteenth are in force, both for all past times and for times to come. And that the said justices shall inquire in their sessions whether the said officials have received anything from the same servants, and that which they find through such inquests to have been received by the said officials, the same justices shall cause to be levied from each of the said officials and delivered to the said collectors, together with the excess and fines and ransoms made, and also the amercements of all those who shall be amerced before the said justices, in alleviation of the vills, as is aforesaid. And in the event that the excess found in one vill surpasses the total of the fifteenth of the same vill, the remnant of such excess shall be levied and paid by the said collectors to the poorest of the neighbouring vills in aid of their fifteenth, by the advice of the said justices; and that the fines, ransoms, excesses and amercements of the said servants and labourers for the time to come, while the said fifteenth is in force, shall be delivered to the said collectors in the aforesaid form, by indenture to be made between them and the said justices; so that the same collectors may be liable on their account by the same indentures in the event that the said fines, ransoms, amercements and excess are not paid in aid of the aforesaid fifteenth. And when the same fifteenth ceases, the money shall be levied to the king's use, and answered for to him by the sheriff of the county. Also, that the said justices shall hold their sessions in every county of England at least four times a year, that is to say at the feasts of the Annunciation of Our Lady, Saint Margaret, Michaelmas and Saint Nicholas, and also whenever it shall be necessary at the discretion of the justices. And that those who speak in the presence of the said justices, or do anything else in their absence or presence, in encouragement or maintenance of the said servants and labourers to the contrary of this ordinance, shall be grievously punished at the discretion of the said justices. And if any of the said labourers, craftsmen or servants flee from one county into another because of this ordinance, the sheriffs of the counties where such fugitives shall be found shall cause them to be taken at the command of the justices of the counties [p. ii-235][col. a] from which they have fled and shall put them in the chief gaol of this same county, there to remain until the next session of the same justices. And that the said sheriffs shall return such demands before the same justices at their next sessions. And that this ordinance shall be upheld and observed in the city of London as well as in other cities and boroughs and elsewhere throughout the land, inside as well as outside franchises. (fn. ii-225-229-1)|
|Defens de porter armes.||Prohibition concerning bearing arms.|
|48. Porce qe avant ces heures as parlementz et consealx nostre seignur le roi debates, riots et conteukes ont este sours et meutz, par tant qe gentz se sont alez es lieux ou parlementz [...] et consealx ont este sommons et assemblez, armes d'aketone, des plates, d'espeys et de long cotel et d'autre manere d'armes; et par tiele cause les busoignes nostre seignur le roi et de son roialme ont este empeschez, et les grantz et autres qi y sont venuz par le commandement le roi effreiez; nostre seignur le roi, voillant purveer de remeide contre tieux malx, defende qe nul, sur peine de forfaiture de quant q'il purra forfaire devers le roi, de quel estat ou condicion q'il soit, ne voise armez d'aketone, ne de plate, ne de haubergeon, ne d'espeye, ne de long cotel, ne od autre manere d'armes suspectz, en la cite de Loundres, n'en les suburbes, n'en les autres lieux entre la dite citee et le palays de Westm', ne nulle part en le palays, par terre ne par ewe, sur la peine avantdite; forspris les gentz nostre seignur le roi queux il vourra deputer, ou par son commandement serront deputez, pur la garde de sa pees es ditz lieux; et auxint forspris les ministres le roi, selonc la forme de l'estatut fait a Norhampton'. Et n'est mie l'entencion nostre seignur le roi, qe chescun count, baroun, ne peuse aver sa espeye porte od lui aillours qe en la presence du roi, ou place du conseil. Et auxint defenduz est depar nostre seignur le roi et le conseil, sur peine d'emprisonement, qe nul enfant n'autre, jue en nul lieu du palais de Westm', durant le parlement qe y est somons, a bares ne as autres jues nient covenables, come a oustier chaparons [col. b] des gentz, ne a mettre mayn en eux, n'autre empeschement faire par qoi chescun ne peuse peisiblement suir ses bosoignes.||48. Because before this time at parliaments and councils of our lord the king debates, riots and quarrels have been inevitable and numerous, because people have brought arms of acton and plate, swords and long knives and other kinds of arms to places where parliaments and councils have been summoned and assembled; and because the business of our lord the king and of his realm has been impeded, and the great men and others who have come there by the king's command have been intimidated; our lord the king, wishing to provide remedy against such wrongs, forbids anyone, on penalty of forfeiture of as much as he can forfeit to the king, of whatever estate or condition he may be, to come armed with acton or plate, habergeon, sword, long knife, or with any other manner of suspicious arms, into the city of London or the suburbs, or into other places between the said city and the palace of Westminster, or any part of the palace, by land or by water, on the aforesaid penalty; saving those of our lord the king's people whom he wishes to appoint, or who shall be appointed by his instruction, for keeping the peace in the said places; and also saving the king's officials according to the form of the statute made at Northampton. And it is not the intention of our lord the king that any earl or baron should be prevented from carrying his sword with him anywhere other than in the king's presence or the place of council. And also, it is forbidden on the part of our lord the king and the council, on penalty of imprisonment, that any child or other person shall play either at bars or at any other unsuitable games, such as removing people's hoods, or laying hands on them, in any part of the palace of Westminster during the parliament which is summoned there, [col. b] nor cause any other trouble by which anyone may not peacefully pursue his business.|
|49. Rex custodibus et ballivis instancium nundinarum Sancti Botulphi, salutem. Cum celebris memorie dominus Henricus rex pater noster, anno regni sui quinquagesimo sexto, per totum regnum suum publice proclamari et firmiter inhiberi fecerit, ne aliquis mercator indigena, vel alius, pannos aliquos, qui non essent recte mensure secundum antiquam assisam, alicui venderet, vel de eisdem negociaretur; ac nos, prelati, magnates, et communitas regni nostri, grave dampnum sustineamus, pro eo quod panni mercatorum alienigenarum et indigenarum et aliorum non sunt recte latitudinis secundum assisam predictam; nos proclamacionem illam continuari, et hujusmodi dampno nostro, prelatorum, magnatum et communitais regni nostri, remedium adhiberi volentes; vobis mandamus, firmiter injungentes, quod in instantibus nundinis Sancti Botolphi publice proclamari faciat, quod mercatores hujusmodi, et alii qui hujusmodi pannos habent se inde per vendicionem, aut alio modo prout magis viderint expedire deliberent, videlicet citra nundinas Staunford proxime venturas, ita quod extunc quilibet pannus Anglie, cujus ulna valet quatuor solidos et ultra, sit latitudinis duarum ulnarum infra listas; et alii panni viliores et minoris precii sint latitudinis septem quarteriorum secundum assisam antiquam usitatam; et quilibet pannus de partibus transmarinis, qui sit de duabus sedibus, sit longitudinis viginti et sex ulnarum, et latitudinis sex quarteriorum infra listas. Et quod omnes panni predicti, tam cismarini quam transmarini, qui non sunt longitudinis et latitudinis predictarum, exceptis assaiis partium transmarinarum, et assaiis Scotie et Hibernie de quibus certa mensura non habetur, in regno nostro extunc capiendi sunt in manum nostram, ita quod nobis totaliter incurrantur. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. Teste rege apud Westm' .xv. die Julii, anno .vi. o regis Edwardi filii regis Henrici. (fn. ii-225-235-1)||
[Writ concerning the alnage.]
49. The king to the wardens and bailiffs of the present fair of Boston, greeting. Whereas the lord King Henry of celebrated memory, our father, in the fifty-sixth year of his reign, had it publicly proclaimed and firmly enjoined throughout his realm that no denizen merchant, or other, shall sell to anyone any cloth which has not been rightly measured according to the ancient assize, or shall conduct business concerning the same; and we, the prelates, great men and commons of our realm, shall sustain grave damage because the cloths of alien and denizen merchants and others are not of the correct width according to the aforesaid assize; wishing that proclamation to continue and remedy to be provided for this damage to us, the prelates, great men and commons of our realm, we command and firmly enjoin you that it shall be publicly proclaimed at the present fair of Boston that these merchants and others who have these cloths by right of sale, or in any other way as seems more expedient, shall deliver them, namely before the fair of Stamford next coming, so that then each English cloth worth 4s. and more by the ell shall be of 2 ells width within the selvage; and other cloths which are cheaper and of a lesser price shall be of 7 quarters width according to the assize used in earlier times; and each cloth from overseas which shall be of two seats, shall be 26 ells in length and 6 quarters in width within the selvage. And that all the aforesaid cloths then in our kingdom, coming from this side of the sea and from overseas, which are not of the aforesaid lengths and widths, saving says from overseas and says of Scotland and Ireland which do not have definite measures, shall be taken into our hands, so that they shall be entirely forfeited to us. And this shall not be neglected in any way. Witnessed by the king at Westminster on 15 July in the sixth year of King Edward son of King Henry . (fn. ii-225-235-1)
Ordinance of Labourers (23 Edw III): a verbatim copy of the Ordinance of 1349 survives, having attached to it a writ of chancery of 18 October 1351 addressed to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer and exhorting them to assist in its observance. A note on the dorse of the writ records that it was delivered (to the exchequer) by David Wollor, keeper of the rolls of chancery, on 18 October.
Source : E 175/2/23.
Unenrolled common petition of uncertain date, but having close affinity to the substance of the petition of 1351 concerning pleas held before the marshal and constable of the king's household (item 19, no. IX). The petition is endorsed: 'before all the lords of parliament'.
Source : C 49/8/19.
Petition of 'the good people of Kesteven and Holand in the county of Lincoln' concerning uncertainties as to the boundaries formerly marked out in the water courses between their two parts of the shire and requesting a commission of inquiry; the endorsement grants that a commission be appointed staffed by 'certain good men of Holand and Kesteven'. The commission was appointed 14 February 1351 by letters patent specifying that the petition had been heard before the king and council in parliament and warranted 'by petition of parliament'. The outcome is not known.
Sources : SC 8/55/2716; CPR 1350-4 , 81.
Writ to the sheriff of Lincolnshire to pay to Eleanor, daughter of Hugh Despenser the elder, a nun at Sempringham, the arrears of the annual pension of £20 owed to her under a grant of 26 June 1337. The write is dated 15 February and is warranted 'by king and petition of parliament, on the information of John Winwick'. The original petition does no survive.
Source : CCR 1349-54 , 285.
Writ to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer ordering an inquiry into the £99 owed on the shrievalty of Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire by Thomas Fermbaud, former sheriff, for which he requested relief. The writ is dated 18 February 1351 as is warranted 'by petition in parliament'. The original petition does not survive.
Source : E 368/123, mm. 74-5.
Decision by the king and council in parliament that 11 named persons had broken prison from the gaol at Holborn Bridge, London; the offenders were brought before the court of king's bench on 19 February.
Source : SCCKB , VI. no. 48.
Commission to John de Meux and to Henry Greystock, steward of the lands reserved to the king's chamber, to hold an inquisition on a petition of John de Kidall, vicar of Poule, exhibited before the council in parliament, concerning the rights of the vicar to tithes of fish, alienated to the alien priory of Burstall. The commission was issued 1 March 1351 and warranted 'by petition of parliament'. No outcome is recorded; a further commission on the same matter was issued in 1353. The original petition does not survive.
Sources : CPR 1350-4 , 79-80; CIM 1349-77 , no. 137.
Three instruments on the Gascon roll, all dated 1 March 1351, are warranted 'by petition of parliament'. No related petitions have been located.
Source : C 61/63, mm. 10, 8, 5.
Petition of the commonalty of the city of London to the king and council that the Statute of York of 1335 might be repealed, although confirmed 'in the parliament now sitting'.
Calendar of Letter Books of the City of London , ed. R.R. Sharpe (London, 1899-1912), Letter Book F . 229.
Petition of Ralph Stafford concerning the delivery of the heir of John Pulteney, whom he claims as ward; commission of inquiry, dated 20 May 1351 and warranted 'by petition of parliament'; inquisition returned into the exchequer, where a further investigation was to be made. Although the commission was issued some time after the end of this parliament, the fact that Stafford made the originating petition as baron rather than earl reinforces its provenance within the parliament of 1351.
Source : CIM 1349-77 , no. 77.
Commission of inquiry concerning the manor of Doddington, Gloucestershire, dated 6 November 1351 ( sic ) and warranted 'by petition of parliament'. The original petition does not survive.
Source : CIM 1349-77 , no. 63.
Commission of inquisition touching a petition shown 'before the king and council in the last parliament' by Robert de Eleford and Theobald de Mounteney concerning the confiscation from them by the escheator of the king's chamber of the manor of Speen, Berkshire, even though they had a pardon for taking seisin of the manor, held in chief by William Hastings (deceased), without the king's licence. The commission is dated 24 December 1351 and is unwarranted. The original petition does not survive. The matter had already been investigated in 1349 and the pardon issued in 1350; a commission of investigation issued on 20 March 1351 may well have arisen from the petition specifically mentioned in the December commission, since the latter appears to have been intended to replace the former. An inquiry was eventually held early in 1352, but the manor remained in the control of the king's chamber.
Sources : CPR 1350-4 , 207; CIM 1349-77 , no. 28; CPR 1348-50 , 535; CIM 1349-77 , no. 78; CCR 1349-54 , 550.