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Edward III: January 1352

Parliament Rolls of Medieval England. Originally published by Boydell, Woodbridge, 2005.

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In this section

1352 January

Introduction 1352

Westminster

13 January - 11 February

(C 65/16. RP , II.236-245. SR , I.319-328)

The proceedings of the parliament of 1352 are recorded in C65/16, a roll of 6 membranes, numbered from 6 to 1, each approximately 315 mm. in width, sewn together in the chancery style. The condition of the roll is good, apart from the top left-hand side of membrane which is stained with gallic acid, rendering a small part of this section illegible. The text, written in a small, clear chancery script, occupies the rectos of the membranes only. The dorses are blank, apart from the note, 'Pour le baron de Stafford', at the top of membrane 6, the later heading, 'Rotulus parliamenti apud Westmonasterium anno regni E. tercii vicesimo quinto', at the foot of membrane 1, and the later notes, 'Parlement 25 E3 pars 2', where the membranes are joined. Marginal headings are contemporary. Arabic numerals throughout the roll are later, but the Roman numerals alongside the petitions are contemporary. The roll does not appear to be incomplete. It is to be associated with John Coddington, specified on the roll as clerk of this parliament (item 5). (fn. f1352int-1)

Edward III summoned the parliament of 1352 by writs of great seal issued at Westminster, warranted 'by king and council' and dated 15 November 1351; the assembly was to meet at Westminster on 13 January 1352. (fn. f1352int-2) 47 spiritual peers, 65 lay peers and 14 judges and other royal officials received personal summonses. Payments to messengers for delivering the writs of summons were made in the exchequer on 24 November. (fn. f1352int-3) As for the parliament of 1351, the writs issued to the sheriffs for the election of representatives of the shires, cities and towns specified that those elected should not be perlitatores, querelarum manutentores, aut ex huiusmodi questu viventes ('persistent litigants or maintainers of plaints or those who live by such gains'). This phrase was to be repeated in the writs of summons to the parliaments of 1354 and 1355, and indicated a contemporary suspicion that lawyers tended to promote their clients' interests, rather than those of their constituents at large, when they went to parliament. (fn. f1352int-4) The election returns are not well preserved, and although the names of 70 the knights of the shires can be recovered from the extant returns and the writs de expensis , the same sources indicate the identity of only 48 of the representatives of the cities and towns. (fn. f1352int-5) There are therefore some notable gaps in our knowledge of the personnel of this assembly: even the names of the four citizens elected to represent London are now lost. Conversely, the surviving records of appointments of proctors of the lower clergy are comparatively good, yielding the names of nine clerical representatives returned to this assembly. (fn. f1352int-6)

The parliament was due to convene on Friday 13 January (the feast of St Hilary), but the chief justice of the court of king's bench, Sir William Shareshull, pronounced the assembly non-quorate on that day and adjourned the opening to the following Monday, 16 January (item 1), though only apparently after the appointment of the receivers and triers of petitions and the announcement that private petitions would have to be submitted by Wednesday 18 January, subsequently deferred to Friday 20 January (items 1-4). In fact, there must have been a further delay on Monday 16 January, since the roll then jumps to Tuesday 17 January, on which day it records a plenary session of king, lords and commons in the White Chamber at Westminster Palace and the contents of the opening speech, made by Shareshull (items 6-7). Two matters were considered. First, the due observance of the law would be addressed as a substantive issue. More especially, however, Shareshull dwelt at length on the manner in which parliament had supported the king's enterprises in support of his claim to the French throne and indicated that, since John II of France was now threatening to break the truces established and continued since the end of the Crécy-Calais campaign, it was necessary to have deliberation about an impending renewal of war: although it was not stated specifically, the inference was that the king's subjects would be expected to continue to provide 'aid ... with their bodies and possessions' in the manner observed since the outbreak of hostilities with France. Shareshull's speech, notably general in its tone, may have been somewhat disingenuous: on Sunday 15 January emissaries from the enemy camp had arrived at Westminster to complain of an English violation of the truce perpetrated when, a few days beforehand, a group from the garrison at Calais had attacked and captured the town of Guînes. (fn. f1352int-7) The council's strategy in parliament seems to have been to blame breaches of the truce on the French in order to emphasise the need for English defence, and for the promise of further subsidies to assist the war. Shareshull proposed an intercommuning session between a deputation of 24 or 30 members of the commons (selected by, and from among, their own number) and a group of lords informed more fully of the matter, to be held in the Painted Chamber; the remainder of the commons were advised to meet in the Chapter House of Westminster Abbey (the first time that the chapter house is recorded as having been used for such business), where the deputation would report back to them before their final decision and submission were made (item 8). (fn. f1352int-8)

The proceedings of the intercommuning session are (as is usual in such cases) not recorded on the parliament roll, and it would appear that, in spite of the crown's attempts to move business forward expeditiously, the commons had not reached a consensus position by Friday 20 January, when they met in the White Chamber with the prince of Wales (evidently acting as his father's representative) and the lords to hear a speech by the king's chamberlain, Sir Bartholomew Burghersh, recounting the evils and treacheries of the French and indicating the necessity of placing the realm and its dominions in a state of defence (item 8). While Burghersh's style may have been more to the taste of the belligerent elements in the lords and commons, it is interesting that the real breakthrough in the negotiations came when Shareshull announced that the commons would be given leave to present common petitions. Over the previous days, the commons may have given some thought and discussion to the grievances of the king's subjects - not least on the other matter that Shareshull had specified in the opening speech, the maintenance of law and order - and may have begun to see that it might be in their interests to present the common petitions along with the grant of a subsidy, thus (implicitly or explicitly) making the payment of the latter dependent on the answering of the former. The roll indicates that the admission of common petitions created further delay, including further consultations between commons and delegates from the lords. Unfortunately, it does not specify for how long these negotiations continued (item 9). (fn. f1352int-9) It tells us that after the common petitions had been answered (and the replies presumably announced formally in plenary session), the crown dealt with a private petitions from John Maltravers and, with the assent of the full parliament, issued letters patent of pardon, themselves enrolled on the parliament roll, dated 8 February 1352 (items 54-56) (for Maltravers' case, see also Introduction to parliament of January-February 1348). Treasurer Edington informed the exchequer of the tax grant on 9 February, (fn. f1352int-10) and the assembly itself is assumed to have been dismissed on 11 February, the date of issue of the writs de expensis . (fn. f1352int-11) This means that the indented schedule presented by the commons containing both the grant of a subsidy and the list of common petitions, and transcribed onto the parliament roll as items 10-53, nos. I-XLIII, could have been submitted any time between 20 January and 8 February, though the likelihood is that the 'long discussions and deliberation' (item 9) leading up to the submission was part of a strategy by the commons of prolonging the assembly, and that the schedule was therefore not presented until some time perhaps in the first week of February (allowing time for consideration by the crown before the formal replies were announced some time on or before 8 February).

The subsidy itself was in the form of three successive fifteenths and tenths to be paid at Easter and Michaelmas in 1352, 1353 and 1354. The commons appear to have deviated somewhat from the strategy used during the 1340s of attempting to limit the collection of such long subsidies to periods of active warfare or of confining the expenditure of taxation to the costs of that war. Instead, they made five specifications upon the subsidy. Two of these appear within the body of the common petitions: a request (not granted) that those who had served as representatives in this parliament should not be appointed as collectors of the tax (item 27, no. XVII); and a petition (granted) that the crown suspend all tax immunities in order to spread the burden of the subsidy as widely as possible (item 51, no. XLI). These petitions probably need to be distinguished from the three requests that fall at the beginning of the text, immediately after the formal grant of the subsidy, which contain the formal conditions associated with the subsidy in the manner of earlier grants. The first of these asked that all the profits of the sessions of the justices of labourers should be applied to the tax (item 11, no. I). Some measures had already been taken in this respect with regard to the second and third years of the triennial subsidy of 1348, but it was only with the lay subsidy of 1352 that all the profits of the labour sessions were applied in relief of the tax and a proper structure was instituted for the administration of the scheme: nationally, these profits accounted for about 6111075634f the total yield over the three years of the tax, though in some areas and at some times the percentage was a good deal higher. (fn. f1352int-12) It is to be noted in this respect that although the initiative here came from the commons, the detailed arrangements made for the application of the profits of the labour sessions to the tax were drawn up not by the commons (fn. f1352int-13) but by the council: it has been various argued that the document containing these instructions, printed in Statutes of the Realm but not in fact on the statute roll, (fn. f1352int-14) was the work of William Shareshull and of William Edington. (fn. f1352int-15)

The commons' second request relating to the subsidy was that 'no more shall be demanded or levied by way of common tax, tallage, aids or charges in times to come' (item 12, no. II). The request is rather vague, and the reply was equally general: 'it is not the intention of our lord the king or of the great men that more shall be charged.' If this was an attempt by the commons to ensure that the crown cease to demand direct taxes after the expiry of the new triennial subsidy, then it is difficult to see how such a request - or the answer given to it - might be made to stick in the event of further prolonged hostilities. It may therefore be that both the commons and the crown were alluding to the more orthodox notion, applied quite regularly in the years before and after 1352, that no further impositions (especially prerogatives levies) should be applied during the currency of a parliamentary tax. (fn. f1352int-16)

The final, and perhaps the most important, of the commons' conditions upon the tax reflects the novel process developed by them in this parliament of submitting the grant of the subsidy and the common petitions as a single package in one schedule. (fn. f1352int-17) They requested 'that all reasonable petitions requested by the commons shall be granted, confirmed and sealed before the conclusion of this parliament' (item 12, no. II). Dr Harriss has demonstrated that the commons did not intend hereby to place an obligation upon the crown to respond positively to every one of their petitions and grant remedial legislation in all cases: they left it to the crown to decide what a 'reasonable' petition might be, and thus accepted the possibility of negative replies in some cases. Although the reply given by the crown was supportive of the spirit of the demand, it is to be noted that there is in fact no evidence on this occasion that copies of the replies to the common petitions, or of the resulting statutes, were circulated to the commons before their dismissal: (fn. f1352int-18) indeed, although we know that the replies were announced on or before 8 February, the writs of proclamation enclosing copies of the formal legislation were not issued until 6 March, several weeks after the end of the parliament. (fn. f1352int-19) What is apparent, however, is the particular moral pressure that the commons were able to bring by submitting the tax and the petitions as a single integrated whole. After eight years of continuous direct taxation, and with the economic and social disruptions of the Black Death still very much to the forefront, the king's subjects were less than enthusiastic about another bout of direct taxation (witness the commons' unsuccessful request that they be excluded from nominations to the commissions to assess and collect the resulting tax [item 27, no. XVII]), (fn. f1352int-20) and expected some substantive concessions in return for their renewed commitment to his military enterprises. That they succeeded in so many of their demands - including significant matters on which the crown had previously been immovable - has generally been ascribed to a new sense of identity and a new spirit of co-operation forged between crown, lords and commons in the aftermath of the plague: (fn. f1352int-21) although it is unwise to assume that the crown lost real authority as a result of its new political pliancy, and it remains possible that the political negotiations of 1352 were just as hard fought as those of the mid- to late 1340s, it is certainly true that the range and depth of the statutory concessions of 1352 suggested the dawn of a new political dispensation. (fn. f1352int-22)

A number of constitutional issues left unresolved during the first half of the reign of Edward III were raised and resolved in 1352 as part of this general process of political reconciliation. The most famous outcome in the Statute of Treasons, which defined - and therefore limited - the range of crimes that could be considered as high treason and might therefore be punished by execution and permanent forfeiture of estates. (fn. f1352int-23) It used to be thought that the legislation represented a belated apology to those noble families that had suffered from the arbitrary application of charges of treason during the disturbed politics of the 1320s: Miss Clarke, for example, pointed out that the confirmation in this parliament of a pardon issued to John Maltravers (items 54-56), who had formerly been condemned in 1331 for encompassing the death of the earl of Kent, is likely to have set the tone for the council's thinking on the formulation of the statute. (fn. f1352int-24) However, the petition from which the new legislation sprang (item 17, no. VII), together with a further clerical petition enrolled on this roll (item 60), indicate that the commons' primary concern was more immediate: namely, the worrying practice whereby the king's justices were applying the judgment and penalties of treason in matters 'unknown to the commonalty as treason'. J.G. Bellamy, having investigated this matter thoroughly, has demonstrated that the charge of treason was being applied to a range of cases involving the ambiguous crime of 'accroaching the king's power', and has demonstrated that the statute of 1352 represented a declaration by the king's council that such a strategy would cease. (fn. f1352int-25) It is also true, however, that the council chose to give a quite narrow definition of high treason, and it may still be said that one of the incidental effects of the legislation was to affirm the bond of trust established in recent years between Edward III and the group most susceptible to charges of high treason - the English nobility.

Two other constitutional issues raised and resolved in the parliament of 1352 are worthy of note. First, the crown granted the commons' petition that 'no man shall be forced to supply men at arms, hobelars or archers other than those who hold by such service, except by common assent and grant in parliament' (item 23, no. XIII). (fn. f1352int-26) This marked an important defeat for the crown's attempts to extend the obligations of military service during the 1340s and established the principle that parliamentary consent was required for all levies of manpower and arms over and above those laid down for the defence of the realm under the Statute of Winchester of 1285 (see also Introduction to parliament of January-February 1348). (fn. f1352int-27) Secondly, the crown confirmed the commons' petitions that, while it had a right to levy customary feudal aids at the established rate of £1 per knight's fee, it could not impose higher rates in the manner that it had, in fact, done with the feudal aid for the knighting of Prince Edward in 1346 (a matter of grievance already raised, but left unresolved, in 1348 [parliament of March-April 1348, item 4]): although it was not stated specifically in the petition or the statute, the implication was that a higher rate would require common assent in parliament (item 29, no. XIX). (fn. f1352int-28) These statutory concessions say much about Edward III's willingness to restrict his ancient and prerogative rights in return for the security of valuable and long-term parliamentary subsidies. (fn. f1352int-29)

Many of the issues raised in the long list of common petitions of 1352 dealt with legal matters. Among the more interesting of these are the petition and resulting statute guaranteeing that persons be brought before the king and council only by due process of common law (a measure symptomatic of the growing use of conciliar justice in this period) (item 19, no. IX), (fn. f1352int-30) and the writ and resulting statute limiting the use of the process de libertate probanda and thus eliminating the legal device whereby a former villein might prove his freedom and escape repossession under the writ exceptio villenagi , a change that has been seen as illustrative of the hardening of social and legal attitudes during the 'feudal reaction' following the Black Death (item 48, no. XXXVIII). (fn. f1352int-31) Much less successful, but no less interesting, was the commons' position with regard to the keeping of the peace. The first substantive common petition recorded after the conditions set upon the grant of the subsidy returned to the matter of the maintenance of the king's peace as initially raised by Shareshull in his speech of 17 January: indeed, this petition has something of the air of a direct response to Shareshull's agenda, and may have been formulated during the period of intercommuning on 18-20 January (item 13, no. III). The commons' answer to the challenge of maintaining order in the shires was essentially the same that they had given in the two parliaments of 1348, though with the added dimension that the labour legislation of 1349-51 required detailed and careful administration: they proposed that a mixed commission of lords, gentry and men of law be appointed in each shire, on the advice of the lords and commons in parliament, to act as justices of the peace in hearing and determining both trespasses and felonies committed within their areas of jurisdiction. The commons expected these justices to hold regular sessions, and to be paid expenses for their endeavours on the king's behalf. (fn. f1352int-32) Such a vision had little impact on the crown, however, which responded by commenting that 'the king will send his bench where he deems it most necessary': a reference to the practice observed in the early 1350s of despatching the court of king's bench to provincial centres where it conducted particularly intensive inquiries into local disorder and maladministration. Otherwise, the crown's approach would be merely reactive: whenever it was necessary, the king would appoint commissions to hear and determine trespasses and felonies. This was a reference not to the standing peace commissions, but to ad hoc commissions of oyer and terminer acting in a similar capacity to the trailbastons of the 1340s. The crown's one positive response to the commons' requests was that 'the commissions of labourers shall have their force': it is interesting that, although the labour legislation had been included within the jurisdiction of the justices of the peace in 1351, the crown evidently still looked upon the enforcement of the Ordinance and Statute of Labourers as something of a special case, and would indeed remove the jurisdiction from the justices of the peace late in 1352 and return it to special commissioners (though the distinction was somewhat blunted by the fact that the same men often tended to serve on both commissions). (fn. f1352int-33)

It was in fact in the economic sphere that the parliamentary session of 1352 may have had greatest immediate impact. (fn. f1352int-34) The commons sought ratification and clarification on issues arising from legislation in the previous parliament concerning freedom of passage on the rivers (item 30, no. XX) and the alnage of cloth (item 44, no. XXXIV), as well as remonstrating with the crown over the recent reduction in the weight of the silver coinage, extracting a promise (which proved unfulfilled) that the crown would return to the ancient sterling standard as soon as it was convenient (item 32, no. XXII). (fn. f1352int-35) A further matter not mentioned on the roll but brought to the attention of the crown through the mechanism of the private petitions led to the issue of letters patent guaranteeing the privileges of foreign cloth workers within England, warranted 'by the king with the assent of the whole parliament' (Appendix no. 11). The major contribution of the parliament to economic affairs, however, concerned the regulation of weights and measures. During 1351 the crown had already instituted something of a reform of its policy on this matter, and the commons in 1352 may have been responding to this initiative in certain of their requests. In response to their petition for the observation of Magna Carta on the enforcement of a standard for weights and measures, the crown issued legislation specifying the king's standard, requiring that it be observed throughout the kingdom (and by royal purveyors) and indicating that the crown would issues special commissions according to need to enforce the legislation through legal proceedings (item 26, no. XVI). (fn. f1352int-36) In response to another petition, the crown agreed that wool prepared for export should be weighed not by the auncel, a weighing machine using unauthorised weights, but by the balance or trone, which took official weights according to the king's standard (item 24, no. XIV). (fn. f1352int-37) Whereas such legislation was often something of a dead letter, that of 1352 proved decisive: there followed a period of intense activity as the crown aimed to enforce these new provisions in the ports and across the country at large. (fn. f1352int-38)

Following the transcription of the common petitions and their replies and the record of the case of John Maltravers, the parliament roll concludes with a section headed 'Petitions of the clergy and their answers' (items 57-69). This represented a set of clerical gravamina framed by the convocation of the southern province and delivered to the crown (as is specified on the dorse of the statute roll) during the session of parliament in January-February 1352. (fn. f1352int-39) Although the parliament roll and statute roll would appear to indicate that the king's answers to these petitions were given before the session of parliament ended, it is to be noted that the crown delayed its responses on certain matters, (fn. f1352int-40) and the form of the answers as provided on the parliament roll and the dorse of the statute roll may not in fact have been determined until some time after the end of the parliament. The archbishop of Canterbury's letters communicating the form of the new statute, named Pro clero , were not issued until July 1352; (fn. f1352int-41) and, still more crucially, the second year of the biennial tenth granted by the Canterbury clergy in 1351, which had been offered upon condition of redress of grievances, (fn. f1352int-42) was not confirmed until the summer of 1352. (fn. f1352int-43) The clergy had a number of topical grievances to air: they were concerned with the adverse impact of recent legislation empowering the crown to assume widespread rights of patronage over church benefices, to which the crown responded with some self-denying restraint. (fn. f1352int-44) They were especially exercised about the recent dispute over patronage between the crown and Bishop Grandisson of Exeter which had resulted in the seizure of the bishop's temporalities: they sought, and were granted, a guarantee that contempt was not sufficient grounds for the confiscations of ecclesiastical temporalities (item 66). (fn. f1352int-45) It may be that the clergy, who were adept at applying conditions to their subsidies, were able to force the king's hand on a number of these measures as a result of their success in holding up the second year of the clerical tenth pending the hearing of their gravamina : there are instructive comparisons to be made here with the actions, and achievements, of the commons of 1352 in linking supply to redress of grievances.

It has already been noted that the case of John Maltravers seems to have been heard before a full session of parliament on 8 February (items 54-56), and it may be significant that the confirmation of the rights of alien cloth workers was dated to the same day and also warranted 'with the assent of the whole parliament' (Appendix no. 11). Otherwise, there is no evidence to suggest what business (if any) was done until the formal issue of the writs de expensis for the knights and burgesses on 11 February. Much therefore remains unknown about the political dynamic, and perhaps also about the full range of political debate, witnessed in the parliament of 1352. What is evident is the increasingly confident, if not assertive, manner of the commons and the increasing willingness of the crown to respond positively to the commons' agenda in the framing of its formal statutory legislation. One consequence was the 'great code' of new laws flowing from the parliaments of 1351-2 which, if it cannot compare in substantive terms with the output of Edward I, nevertheless goes a long way to establishing Edward III - and his ministers (including, especially, Sir William Shareshull) - as some of the most important legislators of later medieval England. (fn. f1352int-46)

Text and translation

[p. ii-236]
[col. a]
[memb. 6]
CEO EST LE PARLEMENT SOMONS A WESTM' LE VENDERDY EN LE FESTE DE SEINTE HILLARIE, L'AN DU REGNE NOSTRE SEIGNUR LE ROI EDWARD D'ENGLETERRE VINTISME QUINT, ET DE FRANCE DOUZISME. THIS IS THE PARLIAMENT SUMMONED AT WESTMINSTER ON THE FRIDAY IN THE FEAST OF SAINT HILARY IN THE TWENTY-FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF OUR LORD THE KING EDWARD OF ENGLAND, AND THE TWELFTH OF FRANCE.
1. A queu venderdy nostre seignur le roi et ascuns autres des grantz de la terre furent assemblez en la chaumbre Depeinte, et y fut pronuncie par Monsir William de Shareshull, chief justice le roi, qe par cause qe pluseurs des grantz et autres somons au parlement ne sont pas venuz a la ville, mes sont en venand come le roi est enforme, si voet qe chescun des grantz et des communs qi ore y sont presentz se eisent tanqe a lundy preschein avenir. Et si ad le roi commandez qe soit crie overtement en la sale de Westm' qe chescun qi se sent grevez et vorra mettre peticion en cest parlement la mette entre cy et meskerdy preschein avenir; et puis < fust > le jour aloigne tantqe a venderdy preschein ensuant de grace le roi, et qe apres cest vendredy nulle pecion [sic: read 'peticion'] soit receue. [Adjournment of parliament.]
1. On which Friday our lord the king and some other great men of the land were assembled in the Painted Chamber, and it was pronounced by Sir William Shareshull, the king's chief justice, that because many of the great men and others summoned to the parliament had not arrived in town, but were coming, the king being thus informed willed that each of the great men and commons who were then present there should take their ease until the Monday following. And the king commanded that an announcement should be made publicly in Westminster Hall that each person who felt himself aggrieved and wished to put forward a petition in this parliament should put it forward between then and the Wednesday following; and then, of the king's grace, the day was postponed until the Friday immediately following, and after that Friday no petition was to be received.
2. Et sont assignez de receivre les peticions d'Engleterre:

  • Sire Esmond de Grymesby
  • Sire Wauter Power
  • Sire William de Newenham.
[Receivers of petitions.]
2. And the following were assigned to receive the petitions of England:

  • Sir Edmund Grimsby
  • Sir Walter Power
  • Sir William Newenham.
Et pur les peticions de Gascoigne, Gales, Escoce, Iles et autres terres et lieux foreins:

  • Sire Thomas de Drayton'
  • Sire Elys de Grymesby
  • Sire Johan Gogh'.
And for the petitions of Gascony, Wales, Scotland, the Channel Islands and other foreign lands and places:

  • Sir Thomas Drayton
  • Sir Elias Grimsby
  • Sir John Gogh.
3. Et sont assignez pur oier et trier les dites peticions d'Engleterre:

  • L'ercevesque de Canterbirs
  • L'evesqe de Londres
  • L'evesqe de Nicole
  • Le conte de Norhampton'
  • Le conte d'Arundell
  • Le conte de Huntyngdon'
  • L'abbe de Westm'
  • L'abbe de Waltham
  • Le seignur de Percy
  • Monsir Rauf de Nevill
  • Monsir William de Shareshull
  • Monsir Johan de Stonore
  • Monsir Roger Hillary
  • Monsir Richard de Wylughby
[Triers of petitions.]
3. And the following were assigned to hear and try the said petitions of England:

  • The archbishop of Canterbury
  • The bishop of London
  • The bishop of Lincoln
  • The earl of Northampton
  • The earl of Arundel
  • The earl of Huntingdon
  • The abbot of Westminster
  • The abbot of Waltham
  • Lord Percy
  • Sir Ralph Nevill
  • Sir William Shareshull
  • Sir John Stonor
  • Sir Roger Hillary
  • Sir Richard Willoughby
- appellez a eux chanceller, tresorer, seneschal et chaumberleyn et les sergeantz le roi quant bosoigne serra, et ils poent entendre. Et soit totes voies present quant les dites peticions serront lues, en cas qe nulle touche la chaumbre le roi, < Sire > Thomas de Brembre ou Sire Henry de Graystok, pur doner informacion pur le roi et au roi quant bosoigne serra. Et tendront lour place en la chaumbre le Southchaumberleyn pres de l'uys de la chaumbre Depeinte. [Triers of petitions.]
- consulting with the chancellor, treasurer, steward and chamberlain, as well as the king's serjeants when necessary, and when they are able to attend. And Sir Thomas Bramber or Sir Henry Greystock should always be present when the said petitions are read, in the event that anything concerned the king's chamber, in order to give information for the king and to the king when necessary. And they shall hold their session in the chamber of the deputy chamberlain near to the door of the Painted Chamber.
[col. b]
4. Et sont assignez pur oier et trier les peticions de Gales, Irland, Gascoigne, Bretaigne, Isles et d'autres terres et lieux foreins:

  • L'evesqe de Norwiz
  • L'evesqe de Cicestr'
  • Le conte de Warwyk
  • Le conte de Stafford
  • Le sire de Bret
  • Monsir Richard Talbot
  • Monsir Thomas de Bradeston'
  • Monsir William de Shareshull
  • Monsir Johan de Stouford
4. And the following were assigned to hear and try the petitions of Wales, Ireland, Gascony, Brittany, the Channel Islands and other foreign lands and places:

  • The bishop of Norwich
  • The bishop of Chichester
  • The earl of Warwick
  • The earl of Stafford
  • The lord d'Albret
  • Sir Richard Talbot
  • Sir Thomas Bradstone
  • Sir William Shareshull
  • Sir John Stouford
- appellez a eux chanceller, tresorer, seneschal et chaumberleyn quant bosoigne serra. Et tendront lour place en la chaumbre Marcolf. - consulting with the chancellor, treasurer, steward and chamberlain when necessary. And they shall hold their session in the Marcolf Chamber.
5. Et meisme le venderdy fut commande depar le roi a Sire Johan de Codyngton, clerc du parlement, q'il face faire crier en la sale de Westm' et aussint en la citee et les suburbes de Londres, come ad este usee avant ces heures en temps des parlementz, en forme qe s'ensuyt: 5. And on the same Friday Sir John Coddington, clerk of the parliament, was ordered on behalf of the king to cause an announcement to be made in Westminster Hall and also in the city and suburbs of London as was previously the custom during parliaments, in the form that follows:
'Porce qe avant ces heures as parlementz et conseils nostre seignur le roi debates, riotes et conteukes ont este sourz et meuez, par tant qe gentz se sont alez es lieux ou parlementz et conseils ont este somons et assemblez, armez d'aketon, des plates, des espeys et de long cotel, et d'autre manere d'armes; et par tiele cause les busoignes nostre seignur le roi et de son roialme ont este empeschez, et les grantz et autres qe y sont venuz par le commandement le roi effreiez; nostre seignur le roi, voillant purvoire de remede contre tielx malx, defende qe nul, sur peine de forfaiture de quant q'il purra forfaire devers le roi, de quel estat ou condicion q'il soit, ne voise armez d'aketon, ne de plate, ne de haubergeon, ne d'espeye, ne de long cotel, n'autre manere d'armes suspectz, en la citee de Londres, n'en les suburbes, n'en les autres lieux entre la dite citee et le paleys de Westm', ne nulle part en le paleys, par terre ne par ewe, sur la peine avantdite; forspris les gentz nostre seignur le roi quelles il vorra deputer, ou par son commandement serront deputez, pur la garde de sa pees es ditz lieux; et aussint forspris les ministres le roi, solonc la forme de l'estatut fait a Norhampton'. Et n'est mye l'entencion nostre seignur le roi, qe chescun conte, baron, ne puisse avoir son espeye porte od lui aillours qe en la presence le roi, ou de place de conseil. Et aussint defendu est depar nostre seignur le roi < et son conseil, > sur peine d'emprisonement, qe nul enfaunt n'autre jue en nul lieu du palays de Westm', durant le parlement qe y est somons, as bares ne as autres jues nient covenables, come a oustier chaperons des gentz, ne a mettre main en eux, ne autre empechement faire par quoi chescun ne puisse peisiblement suir ses busoignes.' 'Because before this time at parliaments and councils of our lord the king debates, riots and quarrels have been inevitable and numerous because people have brought arms of acton and plate, swords and long knives and other kinds of arms to places where parliaments and councils have been summoned and assembled; and because the business of our lord the king and of his realm has been impeded, and the great men and others who have come there by the king's command have been intimidated; our lord the king, wishing to provide remedy against such wrongs, forbids anyone, on penalty of forfeiture of as much as he can forfeit to the king, of whatever estate or condition he may be, to come armed with acton or plate, habergeon, sword, long knife, or with any other manner of suspicious arms, into the city of London or the suburbs, or into other places between the said city and the palace of Westminster, or any part of the palace, by land or by water, on the aforesaid penalty; saving those of our lord the king's people whom he wishes to appoint, or who shall be appointed by his instruction, for keeping the peace in the said places; and also saving the king's officials according to the form of the statute made at Northampton. And it is not the intention of our lord the king that any earl or baron should be prevented from carrying his sword with him anywhere other than in the king's presence or the place of council. And also, it is forbidden on the part of our lord the king and his council, on penalty of imprisonment, that any child or other person shall play either at bars or at any other unsuitable games, such as removing people's hoods, or laying hands on them, in any part of the palace of Westminster during the parliament which is summoned there, nor cause any other trouble by which anyone may not peacefully pursue his business.'
[p. ii-237]
[col. a]
6. Et le mardy, le quint jour du parlement, nostre seignur le roi fist venir devant lui et les autres grantz lors esteantz ovesqe lui en la chaumbre Blaunche a Westm' les communs, et illoeqes fist monstrer overtement par Monsir William de Shareshull, chief justice nostre seignur le roi, la cause du sommons de parlement en la forme qe s'ensuit: [Opening of parliament.]
6. And on the Tuesday, the fifth day of parliament, our lord the king caused the commons to come before him and the other great men being there with him in the White Chamber at Westminster, and then caused the reason for the summons of parliament to be publicly declared by Sir William Shareshull, the king's chief justice, in the form that follows:
7. 'Primerement pur ceo qe nostre seignur le roi ad entenduz qe la pees de son roialme n'est pas bien garde come estre deveroit, et qe les destourbours de la pees et meintenours des quereles et des riotes faites en pais grevont trope a son poeple, sanz ceo qe due punissement est fait de eux: et aussint, qe l'estatuz faitz cea enarer pur amendement des leies de la terre et du poeple ne sont pas gardez ne usez en lour effect, ne les juggementz renduz en les courtes nostre seignur le roi, par favour des parties et meintenance en pais, ne sont duement executz solonc lour force et solonc ceo qe la ley vorreit. Et outre ceo, conue chose soit a touz coment le roialme de France est devolut a meisme nostre seignur le roi par succession de heritage apres la mort Sire Charles de bone memoire, uncle au dit nostre seignur le roi; en queu roialme Philipp de Valoys, fitz a uncle le dit Charles, apres sa mort s'abatist torcenousement en meisme le roialme, et le tient a tort et contre Dieu et droiture a tote sa vie. Et nemye soulement l'occupa, mes moeva guerre a nostre seignur le roi en Gascoigne et aillours, acrochant a lui ses droitures et possessions, et lui fesait les mals q'il savoit sibien par terre come par meer, en subversion de lui et de son roialme d'Engleterre. Et coment, es parlementz avant ses heures tenuz, le dite bosoigne estoit purpose depar meisme nostre seignur le roi; et fut prie sibien as grantz comme as communs q'ils ent vorroient doner lour conseil et avis de ceo qe ent serroit meutz affaire. Et ils, apres bone deliberacion ent eue, disoient, q'ils ne savoient autrement conseiller mes q'il se purchaceroit alliez d'aler contre son dit adversair par main forte; et a ceo faire ils lui premistrent de lui eider de corps et d'avoir. Et sur ceo meisme nostre seignur le roi fit ses allies pardela, et ove lour eide et l'eide de ses bones gentz de son roialme d'Engleterre lui moeva guerre, par cause q'il ne poast resonable pees avoir ovesqe lui. Et coment qe meisme nostre seignur le roi et son dit adversair eussient soventfoitz assentuz au tretee de trewe ou de soeffrance, nientmeins meisme son adversair, durant meisme la trewe et soeffrance, ymaginant de nostre dit seignur le roi subdure et enginer, ad debruse meismes les trewes et soeffrances quant nostre seignur le roi quidoit q'eles serroient meutz tenues totes voies, continuant sa malice contre nostre dit seignur et les soens. Et ore Johan, fitz a son dit adversair, apres son deces continuant les tortz son pier, occupie meisme le roialme de France; et, encontre la darreine treue afferme et juree entre meisme nostre seignur le roi et lui, ad rumpue meime la trewe en Gascoigne et en Bretaigne et aussint sur la meer; et ad mande devers Escoce de continuer les aunciones alliances entre eux faites, tut en subversion et destruccion de nostre seignur le roi et de son poeple d'Engleterre; par quoi, tut adeprimes nostre seignur le roi mercie molt a ses communes des eides q'ils lui ont faitz, et de leur bone volunte q'il ad totes voies trove en eux, et se ent loe molt. Et les prie q'ils se voillent aviser sur les dites choses tantqe a cest meskerdy preschein suant, et q'ils soient meisme le meskerdy a Westm' en la chaumbre Depeinte toust apres le solail lever pur ent aver deliberacion et d'oier si nostre dit seignur le roi les vorra plus monstrer touchant la cause de son parlement avantdit; et de monstrer a nostre seignur le roi lour grevances, [col. b] si nulles y soient, dont il bosoigne de faire remede en cest parlement.' [Opening of parliament.]
7. 'First, because our lord the king understands that the peace of his realm is not as well kept as it should be, and that the disturbers of the peace and maintainers of disputes and riots occurring in the land greatly grieve his people, without due punishment being made upon them. And also that the statutes previously made for amending the laws of the land and of the people are not upheld or observed in their effect. Nor, through favour of the parties and maintenance in the land, are the judgements returned in the courts of our lord the king duly executed according to their force and as the law intended. And moreover, it shall be made known to everyone how the realm of France devolved to our same lord the king by succession of inheritance after the death of Sir Charles of good memory, uncle to our said lord the king; in which realm Philip de Valois, son of the uncle of the said Charles, after the latter's death illegally usurped the same realm and wrongfully held it for his entire life against God and right. And he not only held it, but made war on our lord the king in Gascony and elsewhere, accroaching to himself the latter's rights and possessions, and inflicted upon him every conceivable evil both by land and by sea, in subversion of him and of his realm of England. And how, at parliaments held before this time, the said business was proposed in the name of our same lord the king; and the great men as well as the commons were asked that they be willing to give their counsel and advice in this matter so that it would thence be the better accomplished. And, after good deliberation was thence had, they said that they did not know how to advise otherwise than that he should seek allies forcibly to oppose his said enemy; and so that he could do this they promised to aid him with their bodies and possessions. And moreover, our same lord the king made allies overseas and with their aid and the aid of his good people of his realm of England made war on his said enemy because he was unable to have reasonable peace with him. And although our same lord the king and his said enemy had often agreed to a treaty of truce or armistice, nevertheless, during the same truce and armistice, his same enemy, plotting to deceive and trick our said lord the king, broke the same truces and armistices when our lord the king intended that they should be the better kept in every way, and continued his malice against our said lord and his followers. And now John, the son of his said enemy, continuing the wrongs of his father after his death, occupies the same realm of France, and in breach of the last truce affirmed and sworn between our same lord and king and him, has broken the same truce in Gascony and in Brittany and also on the sea, and has sent to Scotland to continue the ancient alliances made between them, all in subversion and destruction of our lord the king and of his people of England; wherefore, firstly our lord the king greatly thanks all his commons for the aids which they have made to him, and for the good will which he has always found in them and which greatly pleases him. And he prays that they will advise him on the said matters until this Wednesday immediately following, and that on the same Wednesday they shall be at Westminster in the Painted Chamber immediately after sunrise in order to have deliberation on the same, and to hear whether our said lord the king wishes to show them more concerning the reason for the aforesaid parliament, and to show our lord the king their grievances, [col. b] if they have any, for which he ought to make remedy in this parliament.'
8. Apres queux choses issint monstrez, le dit Sire William chargea les communes depar le roi qe pur abregger lour demoere en la ville et aussint pur hastif esploit faire des dites busoignes et d'autres qe les serroient monstrez depar le roi, q'ils se deveroient assembler en une place devant leur departier de Westm' et eslire .xxiiij. ou .xxx. persones de eux; touz queux vendroient a lendemain en la dite chaumbre Depeinte, et nostre seignur le roi y mandreit a eux ascuns des grantz, d'avoir parlance ovesqes eux des busoignes avant dites: et qe le remenant des communes se trehissent el chapitre de Westm', si qe ceux .xxx. ou .xxiiij. persones issint eslues, entendue celle parlance des grantz, la deveroient nuncier a lour compaignons de la commune. Et qe apres deliberacion ent eue entre touz les communes, et de commune acorde ent faite, relacion puisse estre faite a nostre seignur le roi de ceo qe serra par eux assentu et acorde des busoignes avantdites. Et puis au vendredy preschein suant, viendrent totes les communes devant le prince et les autres grantz en la chaumbre Blaunche, ou fut dit par Monsir Bertholomeu de Burgherssh, chaumberleyn nostre seignur le roi, la malice et la fausine de son adversair de France; et coment, puis les trewes darreinement prises et acordes, le dit adversair les ad debruse ore de novel, overtement sur la meer et devers Gascoigne, Bretaigne et les parties de Caleys, et s'afforce par totes les sotiltes et imaginacions q'il et son conseil saveront, de grever nostre seignur le roi et ses subgitz totes partz: et qe sur ceo les dites communes se deveroient diligeaument aviser de ceo qe lour semblera qe serroit meutz affaire pur nostre seignur le roi, d'arester la malice et la fausine avantdites, pur salvacion de lui et de son roialme et de touz ses subgitz. Et meintenant apres < celle > monstrance le dit Sire William dist as dites communes qe s'ils avoient nulles peticions des grevances faites a commune poeple, ou pur amendement de la ley, les baillassent avant en parlement. Et aussint fut dit a les prelatz et seignurs qe chescun entendreit entour le triere des peticions des singuleres persones, es places ou ils furent assignez. 8. After these matters were thus declared, the said Sir William charged the commons in the king's name that, to shorten their stay in town and to make speedy execution of the said business and other matters which would be declared to them in the king's name, they should assemble in one place before their departure from Westminster and choose 24 or 30 people from among themselves, who should all come to the said Painted Chamber on the morrow, and there our lord the king would send some of the great men to them to speak with them about the aforesaid business; and that the remainder of the commons should proceed to the chapter house of Westminster so that these 30 or 24 people thus chosen, having heard the words of the great men, should announce them to their companions of the commons. And after deliberation was thus had by all the commons in this matter, and agreed of common accord, a report could be made to our lord the king of that which was be agreed and accorded by them concerning the aforesaid business. And then on the Friday immediately following, all the commons came before the prince and other great men in the White Chamber, where Sir Bartholomew Burghersh, chamberlain of our lord the king, declared the malice and deceit of his enemy of France; and how, after the truces were finally accepted and agreed, the said enemy had recently broken them, openly on the sea and in Gascony, Brittany and the parts of Calais, and, mustering all the cunning and trickery which he and his council knew, he strove to trouble our lord the king and his subjects everywhere; and that on this matter the said commons should diligently advise him concerning what they thought best to be done for our lord the king in preventing the aforesaid malice and deceit, for the salvation of him, his realm and all his subjects. And then, after this declaration, the said Sir William told the said commons that if they had any petitions concerning grievances done to the common people or for amending the law, they should deliver them in parliament. And the prelates and lords were also told that each of them should be present for the trying of petitions from individual persons, in the places to which they were assigned.
[memb. 5]
9. Et puis apres longe trete et deliberacion eues par les communes ove la communalte, et l'avis d'ascuns des grantz a eux envoiez, sibien sur un eide qe covendreit a nostre seignur le roi de contreesteer la malice son dit adversair, come sur la fesance des peticions touchantes le commune poeple de la terre; si vindrent les dites communes devant nostre seignur le roi et touz les grantz en parlement et monstrerent coment le commune poeple de la terre fut molt empovery, sibien par la pestilence mortiele qe nadgairs avient en la terre come par autres soviers taxes, taillages et plusours autres cheances [sic: read 'chevances'] qe les ont survenuz. Mes, nientcontreesteantz celles meschiefs, eantz regarde a la necessaire defens qe covendroit estre fait pur la salvacion du roialme d'Engleterre contre tante malice des enemys du dit roialme, baillerent a nostre seignur le roi en plein parlement une roule, contenante sibien l'eide q'ils avoient ordeine et uniement d'un acord grante a nostre seignur le roi en tante necessite, come les peticions touchantes la commune de la terre; des quelles peticions ils prieront a nostre seignur le roi bon et hastif respons. Et nostre seignur le roi ottroia bonement a lour priere en ceste partie, enmerciant a eux des soviers eides q'ils lui avoient fait devant, et aussint del eide a lui ore grantee, et de la bone voluntee et natureste q'il ad totes voies trove en ses communes avant ces heures, et ore troeve en ceste bosoigne. [Grant of subsidy.]
9. And then, after long discussions and deliberation were had by the commons with the commonalty, and the advice of some of the great men had been sent to them, both concerning an aid which would be necessary to our lord the king in opposing the malice of his said enemy and concerning the making of petitions touching the common people of the land, the said commons came before our lord the king and all the great men in parliament and declared how the common people of the land were greatly impoverished by the deadly pestilence which they formerly suffered in the land as well as by the frequent taxes, tallages and many other levies which had fallen upon them. But notwithstanding these mischiefs, and having consideration for the necessary defence which should be made for the salvation of the realm of England against such great malice of the enemies of the said realm, they delivered a roll to our lord the king in full parliament, containing the aid which they have ordained and unanimously of one accord granted to our lord the king in such necessity, as well as the petitions touching the commonalty of the land; concerning which petitions they prayed our lord the king for a good and speedy answer. And our lord the king willingly granted their request in this matter, thanking them for the frequent aids which they have previously made to him, and also for the aid now granted to him, and for the good will and kindliness which he had always found in his commons before this time, and had found again in this time of need.
[p. ii-238]
CY COMMENCE LE ROULE DONE EN PARLEMENT PAR LA COMMUNE, ET LES RESPONSES FAITES A LES PETICIONS DE LA COMMUNE ESCRIPTES EN MEISME LE ROULE, C'ESTASSAVOIR APRES CHESCUNE PETICION LE RESPONSE ENT DONE EN PARLEMENT. HERE BEGINS THE ROLL GIVEN IN PARLIAMENT BY THE COMMONS, AND THE ANSWERS MADE TO THE PETITIONS OF THE COMMONS WRITTEN IN THE SAME ROLL, THAT IS TO SAY, AFTER EACH PETITION THE ANSWER GIVEN IN PARLIAMENT.
[col. a]
10. Ceste la forme du grante de trois dismes et quinzismes grantees a nostre seignur le roi ore en cest present parlement par les grantz du roialme et par tote la commune, pur la grande necessite a la dite commune, monstree par nostre dit seignur le roi et les grantz avantditz, a lever et paier solonc la forme des dismes et quinzismes darrein grantees et levees; commenceant le primer paiement a la Pask preschein avenir, la moite de primer an, et l'autre moite al Seint Michel preschein ensuant; et issint en les deux aunz adonqes preschein ensuantz a meismes les termes, tantqe les ditz trois dismes et quinzismes soient pleinement paiez sur la condicion qe ensuyt: 10. This is the form of the grant of three tenths and fifteenths now granted to our lord the king in this present parliament by the great men of the realm and by all the commonalty, for the great necessity of the said commonalty demonstrated by our said lord the king and the aforesaid great men, to be levied and paid according to the form of the tenths and fifteenths last granted and levied, the first half of the first year's payment to be paid at Easter following, and the other half at Michaelmas following; and likewise during the two years then immediately following at the same terms, until the said three tenths and fifteenths shall be fully paid upon the condition that follows:
11. I. C'est assaver, qe tut le profit provenant des fyns, issues, amerciments et excesses levez et a levers, sibien deinz fraunchises come dehors, des laborers, vendours des vitailles quecunqes ceo soient, artificers et servantz et touz autres contenuz en l'estatut des laborers, etc., soit en l'eide de la commune a les dites dismes et quinzismes solonc le purport del dit estatut paier, nient contreesteant chartres ou grant fait a ascuny devant ces heures, ou afaire. 11. I. That is to say, that all the profit arising from the fines, issues, amercements and excesses levied and to be levied, both within franchises and without, from labourer, sellers of victuals (whatever these may be), craftsmen and servants and all others contained in the Statute of Labourers, etc., shall be paid towards the said tenths and fifteenths in aid of the commonalty, according to the tenor of the said statute, notwithstanding charters or grants previously made or to be made to anyone.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest a nostre seignur le roi et a les grantz de la terre qe la commune eit touz les fyns, amerciements et issues forfaitz des ditz laborers et artificers, contenuz en l'estatut fait au darrein parlement, (fn. ii-236-37-1) en eide de lour disme et quinzisme durant le temps des dites dismes et quinzismes triennales; sauves a chescun seignur lour fraunchises sanz nulle emblemissement. Et l'entent nostre seignur le roi et de son conseil est qe ceste eide soit en oeps des povres des villes et lieux gastes et autres qi plus de meister en ont, par avis des justices a ceo assignez. (fn. ii-236-37-2) It pleases our lord the king and the great men of the land that the commonalty shall have all the fines, amercements and issues forfeited from the said labourers and craftsmen, as contained in the statute made at the last parliament, (fn. ii-236-37-1) in aid of their tenth and fifteenth during the time of the said triennial tenths and fifteenths; saving to each lord their franchises without any impairment. And it is the intention of our lord the king and of his council that this aid shall be to the use of the poor people of the vills and of depopulated places and of others who have great need, by the advice of justices assigned to this matter. (fn. ii-236-37-2)
12. II. Item, qe mais ne soit demande ne levee de sa commune taxe ne taillage, eides ne charges en temps avenir. Et qe totes les peticions resonables priez par la commune soient grantees, confermez et enseallez avant le departier de cel parlement. [II. Remission from taxation and granting of petitions.]
12. II. Also, that no more shall be demanded or levied by way of common tax, tallage, aids or charges in times to come. And that all reasonable petitions requested by the commons shall be granted, confirmed and sealed before the conclusion of this parliament.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Quant a taxe et taillage, il n'est pas l'entencion nostre seignur le roi ne des grantz q'ils soient mes chargez. Quant a granter et affermer les peticions resonables, il plest au roi q'il soit fait. As regards tax and tallage, it is not the intention of our lord the king or of the great men that more shall be charged. As regards granting and affirming reasonable petitions, it pleases the king that it shall be done.
13. III. Item, purceo qe les leys, sibien la commune ley come les estatutz ordinez par nostre seignur le roi et ses progeniturs cea enarere, n'ont pas este tenuz ne meintenuz, ne proces de due execucion fait, pur ceo qe les justices as queux les leys ount este commises affaire, qe alefoitz par lour nounleiser pur trope occupacion des diverses sessions, ascun foitz pur ceo qe < en > lour commissions des pointz qe a eux attient affaire expresse mencion n'ad este faite, et ascun foitz pur ceo q'ils n'ount pas estee eseez pur grande meintenance a lour office faire; prie la commune: qe les grantz de la terre, contes et barons, chescun en sa marche, od les plus loialx et sages de la ley en celles parties, noun pas trope grant noumbre, esluz en cest present parlement par avis des grantz et autres de la dite commune, qi sont sermentez, [col. b] soient assignez en eide de poevre poeple a oier et terminer aussibien a la suyte de partie come a la suyte le roi, sibien deinz fraunchises come dehors, d'an en an, des totes maneres de felonies et trespas et des totes maneres des extorsions, oppressions et grevances faites au poeple par officers et vitaillers, sibien del hostiel le roi come des autres officers et ministres quecunqes, des laborers, artificers, des vendours des vitailles, hostilers, bracerers, pestours, bochers, pulters, suours, tannours, regraters et des totes choses comprises en l'estatut des choses susdites nadgairs fait et des totes autres choses contre les pointz des leys et estatutz nadgairs faitz pur salvacion de la pees et chastiement de les mesfesours, et lour fausynes et malvetes restreindre, et ent faire due et redde execucion et punissement come la ley demande sanz empeschement. Et qe les ditz justices soient commandez a ceo faire d'an en an, come desus est dit, au meyns deux foitz par an as costages nostre seignur le roi, pernant lour gages covenables de lour sessions. Et qe les ditz justices et touz autres assignez a oier et terminer felonies et trespas facent covenable garnissement au meyns de .xv. jours de lour sessions, si qe le poeple ne soit subdust d'estre mys en perde de lour issues, n'en exigende, ne suppris a la suyte de partie ne a la suyte le roi, sanz covenable garnissement et proces faire. [III. Appointment of justices of the peace.]
13. III. Also, because the laws, both the common law and the statutes previously ordained by our lord the king and his progenitors, have not been upheld or maintained nor process of due execution made, because of the failure of the justices to whom the laws have been committed to be enacted, whether through lack of opportunity as a result of the weight of business in various sessions, or because express mention has not been made in their commissions of the articles which they should carry out, or because they have been prevented by the great maintenance made to their office; the commons pray: that the great men of the land, earls and barons, each in his region, along with the most loyal and wise men of the law in those parts, in not too great a number, appointed in this present parliament by the advice of the great men and others of the said commons, sworn to the task, [col. b] shall be assigned in aid of the poor people to hear and determine, at the suit of the party as well as at the suit of the king, both within franchises and without, from year to year, all manner of felonies and trespasses and all manner of extortions, oppressions and grievances done to the people by officers and victuallers, whether of the king's household or any other officers and officials whatsoever, and labourers, craftsmen, sellers of victuals, innkeepers, brewers, bakers, butchers, poulterers, shoemakers, tanners, regraters and all others contained in the statute formerly made concerning the aforesaid matters and all other things contrary to the articles of the laws and statutes formerly made for the preservation of the peace and punishment of criminals, and for preventing their deceits and crimes, and to make due and strict execution and punishment of the same without impediment, as the law demands. And that the said justices shall be commanded to do this from year to year, as aforesaid, at least twice each year at the expense of our lord the king, taking their appropriate wages from their sessions. And that the said justices and all others assigned to hear and determine felonies and trespasses shall make the appropriate protections during at least fifteen days of their sessions, so that the people shall not risk losing their issues, or being put in exigent, or taken at the suit of the party or the suit of the king without the appropriate protection and process being made.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi envoiera son baunk la ou il verra qe plus de mestier serra; et totes les foitz qe mestier serra il assignera autres justices covenables d'oier et terminer trespas et felonies par aillours la ou bosoigne serra. Mes il voet qe les commissions des laborers estoisent en lour force. The king will send his bench where he deems it most necessary; and whenever it is necessary he will assign other suitable justices to hear and determine trespasses and felonies elsewhere where there is need. But he wills that the commissions of labourers shall have their force.
14. IIII. Item, prie la commune: qe la grande chartre, la chartre de la foreste et touz les autres estatutz einz ces heures faitz as diverses parlementz, et nomement des pernours, purveours et vitaillers, sibien del hostiel le roi, la roigne et de les enfantz come des autres quecunqes, qe de jour en autre font si grant mal et damage qe ne poet en especial tut estre monstre ne declare, soient salvez et gardeez en touz lour articles, et due execucion sanz delaie faite a les contrevenantz. Et qe en les commissions as tieux pernours, purveours et vitaillers faites, soit compris lour poair et la penance del estatut. (fn. ii-236-50-1) Et si ascun se medle par autre commission, eit la penance come l'estatut doune, et qe nul homme soit tenuz d'estre a lui entendant. [IIII. Guarantee of laws, especially regarding purveyance.]
14. IIII. Also, the commons pray: that the Great Charter, the Charter of the Forest and all other statutes made before this time at various parliaments, and especially concerning takers, purveyors and victuallers of the households of the king, the queen and their children as well as of the households of any others whatsoever, who from day to day cause such great evil and damage that it cannot all be individually demonstrated or declared, shall be kept and upheld in all their articles, and due execution made upon the contrevenors without delay. And that their powers, and the penalties of the statute, (fn. ii-236-50-1) shall be specified in the commissions made to such takers, purveyors and victuallers. And if anyone interferes under another commission, he shall have the penalty given in the statute, and no man shall be held to be attendant upon him.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest a nostre seignur le roi qe l'estatutz ent faitz soient tenuz en touz pointz, et qe l'entencion et la peine de l'estatutz soient contenues en les commissions des purveours; et nul purveour face sa purveance s'il n'eit commission du grant ou prive seals nostre seignur le roi, et si nulle autre commission soit monstre, q'ele soit tenue pur nulle. (fn. ii-236-53-1) It pleases our lord the king that the statutes made in this matter shall be upheld in all points, and that the intention and the penalty of the statutes shall be contained in the commissions of the purveyors; and no purveyor shall make his purveyance if he does not have a commission of the great or privy seals of our lord the king, and if any other commission shall be shown, it shall be treated as null. (fn. ii-236-53-1)
15. V. Item, qe nul viscont soit desorenemees s'il n'eit terres et tenementz suffisantz deinz meismes les countees ou il serra viscont, issint q'il purra respondre au roi et a poeple. [V. Appointment of sheriffs.]
15. V. Also, that no one shall henceforth be sheriff if he does not have sufficient lands and tenements within the same counties where he will be sheriff, so that he can answer to the king and the people.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Porceo qe cel point fust autrefoitz ordine par estatut, soit meisme l'estatut tenuz en touz pointz. (fn. ii-236-58-1) Because this point was previously ordained by statute, the same statute shall be upheld in all points. (fn. ii-236-58-1)
[p. ii-239]
[col. a]
16. VI. Item, prie la commune: qe les aprestes qe sont grantez a nostre seignur le roi par diverses persones de la commune soient relessez, et qe nul desore soit arte de faire tieux aprestes contre sa volunte, qar ceo est contre reson et la fraunchise de la terre. Et qe restitucion soit faite as tieux qi tieux aprestes ont fait. [VI. Forced loans.]
16. VI. Also, the commons pray: that the loans which were granted to our lord the king by various people of the commonalty shall be remitted, and that no one shall henceforth be forced to make such loans against his will, since this is against reason and the rights of the land. And that restitution shall be made to those who have made such loans.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest a nostre seignur le roi qe ensi soit. It pleases our lord the king that it shall be so.
17. VII. Item, come les justices nostre seignur le roi assignez en diverses countees ajuggeont les gentz qe sont empeschez devant eux come treitours par diverses causes desconues a la commune estre treison, qe pleise a nostre seignur le roi, par son conseil et par les grantz et sages de la terre, declarer les pointz de treison en cest present parlement. [VII. Definition of treason.]
17. VII. Also, whereas the justices of our lord the king assigned in various counties adjudge the people who are impeached before them as traitors for various reasons unknown to the commonalty as treason, may it please our lord the king, by the advice of the great and wise men of the land, to declare the articles of treason in this present parliament.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Quant ala peticion tochante treison, nostre seignur le roi ad fait declarer les article de ycelle en manere qe ensuit: c'est assaver, en cas quant homme face compaser ou ymaginer la mort nostre seignur le roi, ou ma dame sa compaigne, ou de lour fitz primer et heir; ou si homme violast la compaigne le roi; et la eisne fille le roi nient marie; et la compaigne a l'eisne fitz et heir du roi. Et si homme leve de guerre contre nostre seignur le roi en son roialme, ou soit adherdant as enemys nostre seignur le roi en le roialme, donant a eux eide et confort en son roialme ou par aillours, et de ceo provablement soit atteint de overt fait par gentz de lour condicion. Et si homme contreface le grant seal le roi ou sa monoie: et si homme apporte fause monoie en cest roialme contrefaite a la monoie d'Engleterre, sicome la monoie appelle Lusseburgh ou autre semblable a la dite monoie d'Engleterre, sachant la monoie estre fause, pur marchander ou paiement faire, en deceit nostre seignur le roi et de son poeple. Et si homme tuast chaunceller, tresorer, ou justices nostre seignur le roi del un baunk ou del autre, justices en eir, des assises et de touz autres justices assignez a oier et terminer, esteantz en lour places enfesant lour office. Et fait a entendre qe en les cas susnomees doit estre ajuggee treison qe ce estent a nostre seignur le roi et a sa roiale mageste. Et de tieles maneres de treison la forfaiture des escheetes appertient a nostre seignur le roi, sibien des terres et tenementz tenuz des autres come de lui meismes. Ovesqe ceo, il y ad autre manere de treison, c'est assaver quant un servant tue son mestre, une femme qe tue son baron, quant homme seculer ou de religion tue son prelat a qi il doit foi et obedience; et tiel manere de treison doune forfaiture des escheetes a chescun seignur de son fee propre. Et pur ceo qe plusours autres cas de semblable treison purront eschaier en temps avenir, queux homme ne purra penser ne declarer en present, assentu est qe si autre cas suppose treison qe n'est especifietz paramont aviegne de novel devant ascuns justices, demoerge la justice sanz aler a juggement de treison tantqe pardevant nostre seignur le roi et son parlement soit le cas monstre, et declare le quel ceo doit estre ajugge treson ou autre felonie. Et si par cas ascun homme de cest roialme chivache armee, descovert ou secrement, od gentz armez contre ascun autre pur lui tuer ou desrobber, ou pur lui prendre et retener tantqe il face fyn ou raunceon pur sa deliverance avoir, n'est pas l'entent du roi et de son conseil qe en tiel cas soit ajugge treison, einz soit ajugge felonie ou trespas selonc la ley de la terre auncienement usee, et solonc ceo qe le cas demande. Et si, en tieu cas ou autre semblable, devant ces heures ascun justice eit ajugge treison, et par y celle cause les terres et tenementz devenuz en la main nostre seignur le roi come forfaitz, eient les chiefs seignurs de fee lour escheetes des tenementz de eux tenuz, le quel qe les tenementz soient en la main le roi ou en main d'autres par doun ou en autre manere; sauvant totesfoitz a nostre seignur le roi l'an et le wast et autres forfaitures des chatelx qe a lui attient en les cas susnomez; et qe briefs de scire facias vers les terres-tenantz soient [col. b] grantez en tiel cas, sanz autre original et sanz alower la proteccion nostre seignur le roi en la dite suyte. Et de les terres qe sont en la main le roi soient grantez briefs as viscontz des countees la ou les terres serront, de oustier la main sanz autre delaie. (fn. ii-236-68-1) As regards the petition touching treason, our lord the king has caused the articles of the same to be declared in the manner that follows: that is to say, in the event that any man plots or plans the death of our lord the king, my lady his consort or their first son and heir; if any man rapes the king's spouse, the king's eldest daughter when unmarried or the spouse of the king's eldest son and heir; if any man wages war against our lord the king in his realm, or shall be a supporter of the enemies of our lord the king in the realm, giving them aid and comfort in his realm or anywhere else, and shall be attainted of this by proof publicly made by people of their own condition; if any man counterfeits the king's great seal or his money; and if any man brings false money into this realm which is counterfeit to the money of England, such as the money called Lushbournes or other money similar to the said money of England, knowing the money to be false, for trading or making payment, in deceit of our lord the king and of his people; if any man kills the chancellor, treasurer or justices of our lord the king of either bench, the justices in eyre, of assizes and all other justices assigned to hear and determine when they are in their places performing their offices. And it is understood that in the aforenamed cases it must be adjudged that this was treason to our lord the king and to his royal majesty. And in such kinds of treason the forfeiture of escheats belongs to our lord the king, from the lands and tenements held of others as well as of the king himself. In addition to this, there is another kind of treason, that is to say, when a servant kills his master, a wife kills her husband or when any secular man or man of religion kills his prelate to whom he owes fidelity and obedience; and such manner of treason requires the forfeiture of escheats to each lord of his own fee. And because many other similar cases of treason will occur in times to come, which no man is able to imagine or declare at present, it is agreed that if any case of supposed treason which is not specified above newly comes before any justices, the justice shall refrain from making a judgment of treason until the case is brought before our lord the king and his parliament, and it is declared whether this ought to be adjudged as treason or as another felony. And if by chance any man of this realm shall ride armed, openly or secretly, with armed men, against any other in order to kill or rob him, or to take and keep him until fine or ransom is made for his deliverance, it is not the intent of the king and his council that in such case it shall be adjudged treason, but rather it shall be adjudged felony or trespass according to the law of the land anciently used, and as the case demands. And if, in such case or other similar case, any justice has adjudged it treason before this time, and for this reason the lands and tenements passed into the hands of our lord the king as forfeitures, the chief lords of the fee shall have their escheats of the tenements held of them, whether the tenements be in the hands of the king or in the hands of others by gift or in any other manner; saving always to our lord the king the year and the waste and other forfeitures of chattels which belong to him in the aforenamed cases; and that writs of scire facias shall be [col. b] granted against the holders of the lands in such cases, without the need for any other original writ and without allowing the protection of our lord the king in the said suit. And concerning lands which are in the king's hands, writs shall be granted to sheriffs of the counties where the lands are, for relinquishing possession without any delay. (fn. ii-236-68-1)
18. VIII. Item, qe nul enditour soit mys en enqueste sur la deliverance de l'enditement, plus en trespas q'en felonie, s'il soit chalenge par celle cause par l'endite. [VIII. Indictors on inquests.]
18. VIII. Also, that no indictor shall be put on an inquest for the deliverance of the indictment, either in trespass or in felony, if he shall be challenged for this reason by the indicted person.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest a nostre seignur le roi qe soit fait. (fn. ii-236-73-1) It pleases our lord the king that it shall be so. (fn. ii-236-73-1)
19. IX. Item, come y soit contenu en la grande chartre des fraunchises d'Engleterre, 'qe nul soit pris, n'emprisone ne ouste de frank tenement, ses fraunchises et frankes custumes si ne soit par la ley de la terre', (fn. ii-236-75-1) qe nul desore soit pris par peticion ou suggescion fait a nostre seignur le roi ou a son conseil si ne soit par enditement ou presentement des bones et loialx de visnee, et en due manere, ou par proces fait sur brief original a la commune ley, ne oustee de ses fraunchises ne de son frank tenement s'il ne soit mesne duement en respons et forsjugge de ycelles par voie de ley. Et si riens soit fait a l'encontre soit redresse et tenu pur nul. [IX. No-one to be arrested on a petition before the council.]
19. IX. Also, whereas it is contained in the Great Charter of the franchises of England, 'that no one shall be taken, imprisoned or removed from his freehold, his franchises or his free customs except by the law of the land', (fn. ii-236-75-1) that no one shall henceforth be taken by a petition or suggestion made to our lord the king or his council except by the indictment or presentment of good and loyal men of the neighbourhood, and in due manner, or by process made on an original writ at common law, nor shall anyone be removed from his franchises or his freehold unless he is duly brought to answer and found guilty of the same by process of law. And if anything shall be done to the contrary it shall be redressed and treated as null.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest a nostre seignur le roi qe la peticion soit ottroie. (fn. ii-236-78-1) It pleases our lord the king that this petition shall be granted. (fn. ii-236-78-1)
20. X. Item, qe les executours des executours puissent aver accion des dettes, acomptes et des biens emportez de primer testatour, et execucion des estatutz marchantz, et reconisance faite en court de record, come les primers executours averoient s'ils furent en vie, sibien en temps passe come en temps avenir. [X. Executors of executors.]
20. X. Also, that the executors of executors can have action of debts, accounts and goods derived from the first testator, and the execution of statutes merchant and of recognisances made in a court of record, as the first executors would have had if they were alive, in times past as well as in times to come.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest au roi qe soit fait, aussibien d'accions de temps passe come de temps avenir, en touz cas ou juggementz ne sont pas renduz: et qe les juggementz au contrair en temps passe estoisent en lour force. (fn. ii-236-83-1) It pleases the king that it shall be done, both for the actions of times past as well as those to come, in all cases where judgments have not been returned; and that judgments made to the contrary in times past shall have their force. (fn. ii-236-83-1)
21. XI. Item, qe nuls pernours de buche ne de maerym pur l'ostiel nostre seignur le roi, ne pur autres overeignes, coupe ne abate nulli arbres cressantz entur nulli mansions, come a darrein parlement fut ordeine, einz qe le dit estatut soit ore rehercee et fermement tenuz. [XI. Prise of wood.]
21. XI. Also, that no takers of wood or timber for the household of our lord the king, or for other tasks, shall cut down or fell any trees growing near any dwelling places, as was ordained at the last parliament, but that the said statute shall now be repeated and firmly upheld.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest au roi qe ensi soit: et qe si nul face au contrair, face gree a la partie des damages en le treble, et eit la prison d'un an, et soit forjugge de son office. (fn. ii-236-88-1) It pleases the king that it shall be so; and that if anyone acts to the contrary, he shall make payment to the party of treble his damages, and he shall be imprisoned for one year and deprived of his office. (fn. ii-236-88-1)
[memb. 4]
22. XII. Item, qe foresters et gardeins de forestes ou chaces, ne nul autre ministre, facent ne coillent puture ne nulle autre coillette des vitailles, ne de nulles autres choses, par colour de lour office, encontre nulli volunte, dedeinz lour baillives ne dehors, forspris ceo q'est du de droit. [XII. Foresters not to make purveyance of victuals.]
22. XII. Also, that neither foresters and wardens of forests or chaces nor any other official shall make or collect any other collection of victuals or of anything else by reason of their office, against the will of anyone, inside their bailiwicks or outside, except that which is due of right.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest au roi qe ensi soit. (fn. ii-236-93-1) It pleases the king that it shall be so. (fn. ii-236-93-1)
23. XIII. Item, qe nul homme soit arte de trover gentz d'armes, hobelours ne archers autres qi ceux qi tiegnent par tiel service, s'il ne soit par commune assent et grante en parlement, qar ceo est contre le droit du roialme. [XIII. Military levies.]
23. XIII. Also, that no may shall be forced to supply men at arms, hobelars or archers other than those who hold by such service, except by common assent and grant in parliament, since this is contrary to the rights of the realm.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi ottroie a ceste peticion. (fn. ii-236-98-1) The king grants this petition. (fn. ii-236-98-1)
24. XIV. Item, pur ceo qe divers marchantz usont d'achater et poiser laines et autres marchandises par un pois qe est appelle auncel, a grant damage et deceit del poeple; prie la commune: qe cel pois appelle auncel soit de tout oustee, et qe chescun vende et achate par bellances. [XIV. Weighing of wool.]
24. XIV. Also, because various merchants used to buy and weigh wool and other merchandises by a weight called the auncel, to the great damage and deceit of the people; the commons pray: that this weight called the auncel shall be completely withdrawn, and that everyone shall sell and buy by the balances.
[p. ii-240]
[col. a]
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Porce qe ceste peticion touche commune profit, soit ottroie, si qe les bellances soient owels et les laines ouelement poisees par droit pois; et qe le sak ne poise qe vint et sys pieres, et chescune pere poise .xiiij. livres; et qe l'estatere de la belance n'encline al une partie ne a l'autre; et qe le pois soit acordant al estandard de l'escheqer. Et si nul achatour de leine face a l'encontre soit grevousement puni, aussibien a la suite de partie come a la suite nostre seignur le roi. (fn. ii-236-103-1) Because this petition concerns the common profit, it shall be granted, if the balances are equal and the wool is evenly weighed by legal weights; and that each sack shall weigh no more than 26 stones, and each stone shall weigh 14 pounds; and that the beam of the balance shall not incline to one side or the other; and that the weight shall be in accordance with the standard of the exchequer. And if any buyer of wool acts to the contrary he shall be grievously punished, whether at the suit of the party or at the suit of our lord the king. (fn. ii-236-103-1)
25. XV. Item, prie la commune: qe si nostre seignur le roi passe son roialme d'Engleterre, qe lui pleise ordeiner salve garde pur ses marches vers la terre d'Escoce, et pur tut son roialme en sa absence si la pees ne se preigne parentre lui et ses enemys. [XV. Keeping of the northern march.]
25. XV. Also, the commons pray: that if our lord the king leaves his realm of England, it may please him to ordain safeguard for his marches towards the land of Scotland, and for all his realm in his absence if peace does not occur between him and his enemies.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest a nostre seignur le roi qe ensi soit fait. It pleases our lord the king that this shall be done.
26. XVI. Item, come ordeine soit par la grande chartre 'qe une mesure soit usee par my tut le roialme des totes choses vendables'; (fn. ii-236-110-1) quel estatut n'est pas tenuz; prie la commune: qe nostre seignur le roi, par son bon conseil, pur son profit et pur le profit de la commune, facent garder le dit estatut et ordeiner punissement a les contrevenantz. [XVI. Weights and measures.]
26. XVI. Also, whereas it was ordained by the Great Charter 'that one measure shall be used throughout all the realm for all goods', (fn. ii-236-110-1) which statute is not upheld; the commons pray: that our lord the king, by his good council, for his profit and for the profit of the commonalty, shall cause the said statute to be observed and punishment to be ordained upon the contrevenors.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Soient les mesures, c'est assaver bussell, demi bussell et pec, galon, potel et quarte, en chescun countee d'Engleterre, sibien deinz fraunchises come dehors, acordantz a l'estandard nostre seignur le roi: et contiegne le quarter oet bussell par l'estandard, et nient plus. Et soit chescune mesure de blee rasee, sanz comble; sauvez les rentes et fermes des seignurs qe soient mesurees par tiele mesure, come eles soleient avant ces heures. Et facent les purveours le roi, ma dame la roine et touz autres, lour purveances par mesmes les mesures rases, et en mesme la manere. Et toteslesfoitz qe mestier serra, nostre seignur le roi assignera certeins justices en chescun countee d'enquere et d'oier et terminer sur les pointz susditz, et de faire sur ceo due punissement solonc chescun trespas, sibien a la suite de partie come a la suite le roi. Issint totes voies, qe totes maneres des fraunchises soient sauvez as seignurs en touz pointz, sanz nuli emblemissement ent faire en quecumqe manere. (fn. ii-236-113-1) The measures, that is to say, the bushel, half bushel and peck, gallon, pottle and quart shall be in accordance with the standard of our lord the king in each county of England, inside as well as outside franchises; and the quarter shall contain 8 bushels by the standard, and no more. And each measure of corn shall be struck level, without being heaped; except the rents and farms of the lords, which shall be measured by the same measures, as previously. And the purveyors of the king, my lady the queen and all others shall make their purveyances by the same level measures and in the same manner. And whenever it is necessary, our lord the king will assign certain justices in each county to inquire into and to hear and determine upon the aforesaid articles, and to make due punishment thereon according to each trespass at the suit of the party as well as at the suit of the king. So always that all manner of franchises shall be saved to the lords in all points, without any impairment to be made thereon in any manner whatsoever. (fn. ii-236-113-1)
27. XVII. Item, prient touz les chivalers, citezeins et burgeis qi sont venuz a cel parlement pur les countees: qe nul de eux soit fait coillour del eide a nostre seignur le roi ore a cest parlement grante. [XVII. Release of members of the commons from service as tax-collectors.]
27. XVII. Also, all the knights, citizens and burgesses who have come to this parliament for the counties pray: that none of them shall be made a collector of the aid now granted to our lord the king in this parliament.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il semble au conseil qe ceste peticion n'est pas resonable. It seems to the council that this petition is not reasonable.
28. XVIII. Item, prie la commune: q'il pleise au roi commander paiementz estre faitz a son povere poeple des bledz et autres vitailles prises pur la vitaillement de Caleys et aillours. [XVIII. Payments for prises.]
28. XVIII. Also, the commons pray: that it may please the king to order payments to be made to his poor people for corn and other victuals taken for the victualling of Calais and elsewhere.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest a nostre seignur le roi qe paiement ent soit fait si tost come l'eni purra bonement. It pleases our lord the king that payment shall be made as soon as it can properly be done.
29. XIX. Item, qe quant nostre seignur le roi avera renable eide pur eisne fitz faire chivaler et eisnesse file marier, soit demande et levee come aunciene ley et custume voet; c'est assaver, .xx. s. du fee de chivaler, et .xx. s. de vint livree de terre tenue en socage des feedz tenuz de nostre seignur le roi inmediat, et nemye des autri feedz, come ore tard fut leveez. [XIX. Feudal aids.]
29. XIX. Also, that whenever our lord the king has reasonable aid for knighting his eldest son and for the marriage of his eldest daughter, it shall be demanded and levied according to ancient law and custom; that is to say, 20s. from a knight's fee, and 20s. from £20 of land held in socage from fees held immediately of our lord the king, and not from other fees, as it was lately levied.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe l'estatut en tieu cas fait soit tenu en touz pointz. (fn. ii-236-128-1) The king wills that the statute made in such case shall be upheld in all points. (fn. ii-236-128-1)
30. XX. Item, come ordeine fut au darrein parlement qe touz les gortz, kydels, molyns et autres nusantz leveez et faitz en Thamyse, et en autres riveres ou niefs et batelx soleient passer ove diverses vitailles pur profit du roialme, fuissent abatuz; de quoi uncore riens est [col. b] fait. Par quoi prie la commune: qe meisme l'estatut soit redment mys en execucion. Et qe nul homme preigne pur passage sur meisme l'ewe, en alant ou revenant, forsqe es lieux acustumez de droit, et nient plus q'est due de droit, sur certeine peine. [XX. Freedom of river traffic.]
30. XX. Also, whereas it was ordained at the last parliament that all the gorces, kiddles, mills and other nuisances built and made in the Thames, and in other rivers where ships and boats are accustomed to pass with various victuals for the profit of the realm, would be destroyed, (fn. ii-236-130-1) yet still nothing is [col. b] done; wherefore the commons pray: that the same statute shall be strictly put in execution. And that no man shall take anything for passage on the same water, in going or returning, except to places accustomed of right, and no more than is due of right, on a certain penalty.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest au roi qe ensi soit. It pleases the king that it shall be so.
31. XXI. Item, come plusours de roialme vendont et bargaignent diverses choses et contraites font od Lumbards et autres aliens; et les ditz aliens se sont sodeinement alez pardela sanz retournir, od grandes sommes des deniers, et autres grandes marchandises as gentz de ceste roialme dues; prie la commune: qe ceux qi sont de tieles compaignies des tieux aliens, issint esloignez ove autri biens, soient tenuz a respondre as gentz de cest roialme qe se sentont des tieles choses et en tiele manere grevez, come gentz de cest roialme serroient tenuz pardela as ditz aliens en cas semblable, pur tut temps avenir. [XXI. Liability of alien merchants.]
31. XXI. Also, whereas many people of the realm sell and trade various goods and make contracts with Lombards and other aliens, and the said aliens suddenly go overseas with great sums of money and other great merchandises due to the people of this realm, and do not return; the commons pray: that those who are in the companies of such aliens who have thus departed with any goods shall be held to answer to the people of this realm who feel themselves aggrieved concerning such things and in such manner, as the people of this realm are held overseas to the said aliens in similar cases, for all times to come.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest a nostre seignur le roi qe si nul marchaunt de compaignie conue se oblige par la manere, qe la compaignie respoigne de la dette; issint qe autre marchant qi n'est de la compaignie ne soit par taunt greve n'empesche. (fn. ii-236-138-1) It pleases our lord the king that if any merchant of a known company binds himself in any manner, the company shall answer concerning the debt; so that any merchant who is not of the company shall not be aggrieved or impeached by this. (fn. ii-236-138-1)
32. XXII. Item, qe la monoie d'or et del esterling q'ore court ne soit chaungee n'empeire del pois ne del alaie come il est ore; ne qe nulle autre eschaunge se face desore enavant, forsqe l'or q'ore court et l'esterling denier, maille et ferling. [XXII. Currency.]
32. XXII. Also, that the money of gold and sterling now current shall not be changed or debased of its weight or alloy as it is now; and that no other change shall henceforth be made, except the gold now current, and the silver penny, halfpenny and farthing.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe la monoie q'ore court ne soit mye empire; mes aplustot qe homme puisse trover bone voie, q'ele soit mys en l'auncien estat come en esterling. (fn. ii-236-143-1) The king wills that the money now current shall not be debased; but as soon as a good way is found, it shall be put in the ancient state of sterling. (fn. ii-236-143-1)
33. XXIII. Item, qe nul forface son chatel par cause q'il soit en exigende, devant la utlagarie vers lui pronuncie a la suite nostre seignur le roi ne a suite de partie en nul quecumqe cas; pur ceo qe par brief d'appel ou par enditement en forein countee suy et fait de leger, homme est en exigende sanz scien ou garnissement, et issint parde son chatel sanz reson, bone foie ou droiture. [XXIII. Exigent.]
33. XXIII. Also, that no one shall forfeit his chattels because he is in exigent, before outlawry is pronounced against him at the suit of our lord the king or at the suit of the party, in any case whatsoever; because by writ of appeal or by indictment sued and lightly made in a foreign county, a man is in exigent without knowledge or warning, and thus loses his chattels without reason, good faith or justice.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Quant a la peticion de forfaiture de chateux en cas del exigende agardez pur felonie, assentu est qe apres qe ascun homme soit endite de felonie devant justices en lour sessions d'oier et terminer, soit commande a viscont d'atacher son corps par brief q'est appelle capias; et le viscont retourne en le dit brief qe le corps n'est my trove meintenant, soit autre brief de capias fait, retournable en trois symayns apres: et en meisme le brief soit compris qe le viscont face seiser les chateux, et les sauvement garder tantqe au jour del brief retornable. Et si le viscont respoigne qe le corps n'est pas trove, ne l'endite ne vient point, soit l'exigende agarde et les chateux forfaitz, sicome la ley de la corone demande. (fn. ii-236-148-1) As regards the petition concerning forfeiture of chattels in cases of exigent awarded for felony, it is agreed that after any man shall be indicted of a felony before the justices in their sessions of oyer and terminer, the sheriff shall be ordered to attach his body by the writ called capias; if the sheriff shall return in the said writ that the body is not immediately found, another writ of capias shall be made, returnable three weeks later; and it shall be contained in the same writ that the sheriff shall cause the chattels to be seised and shall safely guard them until the day on which the writ is returnable. And if the sheriff answers that the body cannot be found, or the indictment brought to a point, the exigent shall be awarded and the chattels forfeited, as the law of the crown demands. (fn. ii-236-148-1)
34. XXIV. Item, qe nul quecumqe ministre, vitailler, pernour et servant del hostiel nostre seignur le roi, de quel estat ou condicion q'il soit issint en service et office, soit receu d'empleder nulli estrange de quel pais q'il soit en la marchalcie; einz eient lour accions en autres places par briefs et pleintes a la commune ley. [XXIV. Purveyors not to implead in the court of the verge.]
34. XXIV. Also, that no official, victualler, taker or servant of the household of our lord the king, of whatever estate or condition he may be in his service or office, shall be allowed to implead any stranger, of whatever region he may be, in the marshalsea; but they shall have their actions in other places by writs and complaints at the common law.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe ses ministres ne soient de pire condicion qe sont autres de la commune, mes qe homme face owel droit aussibien as gentz de la commune come a eux qi sont de sa meigne, sanz favour faire as tieux ministres, et qe l'estatut ent fait soit tenuz. (fn. ii-236-153-1) The king wills that his officials shall not be of worse condition than are others of the commonalty, but that any man shall do equal justice to people of the commonalty as well as to those who are of his retinue, without favouring such officials, and that the statute made thereon shall be upheld. (fn. ii-236-153-1)
35. XXV. Item, prie la commune: qe la ou dette soit demande vers ascun homme come heir par le fait de son auncestre, qe celui heir ne soit de nient plus charge de tiel dette nient plus par nostre seignur le roi qe par autre, forsqe a la value de les tenementz q'il avera par descent [p. ii-241][col. a] de meisme l'auncestre en fee simple, nient plus pur dette due de temps passe come de temps avenir. [XXV. Liability to debts of ancestors.]
35. XXV. Also, the commons pray: that where debt shall be demanded against any man as heir by the act of his ancestor, this heir shall no longer be charged with such debt either by our lord the king or by any other, except to the value of the tenements which he will have by descent [p. ii-241][col. a] from the same ancestor in fee simple, and this for debts due from times past as well as those due in times to come.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Ceste peticion est nounresonable; par quoi soit la leie en cest cas usee come il ad este avant ces heures. This petition is unreasonable; wherefore the law in this case shall be observed as it has been previously.
36. XXVI. Item, prie la commune: qe come ascuns marchantz fosoient einz ces heures charger lour leines en diverses portz d'Engleterre et nomement a Durdraght; et apres lour leines poises par poisour le roi, jurree de loialment faire son office parentre le roi et ses marchantz, et la custume et subside de meismes les leines paiez, et les cokets ensealeez, sont meismes les marchantz empeschez de exces du pois de lour dites leines, encontre reson; q'il pleise a nostre dit seignur le roi et son conseil ordeiner qe les ditz marchantz ne soient en tiel manere empeschez de surplusage ne forfaiture des leines issint poisez et custumez, sibien pur temps passe come pur temps avenir. [XXVI. Liability of merchants for fraud of the customs.]
36. XXVI. Also, the commons pray: that whereas merchants have previously loaded their wool in various ports of England, and notably at Dordrecht; and their wool having been weighed by the king's weight, an oath to loyally perform their office having been sworn between the king and his merchants, and the custom and subsidy of the same wool having been paid and the cockets sealed, the same merchants have been impeached for excess of weight of their said wool, contrary to reason; may it please our said lord the king and his council to ordain that the said merchants shall not be impeached in such manner for surplus or forfeiture of wool thus weighed and customed, both in times past and in times to come.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Soit brief mande as tresorer et barons de l'escheqer, qe oie la pleinte de chescun en ceo cas outre ils facent droit et reson. A writ shall be sent to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer that, having heard the complaint of each person in this case, they shall in future do what is right and just.
37. XXVII. Item, prie la commune: qe si la clergie endroit des dismes de haut boys et southbois ou d'autre chose, riens demandent ou attemptent de novel, forsqe soulement ceo, et en les lieus dont ils ont este de aunciens temps seisis come en le droit de lour eglises; qe pleise a nostre seignur le roi ent granter prohibicion sanz consultacion, a touz ceux qi le voillent demander en tiel cas. Et qe les dites gentz de seinte eglise soient defenduz a demander dismes de gros boys. [XXVII. Tithes of wood.]
37. XXVII. Also, the commons pray: that if the clergy demand or attempt to take anew the tithe of great wood and underwood or anything else except only those things and in those places of which they have been seised since ancient times as of the right of their churches, may it please our lord the king to grant a prohibition without consultation to all those who wish to demand it in such case. And that the said people of holy Church be prevented from demanding tithes of great wood.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi et son conseil se voillent de ceste peticion aviser. The king and his council wish to be advised concerning this petition.
38. XXVIII. Item, come ordeine est qe les gentz de la terre vendront a certein lieu en Loundres pur eschaunges faire de monoie, sur peine de greve forfaiture; qe pleise a nostre seignur le roi granter qe totes ses liges gentz puissent entre eux eschaunge faire par tote la terre, sanz empeschement ou grevance avoir. [XXVIII. Exchanges of money.]
38. XXVIII. Also, whereas it is ordained that the people of the land should come to a certain place in London to exchange money on penalty of grave forfeiture, may it please our lord the king to grant that all his liege people can make exchanges among themselves throughout the land, without having impeachment or grievance.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe bien lise a chescun de chaunger or pur argent ou pur or, et argent pur or ou pur argent, issint qe nul tiegne commune eschaunge, ne riens empreigne de profit pur l'eschaunge sur peine de forfaiture de la monoie issint chaunge, mes qe les chaungeours le roi ent puissent prendre profit solonc l'ordinance ent faite. (fn. ii-236-173-1) The king wills that it shall indeed be lawful for each person to exchange gold for silver or for gold, and silver for gold or for silver; so that no one shall hold common exchange or take any profit for the exchange on penalty of forfeiture of the money thus exchanged, but that the king's moneychangers can take profit according to the ordinance made thereon. (fn. ii-236-173-1)
39. XXIX. Item, prie la commune: qe touz viscontz qi sont chargez de certeines fermes pur les countees ou ils sont visconts soient deschargez de ceo q'est retrait de lour baillie par cause des fraunchises grantees. [XXIX. Sheriffs' farms.]
39. XXIX. Also, the commons pray: that all sheriffs who are charged of certain farms for the counties where they are sheriffs shall be discharged of that which is deducted from their bailiwick by reason of franchises having been granted.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe brief soit mande as tresorer et barons de l'escheqer, q'ils facent due allouance a chescun viscont sur le rendre de lour acomptes en chescun cas la ou ils voient q'il soit resonable. The king wills that a writ shall be sent to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer, that they shall make due allowance to each sheriff upon the return of their accounts in each case where they consider it to be reasonable.
40. XXX. Item, prie la commune: qe come contenu soit en la grande chartre, 'Qe nostre seignur le roi ne vendra ne deleiera droit a nulli'; et ceux qi vodroient purchacer < briefs > en la chauncellerie, queux briefs sont la primere partie de sa leie, quele leie est soverein droit de son roialme et de sa corone, ne poent aver briefs sanz fyn faire illoeqes pur y ceux, issint qe plusours de son roialme qi ne poent fyns doner sont malement desheritez a touz jours par cele cause. Et d'autre part, nostre dit seignur le roi averoit molt plus del fee de son seal, ensemblement od issues et amerciementz queux lui deveroient acrestre par meismes les briefs, q'il n'ad ore, s'ils fuissent grantez franchement sanz fyn. Prie la dite commune qe lui pleise, pur Dieu et pur droit, et pur les almes ses progenitours, et pur [col. b] son profit, granter, qe touz qi vodront briefs avoir en sa chancellerie les puissent avoir fraunchement sanz fyn, paiaunt le fee de seal acustume. [XXX. Cost of writs.]
40. XXX. Also, the commons pray: that whereas it is contained in the Great Charter, 'that our lord the king will not sell or delay justice to anyone'; (fn. ii-236-180-1) those who wish to purchase writs in the chancery (which writs are the first part of his law, which law is the sovereign right of his realm and of his crown) cannot have writs without making fine for the same, so that many people of his realm who cannot give fines are evilly disinherited forever for this reason. And moreover, our said lord the king would have much more from the fee of his seal, together with the issues and amercements which ought to enrich him by the same writs, than he now has, if they were granted freely without fine. The commons pray that it may please him, for the sake of God, for justice, for the souls of his progenitors and for [col. b] his profit, to grant that all who would have writs in his chancery may have them freely without fine, paying the accustomed fee for the seal.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Homme ne poet toller le profit le roi qe soleit estre donez pur briefs de grace en auncien temps. Mes le roi voet qe le chanceller sur le granter des tieux briefs soit si gracious come il poet estre bonement, en eise du poeple. No man can deprive the king of his profit which was accustomed to be given for writs of grace in ancient times. However, the king wills that the chancellor, upon the granting of such writs, shall be as gracious as he properly can, to the comfort of the people.
41. XXXI. Item, pur ceo qe les achatours des prises parnont berbitz del poeple parentre la Pask et la fest de Seint Johan, ove les leines, et les font preiser a mesme pris, et puis les mandont a lour mesons demesne et les font tondre a lour profit demesne, en deceit nostre seignur le roi, et grant oppression du poeple; prie la commune: qe celui qi soit atteint de tiel fait soit ajugge come laroun. [XXXI. Prises of sheep and wool.]
41. XXXI. Also, because buyers of prises take sheep with their wool from people between Easter and the feast of Saint John and cause them to be valued at a small price, and then send them to their own houses and cause them to be sheared to their own profit, in deceit of our lord the king and to the great oppression of the people; the commons pray: that anyone who shall be attainted of such act shall be adjudged a thief.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe tieux purveours ne preignent nulles berbitz avant le seison de tondesoun, forsqe a tantz qe purront suffire resonablement < tantqe al dite toundeson. Et apres la toundison preignent atantz des berbitz tounduz come purront suffire resonablement pur le temps avenir. Et si nul purveour du roialme face a l'encountre, et de ceo soit atteint ala seute le roi ou de partie, soit fait de lui come > de laron ou de robbour; et soit la peine contenue en chescune commission des tieux purveours. The king wills that such purveyors shall not take any sheep before the sheep-shearing season, except as many as can reasonably suffice until the said sheep-shearing. And after the sheep-shearing they may take as many of the sheared sheep as can reasonably suffice for the time to come. And if any purveyor of the realm acts to the contrary and is attainted of this at the suit of the king or of the party, he shall be treated as a thief or a robber and shall have the penalty contained in each commission to such purveyors.
42. XXXII. Item, prie la commune: qe par excepcion de nountenure de parcelle qe nul brief soit abatu, forsqe pur la quantite dont la nountenure est allegge. [XXXII. Exception of nontenure.]
42. XXXII. Also, the commons pray: that by exception of nontenure concerning a portion, no writ shall be annulled, except for the quantity which is alleged in the nontenure.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet q'il soit fait des touz briefs qe sont a purchacer; et qe le point soit mys en l'estatut. (fn. ii-236-193-1) The king wills that it shall be done concerning all writs which are to be purchased; and that the point shall be put in the statute. (fn. ii-236-193-1)
43. XXXIII. Item, prie la commune: qe l'estatut fait au darrein parlement de reservacions et provisours, (fn. ii-236-195-1) soit publie et mis en execucion vers ceux qi font a l'encontre. [XXXIII. Guarantee of the Statute of Provisors.]
43. XXXIII. Also, the commons pray: that the statute made at the last parliament concerning reservations and provisors (fn. ii-236-195-1) shall be made public and put in execution against those who act to the contrary.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Soit cel estatut veu et recite devant le conseil; et, si mestier soit, en ascun point soit meutz declare et amende, issint totes voies qe l'estat du roi et du roialme soit sauve et garde. This statute shall be viewed and recited before the council; and, if it is necessary, it shall be better declared and amended in each point, so always that the estate of the king and realm shall always be kept and upheld.
[memb. 3]
44. XXXIV. Item, par la ou ordeine estoit au darrein parlement certeines assises des drapse de raies et colours de longure et leaure, par quel estatut les aliens ne volent estre roulez: et contre ceo, l'auneour se medle des ascuns drapse qe ne sont pas compris en la dite ordinance, issint qe ceux qi soleint faire drapse en Engleterre pur doute de forfaiture ne osent riens overer, a grant damage de tut la commune; prie la dite commune, qe remedie ent soit fait, issint qe le dit estatut poet estre repellez en cest point. Et qe l'aunage ne se tiegne mye forsqe des draps faitz pardela. Endroit des draps faitz pardela qe sont trovez en mains des Engleys, l'aunage cesse tantqe a preschein parlement. [XXXIV. Alnage of cloth.]
44. XXXIV. Also, whereas at the last parliament certain assizes of the length and breadth of cloths of ray and colours were ordained, by which statute aliens do not wish to be ruled; and in contravention of this, the alnager concerns himself with some cloths that are not included in the said ordinance, so that those who used to make cloths in England do not dare to make anything for fear of forfeiture, to the great damage of all the commonalty; the said commons pray: that remedy be made thereon, so that the said statute can be repealed in this point. And that the alnage shall not be observed except concerning cloths made overseas. As regards cloths made overseas which are found in the hands of Englishmen, the alnage shall cease until the next parliament.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Acorde est qe l'auneour ne se entremelle de nulle manere des draps, forsqe d'entiers draps, come contenu est en l'ordinance sur ceo faite en le darrein parlement, sur peine contenue en meisme l'ordinance. (fn. ii-236-203-1) It is agreed that the alnager shall not concern himself with any manner of cloths except whole cloths, as is contained in the ordinance made on this matter in the last parliament, on the penalty contained in the same ordinance. (fn. ii-236-203-1)
45. XXXV. Item, qe homme eit autiel proces en briefs de dette, detenue de chatel, et en prise des avers, par capias et exigende, solonc retourn du viscont, come homme use en briefs d'acompte. [XXXV. Process in cases of debt, etc.]
45. XXXV. Also, that any man shall have similar process in writs of debt, detinue of chattels and the taking of possessions, by capias and exigent, according to the sheriff's return, as he has in writs of account.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest au roi qe ensi soit, et q'il soit mys en estatut. (fn. ii-236-208-1) It pleases the king that it shall be so, and that it shall be put in a statute. (fn. ii-236-208-1)
46. XXXVI. Item, monstrent divers marchantz: come au temps qe nostre seigneur le roi estoit a Sandewicz, en alant vers Flaundres, al Seint Michel, l'an de son regne vintisme second, il envoiates briefs as touz les portz [p. ii-242][col. a] d'Engleterre qe nulles leines deussent passer s'ils n'aprestassent a nostre dit seignur le roi contre la custume et subside deux marcs al sak, et ils deussent de lour apreste faire entre les custumers le roi et les marchantz endentures enseales du foille de coket, par my queux ils deussent avoir allouance de lour apreste en les custumes et subsides des primeres leines quelles ils vodroient eskipper. Et les ditz marchantz par vertue des ditz briefs sanz [...] seurtee, en ease de lour dit seignur lige apresteront deux marcs al sak de lour leines outre la custume et subside; de quel aprest, ils ne poent nulle allouance avoir come lour estoit promys, a grant arerissement des ditz marchantz as touz jours. Sur quoi ils prient, en oevre de charite, qe remedie lour soit faite solonc lour endentures demorantes devers les ditz marchantz faites sur la tenure des ditz briefs. Et qe les tailles ent levez par Wauter de Chiriton et ses compaignons, en deceit des ditz marchantz, soient defaites, et qe par celles tailles nulle allouance soit faite au dit Wauter ne a ses compaignons avantditz. [XXXVI. Loans upon the customs and subsidies.]
46. XXXVI. Also, various merchants declare: whereas when our lord the king was at Sandwich, on his way to Flanders, at Michaelmas in the twenty-second year of his reign [1348], he sent writs to all the ports [p. ii-242][col. a] of England that no wool should be allowed to pass if they had not made loans to our said lord the king against the custom and subsidy of 2 marks per sack, (fn. ii-236-210-1) and upon their loans to make indentures between the king's customs officers and the merchants sealed with half a cocket, by virtue of which they should have had allowance of their loan on the customs and subsidies of the first wool which they wish to ship. And the said merchants, by virtue of the said writs without security, in comfort of their said liege lord loaned 2 marks for each sack of their wool beyond the custom and subsidy; concerning which loan, they are unable to have any allowance as they were promised, to the great detriment of the said merchants forever. Wherefore they pray, in way of charity, that remedy shall be made for them according to the indentures remaining in the possession of the said merchants made on the tenure of the said writs. And that the charges levied thereon by Walter Chiriton and his associates, in deceit of the said merchants, shall be made void, and that by these charges no allowance shall be made to the said Walter nor to his aforesaid associates.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Ceste peticion fust resonablement respondue au darrein parlement. (fn. ii-236-213-1) This petition was reasonably answered at the last parliament. (fn. ii-236-213-1)
47. XXXVII. Item, prie la commune: come avant ces heures les baillifs des hundreds gildables es countees de Bedeford et Bukyngham et autres countees solont rendre certeine ferme par an pur lour baillies, et riens n'avoient en certein en eide de celes fermes come autres baillifs ont en ascuns countees, qe tiegnent lour hundredz et wapentaks et ont cel avantage et autres profitz; par quoi ils firent grandes damages, grevances et extorsions au commune poeple es ditz countees de Bedeford et Buk' et autres. Et ore, par cause qe le poeple est empovery et amenuse q'ils ne poent riens doner, ne poet le viscont de Bedeford et Buk' ne autres visconts nulles baillifs avoir qe ascun denier voudra doner de ferme pur sa dite baillie. Et jadumeins le barons del escheqer ont chargee les ditz visconts de Bed' et Buk' sur son acompt del an .xxv. e , par ensaumple des aunz passez, de .lxvi.li. de ferme des baillifs des ditz countees; et autres visconts en meisme la manere, en destruccion et anientissement de eux et lour heirs a touz jours, et empoverissement de la commune en temps avenir. Qe pleise a nostre seignur le roi et son conseil descharger les ditz visconts de les dites sommes, issint qe la commune ne soit desore greve par cel encheson. Et sur ceo brief de la chauncellerie soit mande as tresorer et barons de l'escheqer q'ils facent enquere si cestes choses soient verroies ou nemye; et s'ils trovent par enqueste qe cestes choses soient veritables, q'adonqes ils facent les ditz visconts de Bed' et Buk', et les autres visconts qi sont chargez par la manere, estre quites et descharges devers le roi des sommes avantdites. [XXXVII. Sheriff's farm of Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire.]
47. XXXVII. Also, the commons pray: whereas before this time the bailiffs of geldable hundreds in the counties of Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire and other counties usually return a certain annual farm for their bailiwicks, and have nothing definite in aid of these farms as other bailiffs have in other counties, so that they hold their hundreds and wapentakes and have this advantage and other profits; by which they caused great damages, grievances and extortions to the common people in the said counties of Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire and others. And now, because the people are impoverished and restricted so that they are unable to give anything, the sheriff of Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire and other sheriffs are unable to find any bailiffs who wish to give any money of the farm for his said bailiwick. And nevertheless, the barons of the exchequer have charged the said sheriff of Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire on his account for the twenty-fifth year, by the example of past years, £66 of the farm of the bailiffs of the said counties, and have charged other sheriffs in the same manner, to their destruction and detriment and that of their heirs forever, and to the impoverishment of the commonalty in times to come. May it please our lord the king and his council to discharge the said sheriffs of the said sums, so that the commonalty shall not henceforth be aggrieved by this cause. And that a writ of the chancery shall be sent to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer to make inquiry as to whether these things are true or not; and if they find by inquest that these things are true, then they shall cause the said sheriffs of Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire, and the other sheriffs who are charged in that manner, to be quit and discharged of their obligation to the king in the aforesaid sums.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Soit brief sur ceo mande as tresorer et barons de l'escheqer, et ils facent reson. Let a writ thereon be sent to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer, and let them do what is right.
48. XXXVIII. A conseil nostre seignur le roi; monstre la commune: qe come brief de neiftee soit porte el noun des plusours seignurs par lour neifs nounsachantz les ditz seignurs, et sur ceo brief de libertate probanda, les niefs par tiels briefs enfraunchez tantqe en eyre; en desheritance des plusours seignurs; prie la commune: qe ordeine soit qe les seignurs ne soient forsbarrez par tiel brief q'ils n'eient respons devers lour neifs, a dire q'ils sont vileins et ne deivent estre responduz, et lour corps seisir come lour vileins. Et si nulle tiele fause suyte soit faite nounsachantz les ditz seignurs, q'il soit tenue pur nulle, aussibien des tieles sutes faites einz ces heures come de celles qe sont affaire. [XXXVIII. Proof of liberty of alleged villeins.]
48. XXXVIII. To the council of our lord the king; the commons declare: that whereas the writ of neifty in the name of several lords has been brought by their bondsmen without the knowledge of the said lords, and then a writ of libertate probanda, the bondsmen are freed by such writs until the eyre, to the disinheritance of several lords; the commons pray: that it shall be ordained that the lords shall not be barred by such a writ from answering concerning their bondsmen, saying that they are villeins and should not be answered and seizing their bodies as their villeins. And if any such false suit shall be made without the knowledge of the said lords, it shall be treated as null, whether such suits were made before this time or are to come.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Acorde est qe nientcontreesteant l'ajournement fait en eyre par tiel brief de libertate probanda, neintmeins les seignurs soient receuz d'alegger excepcion de villenage contre lour villains en touz briefs, le quel qe les [col. b] ditz briefs de libertate probanda soient portez par deceit ou en autre manere. Et qe les seignurs puissent seisir les corps de lour villains, aussibien come ils purroient devant qe tiels briefs de libertate probanda furent portez. It is agreed that, notwithstanding the adjournment made in eyre by such a writ of libertate probanda, the lords shall be allowed to claim exception of villeinage against their villeins in all writs, whether the [col. b] said writs of libertate probanda are brought by deceit or in any other manner. And that the lords may seize the bodies of their villeins, just as they could before such writs of libertate probanda were brought. (fn. ii-236-223-1)
49. XXXIX. Item, come nostre seignur le roi ad einz ces heures fait proteccions as diverses gentz, queux sont tenuz a nostre dit seignur le roi en ascun manere de dette; durantes quelles proteccions nul homme ad este osee d'empleder les dites gentz de nulle manere de dette a eux due durante la dite proteccion. Prie la commune: qe nulle tiele proteccion se face desore enavant, endelaiant les gentz de lour accions, qar ceo est contre commune droit et en destruccion du poeple. [XXXIX. Writs of protection.]
49. XXXIX. Also, whereas our lord the king has previously made writs of protection to various people who are held to our lord the king in any manner of debt, during which protections no man has been bold enough to implead the said people of any manner of debt due to them during the said protection; the commons pray that no such protection shall henceforth be made, in delaying the people from their actions, since it is contrary to common right and in destruction of the people.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest au roi qe nientcontresteante tiele proteccion les parties qe ont accion a lour dettes soient responduz en la court le roi par lour dettours; mes q'ils n'eient pas execucion des juggementz renduz contre lour dettours tantqe gree soit fait au roi de la dette. Et si les creaunceours voillent emprendre pur la dette le roi, ils soient resceuz, et outre eient execucion vers lour dettours de dette a eux due. (fn. ii-236-228-1) It pleases the king that, notwithstanding such protection, the parties who have action of their debts shall be answered in the king's court by their debtors; but that they shall not have execution of judgments returned against their debtors until payment is made to the king concerning the debt. And if the creditors wish to undertake for the king's debt, they shall be received, and also have execution against their debtors of the debt due to them. (fn. ii-236-228-1)
50. XL. Aussint, prie la dite commune: qe come les gardeyns de la monoie a la tour receivent plate d'argent par pois, et ceo apres ceo q'ils l'auront pure en fien, quant ils le deliveront ils le deliveront par noumbre de deniers, quelle chose est en oppression du poeple. Prie la commune, q'ils le deliveront desore enavant par pois come ils receivont. [XL. Procedure at the mints.]
50. XL. Also, the said commons pray: that whereas the wardens of the mint at the Tower receive silver bullion by weight, and after they have completely purified it, when they deliver it they deliver it by the number of coins, which is in oppression of the people; the commons pray: that they henceforth deliver it by the weight at which they receive it.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest au roi qe ensi soit. (fn. ii-236-233-1) It pleases the king that it shall be so. (fn. ii-236-233-1)
51. XLI. Item, prie la dite commune: qe come ils eient grantez ore a nostre seignur le roi en cest present parlement disme et quinzisme pur trois aunz prescheins avenirs; quele chose est en moult grande et outrageouse charge de la dite commune, qe totes gentz soient a cel eide contributaires, nientcontreesteantes nulles chartres a eux faites par nostre seignur le roi d'estre quites de tiele manere de taxe. Et qe touz seignurs par cause de lour terres, rentes et tenementz, soient a cel eide contributaires aussibien come autres mesnes gentz par cause de lour chateux. [XLI. Contributions to fifteenths and tenths.]
51. XLI. Also, the said commons pray: that whereas they have now granted to our lord the king in this present parliament a tenth and fifteenth for three years following, which is a very great and outrageous burden to the said commonalty, that all people shall be contributors to this aid, notwithstanding any charters made to them by our lord the king for being quit of such manner of tax. And that all lords by reason of their lands, rents and tenements shall be contributors to this aid as well as other ordinary people by reason of their chattels.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe ceux qi ont tieles chartres soient quites solonc la fourme de lour chartres, issint qe ceo qe appertient a leur porcion ne chiete mye en charge des autres de la commune. The king wills that those who have such charters shall be quit according to the terms of their charters, so that that which relates to their portion shall not fall as a burden to others of the commonalty.
52. XLII. Item, prie la commune: qe la ou avant ces les botillers nostre seignur le roi et lour deputez soleient prendre moult plus des vyns al oeps le roi qe mestier ne fust, des queux ils mettont les plus febles al oeps le roi et les meliours a lour celers demesnes a vendre, et le remenant relessont a eux des queux ils les pristerent, pur grantz fyns a eux faire pur chescun tonel, a grant damage et empoverissement des marchantz, de quoi ils prient remedie. [XLII. Prise of wine.]
52. XLII. Also, the commons pray: that whereas previously the butlers of our lord the king and their deputies used to take much more wine to the king's use than was necessary, from which they took the more inferior wines for the king's use and the better wines into their own cellars to be sold, and the remainder they released to those from whom they had taken it, in exchange for great fines made to them for each tun, to the great damage and impoverishment of merchants, wherefore they pray remedy.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Acorde est qe seneschal et tresorer de garderobe mandont as touz les portz d'Engleterre la ou vyns serront prises al oeps le roi, le certein noumbre < qe le botiller prendra > illoeqes, issint qe rien soit pris outre cel noumbre. Et qe mair et baillifs certifient as ditz seneschal et tresorer le noumbre des tonelx issint prises souz lour sealx, et par endenture entre le pernour et eux. Et s'il soit trove q'il preigne plus ou preigne louer ou delaie nulli par colour de son office come par arest, face gree de double a la partie, et soit ouste de son office et eit la prisone, et soi reint a la volunte le roi. Et le roi assignera ses justices d'enquere sur cestes choses quant lui plerra. Et respoigne le botiller sibien pur ses deputez come pur lui meismes. (fn. ii-236-243-1) It is agreed that the steward and treasurer of the wardrobe shall send to all the ports of England where wine is taken to the king's use the certain number of tuns which the butler will take there, so that nothing shall be taken beyond this number of tuns. And that the mayor and bailiffs shall certify to the said steward and treasurer the number of tuns thus taken under their seals, and by indenture between them and the taker. And if it shall be found that he has taken more or taken payment or delayed anything by reason of his office as by seizure, he shall make payment of double to the party, and he shall be removed from his office and imprisoned, and he shall be released at the king's will. And the king will assign his justices to inquire into these things when it pleases him. And the butler will answer for his deputies as well as for himself. (fn. ii-236-243-1)
[p. ii-243]
[col. a]
53. XLIII. Purceo qe ascuns comencent a purchacer a la court de Rome abbeies et priories en Engleterre, en destruccion du roialme et de seinte religion en y cel, et de tiel provision unqes ne feust l'avantdite court en possession; prient ceux de la commune du dit roialme: qe soit ordeine qe chescun tiel provisour d'abbeie ou de priorie soit hors de la proteccion nostre seignur le roi et hors de la leie eo ipso et lour attournez et procuratours, et autre covenable remedie et punissement. [XLIII. Papal provisions.]
53. XLIII. Because some people have begun to purchase at the court of Rome abbeys and priories in England, in destruction of the realm and of holy religion in the same place, and the aforesaid court was never in possession of such provision; those of the commonalty of the said realm pray: that each such provisor of an abbey or priory shall be outside the protection of our lord the king and outside the law for themselves, their attorneys and procurators, and that other convenient remedy and punishment be ordained.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Acorde est qe si nul tiel face purchace de abbeie ou de priorie en Engleterre soit hors de la proteccion le roi, et ses procuratours et executours. Et lise a chescun de faire de eux come des enemys de roi et du roialme. (fn. ii-236-248-1) It is agreed that if any such person shall purchase an abbey or priory in England he shall be outside the king's protection, as will his procurators and executors. And it is lawful for anyone to treat them as enemies of the king and of the realm. (fn. ii-236-248-1)
Pur Monsir Johan Mautravers. For Sir John Maltravers.
Et fait aremembrer qe apres les peticions des communes respondues, si fust une peticion baille avant par Monsir Johan Mautravers, en la manere souzescripte: And let it be remembered that after the common petitions were answered, there was a petition delivered by Sir John Maltravers, in the manner written below:
54. 'A nostre seignur le roi et a son bon conseil; supplie son lige Johan Mautravers: qe come le dit Johan soit restitut a la lei et a l'estat quel il fust devant q'il estoit bannys et desherite; quele restitucion fust grante de poair roial nostre dit seignur le roi, par bon acord et commune assent des prelatz, countes, barons de son roialme par plusures causes, sicome par la chartre nostre dit seignur le roi est tesmoigne et declare. (fn. ii-236-253-1) Pleise a nostre dit seignur le roi et a son bon conseil, par habundance de sa noble seignurie granter, qe la restitucion susdite puisse estre ore renovelle en cest plein parlement.' Quelle peticion lue fust respondue et endoosse par les seignurs et autres grantz du parlement, q'il semble au conseil qe la chartre doit estre renovele et entree en roule du parlement q'est de record, s'il plest au roi. Et purceo qe meisme ceste peticion fust puis monstre au roi, et il ad ottroie, et aussint est ottroie par la commune, soit la dite chartre renovele par acord de tut le parlement et entree en roule de meisme le parlement en la meliour manere qe purra estre, pur bone et greindre asseurance del estat le dit Johan. Par vertue de quel endossement si est la dite chartre entre en cest roule du parlement en la fourme qe s'ensuyt: 54. 'To our lord the king and his good council; his liege John Maltravers petitions: that whereas the said John has been restored to the freedom and estate which he had before he was banished and disinherited, which restoration was granted for many reasons by the royal power of our said lord the king, by the good agreement and common assent of the prelates, earls and barons of his realm, as is witnessed and declared by the charter of our lord the king; (fn. ii-236-253-1) may it please our said lord the king and his good council, by the abundance of his noble lordship, to grant that the aforesaid restoration may now be renewed in this full parliament.' Which petition having been read, it was answered and endorsed by the lords and other great men of the parliament that it seemed to the council that the charter ought to be renewed and entered in the roll of parliament as of record, if it pleases the king. And because this same petition was then shown to the king, and he has granted it, and the commons have also granted it, the said charter shall be renewed by the agreement of all the parliament and entered in the roll of the same parliament in the best manner that can be, for the good and greater assurance of the said John's estate. By virtue of which endorsement the said charter is thus entered in this roll of parliament in the form that follows:
55. 'Edwardus Dei gracia rex Anglie et Francie et dominus Hibernie omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint, salutem. Sciatis quod cum Johannes Mautravers nuper conquerens quoddam judicium occasione mortis bone memorie Edmundi nuper comitis Kant' avunculi nostri in parliamento nostro apud Westm' anno regni nostri Anglie quarto tento contra ipsum Johannem extra dictum regnum nostrum Anglie tunc agentem fore minus rite redditum, penes nos, tam in parliamentis quam in aliis diversis consiliis nostris, fuisset per amicos suos cum magna instancia prosecutus; supplicans humiliter ut cum de omni crimine sibi imposito in hac parte paratus esset in curia nostra stare juri, vel alias se legitime purgare, vellemus rigorem dicti judicii et processus inde secuti mitigare, et ipsum ad statum in quo fuerat ante reddicionem dicti judicii restituere graciose. Et nos ad fidelitatem et gratitudinem quas in dicto Johanne semper invenimus, et locum magnum quem postmodum nobis tam in partibus Flandr' quam alibi diversimode tenuit, exponendo pro nobis non sine magna bonorum suorum amissione liberaliter se et sua, spretis oblacionibus munerum et remuneracionum non mediocrum par adversarios nostros ut sic ipsum contra nos ad partem suam attraherent pluries sibi factis, consideracionem condignam habentes, ac proinde volentes rigorem cum [col. b] mansuetudine temperare, et graciose agere cum eodem, de assensu prelatorum, ducum, comitum, baronum et aliorum magnatum et peritorum nobis assistencium, < ipsum Johannem > ad statum quo fuerat ante reddicionem judicii < predicti, > tam in persona quam in rebus et juribus quibuscumque plene et integre restituerimus, et ipsum in dicto statu receperimus, ex pio motu clemencie et plenitudine regie potestatis omnem forisfacturam, si quam occasione premissa incurrisset, et eciam utlagariam si qua in eum propter hoc promulgata fuisset, et processus omnes inde secutos penitus remiserimus et totaliter adnullaverimus, nolentes quod execucio dicti judicii in ipsum fieret ullo modo; ita tamen quod staret recto in curia nostra, si quis versus eum loqui vellet de morte predicta. Et eciam concesserimus eidem Johanni, quod ipse rehaberet omnia terras et tenementa sua que sic forisfacta dicebantur, tam in manu nostra, quam aliorum quorumcumque ex concessione nostra vel alio modo existencia. Ita quod dicta terre et tenementa, que sic in manibus aliorum existerent, in manum nostram reseisirentur, eidem Johanni per nos et ministros nostros ulterius liberanda, habenda et tenenda sibi et heredibus suis cum feodis militum et advocacionibus ecclesiarum et omnibus aliis ad eadem terras et tenementa qualitercumque spectantibus, de nobis et heredibus nostris ac aliis capitalibus dominis feodorum, adeo plene et integre sicut ea tenuit ante reddicionem judicii supradicti, et sicut ea tenuisset si judicium illud contra ipsum redditum non foret. [memb. 2] Et eciam voluerimus et concesserimus quod idem Johannes haberet omnimodas acciones tam reales quam personales sive mixtas, et jura omnia que prefato Johanni ante vel post dictum judicium redditum in re vel in spe competebant, et ipsum ad hoc restituerimus sicut prius; et eciam quod idem Johannes et heredes sui dicta jura, acciones et possessiones prosequi et hereditates sibi debitas vel deferendas, ac eciam reversiones sibi debitas tam ante quam post dictum judicium redditum agnoscere, petere et prosequi valerent et habere, judicio predicto non obstante. 55. 'Edward by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland to all those to whom these present letters come, greeting. Be it known that whereas John Maltravers has recently complained against a certain judgment on the occasion of the death of Edmund of good memory, late the earl of Kent, our uncle, made against the same John in our parliament held at Westminster in the fourth year of our reign of England when he was outside our said realm of England and less properly returned, judgment by us, in parliaments as well as in our other various councils, was prosecuted by his friends with great process, since he is prepared to stand trial in our court for every crime charged upon him in this matter, or otherwise to lawfully clear himself by compurgation, we will that the strictness of the said judgment and process that followed thereon be softened, and that he be graciously restored to the estate which he had before the return of the said judgment. And we, as a result of the fidelity and gratitude which we have always found in the said John, and for the great responsibilities which he afterwards undertook for us in various ways in parts of Flanders as well as elsewhere, in freely expending himself for us not without great loss of his goods, spurning the not insignificant offers of grace and reward made to him several times by our adversaries who would have drawn him from us to their side, having worthy consideration, and therefore willing that the strictness [col. b] be tempered with clemency and graciously to act with it, with the assent of prelates, dukes, earls, barons and other great and skilled men attending us, we have fully and completely restored the same John to the estate which he had before the return of the aforesaid judgment, in his person as well as in all his possessions and rights whatsoever, and we have accepted him in the same estate; and not wishing execution of the said judgment to be made upon him in any way, according to the pious motive of clemency and the fullness of the king's power, we wholly remit and totally annul all forfeiture, if any was incurred by reason of the foregoings, and also outlawry, if any was enacted upon him on this account, and all processes sued thereon; so that he shall stand straight away in our court, if anyone wishes to speak against him concerning the aforesaid death. And we have also granted to the same John that he shall again have all his lands and tenements which were thus said to be forfeited, being in our hands as well as in the hands of any others whatsoever by our grant or in any other way. So that the said lands and tenements which were thus in the hands of others shall be reseized into our hands to be guaranteed to the same John of our will by us and our officials, to have and to hold to him and his heirs with knights' fees and advowsons of churches and all other things belonging to the same lands and tenements in any way, from us and our heirs and other chief lords of fees, as fully and completely as he held them before the return of the aforesaid judgment, and as he would have held them if that judgment had not been returned against him. [memb. 2] And we have also willed and granted that the same John shall have all manner of actions, real as well as personal or mixed, and all rights which belonged to the aforesaid John before or after the said returned judgment in fact or in hope, and we have restored him to this as previously; and also that the same John and his heirs shall be able to prosecute the said rights, actions, possessions and inheritances owed or to be owed to him, and also to recognise, claim, prosecute and have the reversions owed to him before as well as after the said returned judgment, notwithstanding the aforesaid judgment.
56. Nos ad requisicionem predicti Johannis, et pro majori securitate status ipsius Johannis de assensu prelatorum, ducum, comitum, baronum et communitatis regni nostri Anglie in presenti parliamento nostro existencium restitucionem, concessionem et omnia alia predicta in dictis litteris nostris patentibus contenta ratificamus, approbamus et confirmamus, volentes et concedentes pro nobis et heredibus nostris quod idem Johannes sit in eodem statu quo fuerat ante dictum judicium redditum, in omnibus condicionibus et accionibus tam realibus et personalibus quam mixtis ad petendum et prosequendum jura sua quecumque, et ad terras et tenementa quorum reversiones ad ipsum tam jure hereditario quam de adquisicione sua ante dictum judicium redditum vel post pertinebant, ingrediendum. Et quod nulla possessio vel seisina de terris et tenementis seu reversionibus quocumque modo eidem Johanni spectantibus, vel ad ipsum Johannem jure hereditario vel de adquisicione seu alio modo competentibus, per quoscumque inter diem quo judicium predictum redditum fuit et datam presencium per fines seu feoffamenta vel alio modo habitis, nec per warancias inter quascumque personas ab eodem tempore citra factas, cedant eidem Johanni vel heredibus suis in dampnum, prejudicium vel impedimentum, super accione et recuperacione jurium suorum, seu super ingressu suo in terris et tenementis eis in reversione competentibus faciendo in futurum; nec quod idem Johannes vel heredes sui per aliqua hujusmodi fines, feoffamenta, warancias aut alia facta que inter dictum judicium et datam presencium fiebant, ab accione petendi et prosequendi jura sua predicta vel ingrediendi terras et tenementa sibi, ut premittitur, competencia, excludantur; set quod omnia hujusmodi fines et feoffamenta, warancie et facta omni virtutis robore careant et pro nullis habeantur. In cujus rei testimonium has litteras nostras [p. ii-244][col. a] fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ipso apud Westm' .viij. die Februarie anno regni nostri Anglie vicesimo sexto, regni vero nostri Francie terciodecimo.' 56. At the request of the aforesaid John, and for the greater security of the estate of the same John, with the assent of the prelates, dukes, earls, barons and commonalty of our realm of England being in our present parliament, we ratify, approve and confirm the restoration, grant and all other aforesaid things contained in our said letters patent, willing and granting for us and our heirs that the same John has the same estate which he had before the said returned judgment in all conditions and actions, real and personal as well as mixed, to claim and prosecute all his rights whatsoever, and to enter into the lands and tenements whose reversions belonged to him by right of inheritance as well as by his acquisition before or after the said returned judgment. And that no possession or seisin of lands and tenements or reversions belonging to the same John in any way whatsoever, or pertaining to him by right of inheritance or by acquisition or in any other way, had by anyone whatsoever between the day on which the aforesaid judgment was returned and the present date by fines or enfeoffments or in any other way, nor by warrants made between any people whatsoever during the same time, shall be valid in damage, prejudice or impediment to the same John or his heirs, against the action and recovering of their rights or against his entry into the lands and tenements belonging to them in reversion to be made in times to come; and that neither the same John nor his heirs shall be excluded by any such fines, enfeoffments, warrants or other deeds which were made between the said judgment and the present date, by action of petitioning and prosecuting his aforesaid rights or entering into the lands and tenements belonging to them, as is aforesaid; but that all such fines and enfeoffments, warrants and deeds shall lack all virtue of authority and shall be treated as null. In witness of which we have made these our letters [p. ii-244][col. a] patent. Witnessed by myself at Westminster on 8 February in the twenty-sixth year of our reign of England and the thirteenth of France [1352].' (fn. ii-236-256-1)
PETICIONS DE LA CLERGIE ET LOUR RESPOUNS. PETITIONS OF THE CLERGY AND THEIR ANSWERS.
57. Et apres, pria au roi l'onurable pier en Dieu Simon ercevesqe de Canterbirs pur la clergie de la terre, qe lui pust comander d'oier et trier les peticions de la clergie des grevances et tortes faites a la dite clergie, et sur ceo doner bon et covenable respons et remede. Et le roi bonement l'ottroia. Queles peticions lues furent respondues en la forme souzescripte: 57. And afterwards, the honourable father in God Simon, archbishop of Canterbury, petitioned the king, on behalf of the clergy of the land, that he would order the petitions of the clergy to be heard and tried concerning grievances and wrongs done to the said clergy, and to give good and convenient answers and remedies to these matters. And the king willingly granted it. Which petitions having been read, they were answered in the form written below:
58. A nostre seignur le roi; supplient ses humbles chapelleyns Simon par divine soeffrance ercevsqe de Canterbirs, et ses freres evesqes de sa province, pur eux et tote la clergie: q'il pleise a nostre dit seignur le roi, pur la reverence de Dieu et de seinte eglise, et de sa benignete, a eux granter et confermer totes les libertes, privileges et droitz grantez et donez par lui et ses nobles progenitours avant ces heures a seinte eglise, par lour chartres, estatutz et autres ordinances ent faitz, et meement la chartre nadgaires a eux grante sur la manere des presentementz nostre seignur le roi de qecunqe benefice en autri droit en son parlement tenuz a Westm' le meskerdy en my quaresme l'an de son regne d'Engleterre quatorzisme et de France primer, (fn. ii-236-260-1) pur le quel grant nostre dit seignur le roi enavoit un grant subside de tote la clergie; et outre mander q'eles soient desore gardez et tenuz en touz pointz, et qe voz justices les allouent come reson est, et s'ils ne facent, commander a vostre chaunceller qe briefs soient grantez a chescuny qi les demandra solonc la forme et tenour des ditz grantz, ordinances et estatutz. 58. To our lord the king; his humble chaplains Simon, by divine sufferance archbishop of Canterbury, and his brothers, the bishops of his province, petition for themselves and all the clergy: that it may please our said lord the king, for the reverence of God and holy Church, and of his kindness, to grant and confirm to them all the liberties, privileges and rights granted and given to holy Church by him and his noble progenitors before this time, by their charters, statutes and other ordinances made in this matter, and especially the charter formerly granted to them in his parliament held at Westminster on the Wednesday in mid-Lent in the fourteenth year of his reign of England and the first of France [1340] concerning the manner of our lord the king's presentments of any benefice whatsoever in another's right, (fn. ii-236-260-1) for which grant our said lord the king had a great subsidy from all the clergy; and further to order that these shall henceforth be observed and upheld in all points, and that your justices allow them as is reasonable, and if they do not, to order your chancellor to grant writs to anyone who will demand them according to the terms and tenor of the said grants, ordinances and statutes.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer. ]
Quant au primer point des peticions de la clergie, le roi voet qe les fraunchises et privileges grantez devant ces heures a la clergie deivent estre confermez et tenuz. (fn. ii-236-263-1) As regards the first point of the petitions of the clergy, the king wills that the franchises and privileges granted to the clergy before this time should be confirmed and upheld. (fn. ii-236-263-1)
Et quant au point tochant l'ordinance nadgaires fait en parlement, qe le roi ne doit prendre title de presenter en autrui droit a nul benefice de seinte eglise outre trois auns apres la voidance d'icelles, pur eschuire incovenientz qe purront estre aleggez d'une part et d'autre, le roi de sa bone grace ad grante q'il ne prendra desore title de presentement en autrui droit des vacacions du temps de ses progenitours: sauvant a lui et a ses heirs droit de presenter de tut son temps avenir. Et quant a cel point soit la chartre nadgairs grantee a la clergie tenue pur nulle. (fn. ii-236-264-1) And as regards the point concerning the ordinance formerly made in parliament, that the king should not take title of presentment in another's right to any benefice of holy Church beyond three years after the vacancy of the same; to avoid incongruities which may be alleged on one part or the other, the king of his good grace has granted that he will not henceforth take title of presentment in another's right concerning vacancies from the time of his progenitors; saving to him and to his heirs the right to present for all times to come. And as regards this point, the charter formerly granted to the clergy shall be treated as null. (fn. ii-236-264-1)
59. Item, supplient humblement voz ditz chapelleyns: qe pur ceo qe vous avetz en autri droit recoveri, par noundedire et en autre manere, plusours presentementz as diverses benefices et voz presentees sont a yceux benefices ensi receuz; les queux, pur ceo qe vous n'avetz cause veritable de presenter, n'ount nene poount < avoir title en lour benefices nene preignont joustement les fruitz d'icelles, mes sont en la leie tenuz come larons et robbeours de seinte eglise, nene poont estre assouz sanz restitucion des benefices et de touz les frutz ensi parceuz a grant peril de lour almes, ne les ordinairs nene poont ne osent sur ce mettre remede ne faire proces pur voz juggementz; q'il vous pleise, pur reverence de Dieu et de seinte eglise, et salue de alme, sur ceo ordiner covenable remede, aussibien de temps passe come pur le temps avenir; issint qe les almes ne soient plus longement deceuez. > [Royal rights of presentation.]
59. Also, your said chaplains humbly petition: that because you have recovery of several presentments to various benefices in another's right, by non-denial and in other manner, and your presentees who are thus accepted to the same benefices, because you do not have true legal action to present, cannot have title in their benefices and should not justly take the fruits of the same, but are held as thieves and robbers in the law of holy Church, and cannot be absolved without restoration of the benefices and of all the fruits thus collected to the great peril of their souls, nor do the ordinaries dare to make remedy or process in this matter for your judgements; that it may please you, for the reverence of God and holy Church and for the salvation of the soul, to ordain convenient remedy in this matter, for past times as well as for times to come; so that these souls shall no longer be deceived.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer. ]
Item, quant au second point des juggementz renduz en la court le roi, acorde est par le roi et touz les grantz et communes qe apres juggement rendu pur le roi et son clerc en possession, qe the presentement ne poet estre repellez; mes le roi ad expressement commande [col. b] qe devant le presentement fait, et aussint devant le juggement rendu, bone informacion soit prise desore qe le title soit verroie. Also, as regards the second point concerning judgements returned in the king's court, it is agreed by the king and all the great men and commons that after judgment is returned for the king and his clerk is in possession, the presentment cannot be repealed; however the king has expressly ordered [col. b] that before he makes the presentment, and also before the judgment is returned, good information shall henceforth be taken that the title be true. (fn. ii-236-269-1)
60. Item, se pleinent voz ditz chapelleins: qe voz justices par lour juggement dampnent et juggent clercs, chapelleins, moignes et autres gentz de religon poertantz tonsure et habit acordantz a lour estat, et pur tiels notoirement tenuz et conuz, et les font prendre et treiner as coues des chivalx, en reprove de seinte eglise et de la clergie, contre droit et aunciene custume; come l'en fist ore tard a Nicole d'un chivaler Anktyn Houby, qi fust trove par jugge de seinte eglise notoirment clerc, ensurmettant a lui treson, c'est assaver, q'il deust avoir pris un homme lige nostre seignur le roi et lui avoir detenu desqes atant q'il avoit fait raunceon de vint livres. Et come l'em fist d'un prestre a Notingham ore tard, pur ceo q'il avoit tue son mestre, un clerc de la chauncellerie, justice nostre seignur le roi, Sire Thomas de Sibthorp'. Et come l'em fist nadgairs des moignes de Coumbe, de quoi n'est nul amendement uncore fait, et tout plein des autres, et puis les font demorer pendantz es fourches longement apres lour juggement plus quelment q'ils ne font les gentz laies: les quelles choses ne deussent pas estre faites de droit ne de reson pur quecumqe crime s'ils ne fuissent primes atteintz et degradez par lour ordinairs et puiz liverez a la court seculer; et ceo fuist le primer point pur quoi Seint Thomas morust. [Liability of clergy to royal justice.]
60. Also, your said chaplains complain: that by their judgment your justices condemn and judge clerks, chaplains, monks and other people of religion wearing tonsure and habit according to their estate, and who are clearly held and known as such, and cause them to be taken and dragged to the courts of knights, in disgrace of holy Church and of the clergy, contrary to right and ancient custom; as was recently done at Lincoln concerning a knight named Anketin Houby who was clearly found to be a clerk by a judge of holy Church, in accusing him of treason, that is to say, that he took a liegeman of our lord the king and detained him until he had made ransom of £20. And as was done lately concerning a priest at Nottingham because he had killed his master who a clerk of the chancery and a justice of our lord the king named Sir Thomas Sibthorpe. And as was recently done concerning the monks of Combe, for which no amendment has yet been made, and many others, and then after their judgment they have them hang on the gallows longer than lay people; which things should not to be done of right or reason for any crime whatsoever unless they were first attainted and deprived by their ordinaries and then delivered to the secular court; and this was the first reason for which Saint Thomas died.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer. ]
Item, quant au tiercz point endroit des clercs convictz de treson, purceo qe le roi et touz ses progenitours ont este seisis tut temps de faire juggement et execucion des clercs convictz de treson < devers le roi et sa roiale mageste come de droit de la corone, si est avis au roi qe la leie en tieu cas ne se poet changer. Mes des clercs convictz d'autre treson tochant autre persone, le roi voet soeffrer qe ses justices allouont desore clergie en tieu cas, issint totesfoitz qe les clers convictz de tiele treson, > ou de mourdre ou larons notoirs, et liverez as ordinairs soient ajuggez par lour ordinairs a perpetuele penance et prisone, solonc la leie de seinte eglise. (fn. ii-236-274-1) Also, as regards the third point concerning clerks convicted of treason, because the king and all his progenitors have always been seized to make judgment and execution concerning clerks convicted of treason against the king and his royal majesty as of the right of the crown, the king is advised that the law in such case cannot be changed. However, concerning clerks convicted of another treason concerning another person, the king wills that his justices should henceforth make allowance for clergy in such case, so that each time a member of the clergy is convicted of such treason, or of murder or notorious theft, he shall be delivered to ordinaries and adjudged by the ordinaries to permanent penalty and imprisonment, according to the law of holy Church. (fn. ii-236-274-1)
61. Item, se pleinent de voz ditz justices: qe quant un homme eit chalange sa clergie, et par son ordenair soit trove clerc, q'ils ne voillent deliverer le dit clerc, mes lui remandont a la gaole, ensurmettant ascunefoitz voluntrivement q'ils ont autres choses a dire a lui, come nulle tiele resonable chose y soit, et si y fust, il deust tantost estre aresone et a ordenair livere, desicome il est notoirment trove clerc; come est a Nicole, d'un prestre q'est illoeqes en prison detenuz par un an et plus apres ceo q'il feust par ses ordenairs chalenge. [Imprisonment of clergy.]
61. Also, they complain about your said justices: that when a man has claimed his clergy, and been found to be a clerk by his ordinary, they are unwilling to deliver the said clerk, but keep him at the gaol, sometimes by wilfully claiming that they have other things to say to him, when there is no such reasonable thing, and if there was, he ought to be questioned immediately and delivered to the ordinary, as he is clearly found to be a clerk; as happened at Lincoln concerning a priest who was then detained in prison for one year and more after he was claimed by his ordinaries.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer. ]
Item, quant au quart point, homme tient pur commune ley qe un clerc areisne de felonie devant justices seculers, s'il chalange sa clergie, et soit demande par les ordenairs, q'il ne doit estre remande a la gaole, par colour qe homme ad autre chose a dire devers lui, mes doit estre meintenant aresnez de tut, ou autrement deliverez al ordenair. (fn. ii-236-279-1) Also, as regards the fourth point, it is upheld by common law that a clerk questioned concerning felony before secular justices, if he claims his clergy and is interrogated by the ordinaries, he shall not be sent back to the gaol on the pretext that someone has something else to say to him; rather, he ought to have been immediately questioned about everything, or otherwise delivered to the ordinary. (fn. ii-236-279-1)
62. Item, q'il vous plese granter qe l'ordinance qe l'em apelle circumspecte agatis, (fn. ii-236-281-1) le quel est < bien > tenuz en plusurs pointz qe touchent conisance de vostre place et vostre profit, soit aussibien et entierment tenue en touz pointz tochantz seinte eglise. [Circumspecte agatis.]
62. Also, that it may please you to grant that the ordinance called Circumspecte agatis, (fn. ii-236-281-1) which is well observed in many points concerning recognisance of your courts and profits, shall also be entirely upheld in all the points concerning holy Church.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer. ]
Item, quant au quint point, soit veue l'ordinance qe homme apelle circumspecte agatis, et en quel point ele n'est mie tenue, et qe sur ceo reson ensoit faite. Also, as regards the fifth point, the ordinance called Circumspecte agatis shall be inspected, and if it is not upheld in any point, justice shall be done in this matter.
63. Item, en cas qe brief sur juggement rendu en vostre court de receivre presentees viegne a ascun evesqe ou autre ordenair, et le dit evesqe ou ordinair eit receu mandement de inhibicion au contrair de son [p. ii-245][col. a] sovereyn ercevesqe ou autre, prient qe le dit evesqe ou ordinair soit excuse pardevers le roi et sa court tantqe il soit < fraunchement > deliverez par dimission de son dit sovereyn, ou autrement, solonc la ley de seint eglise; desicome la court des arches serra touz jours preste de obeier a lour mandementz come les evesqes. [Prohibitions by archbishops.]
63. Also, in the event that a writ of judgment returned in your court to receive presentees shall come to any bishop or other ordinary, and the said bishop or ordinary has received an order of prohibition to the contrary from his [p. ii-245][col. a] sovereign archbishop or other, they pray that the said bishop or ordinary shall be excused towards the king and his court until he shall be freely delivered by demission of his said sovereign, or otherwise, according to the law of holy Church; as the court of Arches shall always be as ready to obey their orders as the bishops.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer. ]
Item, quant a sisme point, le roi voet qe en cas qe les mains del ordinair soient liez par inhibicion de la court de Canterbirs, qe brief soit mande au president de meisme la court, fourme sur la matire, au fin qe le dit ordinair eit dimission et liberte de faire son office; qar autrement l'ordinair serroit trope en daunger de totes partes. Also, as regards the sixth point, the king wills that in the event that the hands of the ordinaries shall be tied by the prohibition of the court of Canterbury, a writ shall be sent to the president of the same court, modelled upon the matter, to the end that the said ordinary has demission and liberty to perform his office; as otherwise the ordinary shall be in very great danger from everywhere.
64. Item, q'il vous pleise granter et commander qe nul justice desore preigne, en l'une place ou en l'autre, conissance ne plee de vacacions de qecunqe benifice de seinte eglise, par encheson de meindre age, ou de consecracion de evesqe, ou de resignacion, ou pluralite, ou inhabilite, ou autre vacacion de ley et droit; qar nulle tiele vacacion chiet ne poet estre done en conissance de laie gent, mes si nostre dit seignur le roi voille et deive prendre avantage par nulle tiele vacacion, de droit soit mande al ercevesqe, et evesqes des lieux des ditz benefices d'enqere sur ceo en manere q'appent, solonc la ley de seinte eglise, et en manere come l'ein face en cause de bastardie. [Jurisdiction over vacancies of benefices.]
64. Also, that it may please you to grant and order that no justice, in the one place or in the other, shall henceforth take cognisance or plea concerning vacancies of any benefice of holy Church whatsoever, by reason of minority, consecration of a bishop, resignation, plurality, inability or other vacancy of law and right, because no such vacancy falls to or can be given in cognisance of a lay person; but if our said lord the king wishes and ought to take advantage by any such vacancy, let it be granted of right to the archbishop and bishops of the places of the said benefices to inquire into this in due manner, according to the law of holy Church, and in the manner as it is done in a case of bastardy.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer. ]
Item, quant a .vij. point, le roi voet qe en cas qe title de voidance soit pris en plee devant justices, dont la conissance appertient a court Cristiene, eit la partie son chalenge, et les justices lui facent droit. (fn. ii-236-294-1) Also, as regards the seventh point, the king wills that in the event that title of vacancy shall be taken in plea before his justices, where cognisance belongs to the court Christian, the party shall have his claim, and the justices shall do him justice. (fn. ii-236-294-1)
65. Item, come ordine soit par chartres et estatuz grantez qe en commissions faites des purveances soit expressement forspris le fee de seinte eglise, commander qe nulle commission de purveances ne soit desormes sanz ceo qe les feez, manoirs et autres lieux de seinte eglise soient horspris; et qe ceo q'est fait a l'encontre par colour des commissions faites des purveances soit duement redresse, et qe chescun q'enbusoigne eit de ceo brief en la chancellerie; et qe vous ne pernez a mal, si les ordinairs contre touz y ceux en facent proces de seinte eglise, solonc ceo q'ils sont tenuz a la ley. [Immunity of clergy from purveyance.]
65. Also, that since it is ordained by granted charters and statutes, concerning the exemption of the fee of holy Church for commissions of purveyance, it might be expressly ordered that no commission concerning purveyances shall henceforth be made unless the fees, manors and other places of holy Church are excepted; and that anything done to the contrary by reason of commissions made concerning purveyances shall be duly redressed, and that anyone who needs it shall have a writ in the chancery; and that you shall not take it amiss if the ordinaries make process of holy Church contrary to all the aforesaid, as they are held by law.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer. ]
Item, quant al .viij. point tochant les feez de seinte eglise, le roi l'ad autrefoitz grante, et celui qi vorra suyr avera ent brief en la chauncellerie. Also, as regards the eighth point concerning the fees of holy Church, the king has previously granted it, and he who wishes to sue shall have a writ in the chancery.
66. Item, come ercevesqes < et > evesqes tiegnent lour temporaltes du roi en chief, et par tant sont pieres de la terre come sont autres countes et barons; q'il vous plese a eux granter qe nul justice, pur soul contempt, puisse desoremes lour temporaltes faire prendre en la main nostre dit seignur le roi, nient plus q'ils ne font les terres d'un counte: come fust fait ore tard del evesqe de Excestre, sanz nulle deliberacion prise ovesqe le grant conseil le roi, ou des pieres de la terre. [Confiscation of episcopal temporalities.]
66. Also, whereas archbishops and bishops hold their temporalities of the king in chief, and are therefore peers of the land as are other earls and barons; that it may please you to grant to them that no justice, merely on account of contempt, may henceforth cause their temporalities to be taken into the hands of our said lord the king, no more than they shall cause the lands of an earl; as was recently done concerning the bishop of Exeter, without any deliberation being taken with the king's great council or the peers of the land.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer. ]
Item, quant a .ix. point quant a la prise des temporaltes des evesqes en la main le roi, pur contempt en brief quare non admisit ou par autre cause; pur ceo qe la ley ad este tiele de tut temps, et les evesqes ne poent estre autrement justicez, il est avis au roi, qe la ley ne se poet chaunger. Mes en tieu cas, les justices qi rendont les juggementz ont poair par la ley de receivre resonable, solonc la quantite du trespas ou la qualite du contempt. Par quoi le roi ad commande qe les justices le facent desore sur le juggement rendu si la partie l'offre, ou autrement apres quele heure qe la partie < le > voille offrer; et ceo par l'avis du chaunceller et tresorer. (fn. ii-236-304-1) Also, as regards the ninth point concerning the taking of bishops' temporalities into the king's hands, for contempt in a writ of quare non admisit or for any other reason; because the law has always been such and the bishops cannot otherwise be brought to justice, the king is advised that the law cannot be changed. However, in such case the justices who return the judgments have power by the law to act reasonably, according to the scale of the trespass or the nature of the contempt. Wherefore the king has ordered that the justices henceforth act on the judgment returned if the party offers it, or otherwise after the time the party wishes to offer it; and this by the advice of the chancellor and treasurer. (fn. ii-236-304-1)
67. Item, q'il vous plese qe le cas du dit evesqe puisse estre en cest parlement duement examine; et si juggement sur ceo done soit trove meins just et resonable, soit repelle et commande expressement qe nul tiel juggement soit mes rendu. [Bishop of Exeter.]
67. Also, that it may please you that the case of the said bishop may be duly examined in this parliament; and if the judgment given on the same shall be found to be unjust and unreasonable, it shall be repealed and expressly ordered that no such judgment shall henceforth be returned.
[col. b]
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer. ]
Item, quant al .x. e point tochant l'evesqe d'Excestre, le roi voet qe sa pleinte soit oie et examine, et qe reson lui en soit faite. Also, as regards the tenth point touching the bishop of Exeter, the king wills that his complaint shall be heard and examined, and that justice shall be done to him.
68. Item, pur ceo qe prelatz de seinte eglise et lour ministres sont soventfoitz empeschez et enditez de diverses oppressions et extorsions (par tant q'ils font execucion de lour office et q'ils preignent deniers de lour subgitz pur redempcion de corporales penances a eux enjoingnez pur lour pecchees, de leur voluntee et assent, solonc ceo qe lour list bien faire) de la ley devant voz justices, sovent en especial et ascunfoitz en general, sanz ceo q'ils ne scievent dire en especial quelle extorsion ne quelle oppression contre l'estat de seinte eglise, et la ley aussibien de la terre come de seinte eglise; priont voz ditz chapelleyns, pur l'onur de Dieu et de seinte eglise, qe vouz voilletz sur ceo remede covenable ordiner, et commander a touz voz justices q'ils ne preignent mes, ne procurent, ne acceptent mes tieux enditementz ou presentementz. [General indictments against clergy.]
68. Also, because the prelates of holy Church and their officials are often impeached and indicted concerning various oppressions and extortions under the law before your justices, often in particular and sometimes in general (because they carry out their office and take money from their subjects for the redemption of corporal penances imposed on them for their sins, of their will and assent, as it pleases them well to do), without knowing specifically which extortion or which oppression, against the estate of holy Church, and against the law of the land as well as of holy Church; your said chaplains pray, for the honour of God and of holy Church: that you will ordain convenient remedy in this matter and order all your justices that they shall not take, procure or accept such indictments or presentments.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer. ]
Item, quant al .xi. point endroit des prelatz et lour ministres qi sont empeschez pur extorsions, la ley ne voet mye q'ils soient empeschez pur tieles extorsions en general sanz monstrer la chose en especial. Mes des choses dont le roi et ses progenitours ont eu conissance en lour court de tut temps come de droit de la corone, le roi voet et le doit user et continuer en temps avenir: et aussint qe les ordinairs eient la conissance de ceo qe attient au court Cristiene. (fn. ii-236-314-1) Also, as regards the eleventh point concerning the prelates and their officials who are impeached for extortions, the law does not will that they be impeached for such extortions in general without demonstrating the matter in particular. However, concerning things of which the king and his progenitors have always had cognisance in their court as of the right of the crown, the king wills that it ought to be observed and continued in times to come; and also that the ordinaries shall have the cognisance of that which belongs to the court Christian. (fn. ii-236-314-1)
[memb. 1]
69. Item, supplie a nostre dit seignur le roi la commune de la clergie: qe par la ou les benefices de seinte eglise, aussibien de la lay patronage come d'autres, ont este voides par sys moys, qe la collacion de tiels benifices en tiel cas, par la ley et custume du roialme, a cel foitz attient a les ordinairs des lieux, come en lour droit propre et de lour eglise, a eux devolut par cours de ley en lour temps avenuz, en la defaute et negligence des verroies patrouns; les queux patrouns en temps apres, par suyte faite vers eux en le noun nostre seignur le roi par lour procurement demesne, ont perdu par juggement lour presentementz a les ditz benefices, la ou le roi nul droit y avoit a presenter; a quel droit dedire ne a contrair les ditz ordinairs ne lour clercs de mesmes les benifices de lour collacions possessions ne sont pas en la court le roi receuz n'escoutez pur le droit de lour estat monstrer ne defendre, sanz estat clamer el patronage. Qe plese a sa treshaute seignurie, en oevre de charite, et en salvacion del estat de seinte eglise, granter, et par estatut affermer, qe en chescun cas, la ou presentement sur voidaunce de eglise, provende, ou d'autre benifice, sibien des dignites come d'autres, sont a recoverer par brief en la court le roi, ou de mettre en execucion, sibien par seute par le roi come par autre, vers ordinair de le lieu, ou devers le clerc possessour de tiel benifice, dont le presentement est issint a recoverer ou de mettre en execucion; q'en tiel cas, qe le dit ordinair et le clerc possessour de cel benifice puissent sibien aver lour response en la court le roi, et lour droit estat monstrer, meintenir, et defendre sur lour matier, sanz riens clamer en le patronage, tiel come homme clamaunt patronage avera en son cas s'il fuisse partie. [Counterclaims to royal recoveries of rights of presentment.]
69. Also, the commonalties of the clergy petition our said lord the king: that whereas the benefices of holy Church, of lay patronage as well as of others, have been empty for six months, so that by the law and custom of the realm the collation of such benefices in such case belongs to the ordinaries of the places at this time, as of their own right and that of their church, devolving to them by course of the law for the future, in default and negligence of the true patrons; which patrons some time afterward, by suit made against them in the name of our lord the king by their own procurement, have lost their presentments to the said benefices by judgment, where the king had no right to present there; to deny or contradict which right the said ordinaries or their clerks are not received in the king's court concerning the same benefices of collation and possession nor allowed to show or defend the right of their estate, without claiming estate to patronage. May it please his most high lordship, as a work of charity and in salvation of the estate of holy Church, to grant and affirm by statute that in each case where presentment on a vacancy of a church, prebend or other benefice, from dignities as well as from others, are to be recovered by a writ in the king's court or put in execution against the ordinary of the place, or against the clerk who possesses such benefice, by suit of the king as well as by others, from which the presentment is thus to be recovered or put in execution; that in such case the said ordinary and the clerk who possesses this benefice may also have their answer in the king's court, and show, maintain and defend their right estate on their matter, without claiming anything in the patronage, such as a man claiming patronage shall have in his case if he was a party.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer. ]
Item, quant au .xij. point, quant evesqe ad done un benifice de droit a lui devolut par cours de temps par cause de debat entre patrons, si apres le roi presente et preigne son quare impedit devers l'un patron, et par cas l'un patron par malice voille soeffrer qe le roi recovere, en deceit del evesqe ou de possessour du benefice; il plest au roi, qe en tieu et autres cas semblables ou le roi recovere sans accion trie, l'evesqe ou le possessour soit receu a contrepleder le title, et q'il puisse avoir sa response et son droit monstrer et defendre sur la mettre, sanz riens clamer en le patronage; sauvant au roi son droit d'avoir execucion de juggement ensi rendu autrefoitz quant lui plerra. (fn. ii-236-319-1) Also, as regards the twelfth point, when a bishop has rightly given a benefice passed down to him over the course of time by reason of dispute between patrons, if after the king presents and takes his quare impedit against a patron, by chance one patron by malice wishes to permit the king to recover in deceit of the bishop or possessor of the benefice, may it please the king that in such and other similar cases where the king recovers without the action being tried, the bishop or possessor shall be received to counterplead the title, and that he may have his answer and show and defend his right in the matter, without claiming anything in the patronage; saving to the king his right to have execution of judgment returned whenever it pleases him. (fn. ii-236-319-1)

Appendix 1352

1

Statute of 1352 (25 Edw III st 5): a roll of two membranes containing a verbatim copy of the legislation of the parliament of 1352 as set out on the statute roll. The left-hand margin of the upper membrane is torn away. The provenance is uncertain; the document was acquired by the Public Record Office in 1998. Since there are minor differences of content between the statutes as recorded on the parliament and statute rolls for this year, it is clear that this roll is taken from the version of the legislation used in the statute roll. The statute roll itself contains a transcript of the writs sent out to the sheriffs and to the justiciar of Ireland, the chief justices and justices of king's bench and common pleas, and the treasurer and barons of the exchequer, enclosing copies of the statute for proclamation and observation. The exchequer copy is extant (see below, no. 2); this may therefore be the copy sent to Ireland, to one or other of the central courts, or to one of the sheriffs.

Source : PRO, uncatalogued item.

2

Statute of 1352 (25 Edw III st. 5): a copy of the statute of 1352, as enrolled on the statute roll, attached to a writ of 1 March 1352 ( sic ) to the treasurer and the barons of the exchequer ordering its due observance. See also below, no. 3. The record of the same writ made on the statute roll is dated 6 March.

Source : E 175/2/24. See also SR , I.319-24.

3

Statute of 1352 (25 Edw III st. 5): a transcription made on the king's remembrancer's memoranda roll in the exchequer (taken from no. 2, above), of the legislation of the 1352 parliament.

Source : E 159/128, brevia directa baronibus , Hilary.

4

Notification to the sheriff of Nottinghamshire and others, dated 26 January 1352 and warranted 'by petition of parliament', that the king has ceased his proceedings against John de Brynkele, claimant to the archdeaconry of Nottingham, on petition in parliament by Brynkele. The original petition does not survive.

Source : CPR 1350-4 , 215. See also B. Jones, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1300-1541 , VI: Northern Province (London, 1963), 24.

5

Petition of Baldwin de Fryvyll, endorsed 'eit brief en la chancellerie a les justices du baunk daler avant en le processe issint qils naillent au iuggement rendre le roi nient counseille'. The resulting writ, dated 27 January and warranted 'by petition of council', specifies that the petition was presented 'in the present parliament'.

Sources : SC 8/47/2345; CCR 1349-54 , 407.

6

Petition to king and council from 'his people of Scotland' that the chamberlain of Berwick be ordered to maintain them in the laws observed in the time of Alexander [III], under the conditions set out by the earl of Angus and Lords Percy and Neville at Roxburgh. The resulting writs in favour of all Scots in the allegiance of the English crown, addressed variously to Henry Percy, Ralph Neville, and the chancellor and chamberlains of Berwick, were dated 27 January 1352 and warranted 'by petition of parliament'.

Sources : SC 8/143/7112; Foedera , III.i.237; Rot. Scot . I.747.

7

Commission of inquiry in Essex touching a petition of Ralph Pygot and his wife Mary made before the king and council 'in the present parliament at Westminster', concerning lands held by Mary before her marriage and now in the king's hands. The commission is dated 27 January 1352 and warranted 'by petition of parliament'. The original petition does not survive.

Source : CPR 1350-4 , 272.

8

Letters patent of signification issued in response to a petition of the fishermen of Blakeney (Norfolk) made 'in the present parliament' concerning the purveyance of fish for the king's household; the king grants that no purveyance of fish be made except by written warrant under the privy seal or the seals of the steward or treasurer of the king's household. The letters patent are dated 3 February 1352 and warranted 'by petition of parliament'. The original petition does not survive.

Source : CPR 1350-4 , 210.

9

Petition (not extant) of Richard de Stanhope, resulting in a chancery instrument dated 3 February 1352 and warranted 'by petition of council'.

Source : CCR 1349-54 , 407.

10

Damaged petition from the chancellor and scholars of the University of Oxford to the king, firstly regarding a grievance against the mayor and burgesses of Oxford (the details of which are lost), and secondly concerning the university's jurisdiction over excommunicated persons. Endorsed: as to the first point, it seems to the council that it is already in operation; as to the second, the king should grant it. Supplementary note on dorse that the petition was taken to the king by the chancellor, and the king granted the matter for six years. Letters patent were accordingly issued, dated 6 February 1352 and warranted 'by petition of parliament', allowing the university certain rights of jurisdiction over excommunicated persons until 10 November 1357.

Sources : SC 8/132/6593; L.T. Smith, 'Parliamentary Petitions Relating to Oxford', Collectanea 3rd Series , Oxford Historical Society 32 (1896), 137-8; CPR 1350-4 , p. 226.

11

Petition to the king and council from 'workers of cloth from foreign lands who have come to England under the protection and safe conduct of our said lord the king', complaining of the hindrances they encounter from the guild of tailors in London and in other places and requesting confirmation of their freedom to work in England under the legislation of 1337 (11 Edw III c. 5: SR , I.281); also requesting that they be permitted to elect two men of their mistery in each town where they operate to regulate the standard of their work. Endorsed with a note that 'because this petition touches the common profit of all the realm of England and of the lands specified in it, it is accorded by our lord the king, the prelates, earls, barons and others in this full parliament that the things contained in this petition be fully permitted and granted to the suppliant workers...', and that proclamation be made again throughout the realm that alien workers in cloth who wish to come and work within the realm should have the safe conduct and protection of the king according the ordinance of 1337. Letters patent were issued on 8 February 1352, and warranted 'by king and with the assent of the whole parliament', reciting the petition 'exhibited before the king and council in the present parliament'; the crown granted, 'with the assent of the prelates, earls, barons and others in the present parliament', that foreign cloth workers should be confirmed in the privileges of 1337 and have the right to elect two members of their mistery in each town to regulate their affairs.

Sources : SC 8/110/5463; CPR 1350-4 , 232.

12

Letters patent granting the abbot of Leicester permanent exemption from attendance at parliament, granted on the petition of the current abbot, dated 15 February 1352, and warranted 'by petition of parliament'. The original petition does not survive.

Source : CPR 1350-4 , 230.

13

Petition of the town of Miramont for grant of socage in aid of the defences of the town, endorsed with a note that it should be granted for a further six years; the letters patent, recorded on the Gascon roll and dated 12 March 1352, are warranted 'by petition of parliament'.

Sources : SC 8/285/14215; C 61/64, m. 8.

14

Five further instruments on the Gascon roll dated variously 6 February, 8 February and 12 March 1352, and warranted 'by petition of parliament'. The original petitions do not survive.

Source : C 61/64, mm. 8, 7.

15

Petition (not extant) of the master, brethren and sisters of the hospital of St Bartholomew, London, resulting in a chancery instrument dated 14 March 1352 and warranted 'by petition of parliament'.

Source : CCR 1349-54 , 414; and see also CCR 1354-60 , 11

16

Letters patent of notification, dated 30 March 1353 ( sic ) at Westminster Palace, that, on petition of the clergy in the last parliament at Westminster, the king will not present to benefices void when the temporalities of cathedrals and other churches were in the hands of his ancestors.

Source: Foedera III.i. 256; CPR 1350-4 , 418.

Footnotes

  • f1352int-1. B. Wilkinson, The Chancery under Edward III (Manchester, 1929), 81 (n. 2), 166.
  • f1352int-2. RDP , IV.590-3.
  • f1352int-3. E 403/359 (24 Nov. 1350).
  • f1352int-4. K.L. Wood-Legh, 'Sheriffs, lawyers and belted knights in the parliaments of Edward III', EHR 46 (1931), 377; J.R. Maddicott, 'Parliament and the constituencies, 1272-1377', in The English Parliament in the Middle Ages , ed. R.G. Davies and J.H. Denton (Manchester, 1981), 76-7.
  • f1352int-5. Return of the Name of Every Member of the Lower House of Parliament 1213-1874 , 2 vols. (London, 1878), I.150-1. The knights of the shire for Surrey subsequently undertook proceedings in the chancery on the problems encountered in reclaiming their expenses from franchisal jurisdictions in the county: C 219/7, part 1, file 4. For this issue in general, see L.C. Latham, 'Collection of the wages of the knights of the shire in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries', EHR 48 (1933), 455-64; H.M. Cam, Liberties and Communities in Medieval England (London, 1963), 236-50.
  • f1352int-6. A.K. McHardy, 'The representation of the English lower clergy in parliament during the later fourteenth century', SCH 10 (1973), 100, n. 13.
  • f1352int-7. J. Sumption, The Hundred Years War , in progress (London 1990- ), II, 88-90.
  • f1352int-8. J.G. Edwards, The Second Century of the English Parliament (Oxford, 1979), 5-6, 8-9; R. Butt, A History of Parliament: The Middle Ages (London, 1989), 266.
  • f1352int-9. M. Jurkowski, C.L. Smith and D. Crook, Lay Taxes in England and Wales 1188-1688 (London, 1998), 51-2, says the tax was granted on 21-22 January, but this is an error.
  • f1352int-10. E 159/128, Recorda , Hilary; E 368/124, m. 44.
  • f1352int-11. CCR 1349-54 , 468-9.
  • f1352int-12. B.H. Putnam, The Enforcement of the Statute of Labourers (New York, 1908), 98-149; G.L. Harriss, King, Parliament and Public Finance in Medieval England to 1369 (Oxford, 1975), 340-2.
  • f1352int-13. Pace Harriss, King, Parliament , 341.
  • f1352int-14. 25 Edw III st 7: SR , I.327-8.
  • f1352int-15. B.H. Putnam, The Place in Legal History of Sir William Shareshull (Cambridge, 1950), 70; W.M. Ormrod, The Reign of Edward III (London, 1990), 78-9.
  • f1352int-16. Harriss, King, Parliament , 401-19.
  • f1352int-17. For what follows, see Harriss, King, Parliament , 356-75.
  • f1352int-18. For ths practice on other occasions, see Maddicott, 'Parliament and the constituencies', 81-2.
  • f1352int-19. SR , I.324; and see Appendix nos. 1-3.
  • f1352int-20. For the significance of this request, see Maddicott, 'Parliament and the constituencies', 82.
  • f1352int-21. Harriss, King, Parliament , 515-17; the theme is a major preoccupation of R.C. Palmer, English Law in the Age of the Black Death , 1348-1381 : A Transformation of Governance and Law (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993).
  • f1352int-22. W.M. Ormrod, 'Edward III and the recovery of royal authority in England, 1340-60', History 72 (1987), 4-19.
  • f1352int-23. 25 Edw III st. 5, c. 2: SR , I.319.
  • f1352int-24. M.V. Clarke, Fourteenth Century Studies (Oxford, 1937), 130-1.
  • f1352int-25. J.G. Bellamy, The Law of Treason in England in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1970), 51, 55, 62-74, 80-5.
  • f1352int-26. 25 Edw III st. 5 c. 8: SR , I.321.
  • f1352int-27. For discussion, see M.R. Powicke, Military Obligation in Medieval England (Oxford, 1962), 188-9; Harriss, King, Parliament , 383-400.
  • f1352int-28. 25 Edw III st. 5 c. 11: SR , I.322. Harriss, King, Parliament , 414-15, argues that the commons in 1352 retrospectively authorised the supplementary rates imposed in 1346, but there is no direct evidence for this and it seems more likely that the crown simply regarded the 1346 levy as valid in its own right, not affected by the new statute of 1352.
  • f1352int-29. See discussion in Ormrod, Reign of Edward III , 47-8.
  • f1352int-30. 25 Edw III st. 5 c. 4 ( SR , I.321); J.F. Baldwin, The King's Council in England during the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1913), 286.
  • f1352int-31. 25 Edw III st. 5 c. 18 ( SR , I.323); Ormrod, Reign of Edward III , 147. For the effect of the statute, see P.R. Hyams, 'The action of naifty in the early common law', Law Quarterly Review 90 (1974), 331.
  • f1352int-32. The best discussion of the commons' agenda is A.J. Verduyn, 'The attitude of the parliamentary commons to law and order under Edward III', D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford (1991), 116-22.
  • f1352int-33. B.H. Putnam, 'The transformation of the keepers of the peace into the justices of the peace', TRHS 4th series 12 (1929), 42-5.
  • f1352int-34. For an otherwise unsupported reference to sumptuary legislation arising from this parliament, see Chronicon Galfridi le Baker de Swynebroke , ed. E.M. Thompson (Oxford, 1889), 122, 289.
  • f1352int-35. For the context, see Ormrod, Reign of Edward III , 167-8. For further complaints on this matter, see parliament of 1353, item 37; parliament of 1354, item 33, no. XVII.
  • f1352int-36. 25 Edw III st. 5 c. 10: SR , I.321-2.
  • f1352int-37. 25 Edw III st. 5 c. 9: SR , I.321.
  • f1352int-38. W.M. Ormrod, 'Edward III's government of England, c. 1346-1356', D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford (1984), 172-3, 204-5. W.M. Ormrod, 'The English crown and the customs, 1349-63', EcHR 2nd series 40 (1987), 30-1.
  • f1352int-39. SR , I.324.
  • f1352int-40. Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae , ed. D. Wilkins, 4 vols. (London, 1737), III.28-9.
  • f1352int-41. Concilia , III.23-5.
  • f1352int-42. D.B. Weske, Convocation of the Clergy (London, 1937), 156-7.
  • f1352int-43. E 159/128, Recorda , Trinity: Ormrod, Reign of Edward III , 140 and n. 138.
  • f1352int-44. Ormrod, Reign of Edward III , 126-7.
  • f1352int-45. 25 Edw III st. 6 c. 6: SR , I.326.
  • f1352int-46. B.H. Putnam, 'Chief Justice Shareshull and the economic and legal codes of 1351-1352', University of Toronto Law Journal 5 (1943-4), 251-81; H.M. Cam, Law-finders and Law-makers in Medieval England (London, 1962), 132-58.
  • ii-236-37-1. SR , I.311-13
  • ii-236-37-2. SR , I.327-8 (c. vii)
  • ii-236-50-1. SR , I.265-6 (c. ii)
  • ii-236-53-1. SR , I.319 (c. i)
  • ii-236-58-1. The most recent legislation on the matter was SR , I.283 (c. vii)
  • ii-236-68-1. SR , I.319-20 (c. ii)
  • ii-236-73-1. SR , I.320 (c. iii)
  • ii-236-75-1. SR , I.117 (c. xxix)
  • ii-236-78-1. SR , I.321 (c. iv)
  • ii-236-83-1. SR , I.321 (c. v)
  • ii-236-88-1. SR , I.321 (c. vi)
  • ii-236-93-1. SR , I.321 (c. vii)
  • ii-236-98-1. SR , I.321 (c. viii)
  • ii-236-103-1. SR , I.321 (c. ix)
  • ii-236-110-1. SR , I.117 (c. xxv)
  • ii-236-113-1. SR , I.321-2 (c. x)
  • ii-236-128-1. SR , I.322 (c. xi), citing SR , I.321-2 (c. x), I.35 (c. xxxvi)
  • ii-236-130-1. Parliament of 1351, item 28, no. XVIII; SR , I.315-16 (c. iv)
  • ii-236-138-1. SR , I.324 (c. xxiii)
  • ii-236-143-1. SR , I.322 (c. xiii)
  • ii-236-148-1. SR , I.322 (c. xiv)
  • ii-236-153-1. SR , I.301 (c. vii)
  • ii-236-173-1. SR , I.322 (c. xii)
  • ii-236-180-1. SR , I.117 (c. xxix)
  • ii-236-193-1. SR , I.322 (c. xvi)
  • ii-236-195-1. SR , I.316-18; and parliament of 1351, item 46
  • ii-236-203-1. Citing SR , I.314 (c. i); and parliament of 1351, item 42
  • ii-236-208-1. SR , I.322 (c. xvii)
  • ii-236-210-1. CCR 1346-9 , 568
  • ii-236-213-1. Parliament of 1351, item 33, no. XXIII
  • ii-236-223-1. SR , I.323 (c. xviii)
  • ii-236-228-1. SR , I.323 (c. xix)
  • ii-236-233-1. SR , I.323 (c. xx)
  • ii-236-243-1. SR , I.323 (c. xxi)
  • ii-236-248-1. SR , I.323-4 (c. xxii)
  • ii-236-253-1. CPR 1350-4 , 110
  • ii-236-256-1. CPR 1350-4 , 224
  • ii-236-260-1. Given that the specific item of the 1340 legislation is modified here, it seems likely that this petition refers to the whole of the 1340 statute ( SR , I.292-4)
  • ii-236-263-1. SR , I.325 (c. i)
  • ii-236-264-1. SR , I.325 (c. ii), annulling SR , I.293 (c. ii) (1340)
  • ii-236-269-1. SR , I.325 (c. iii)
  • ii-236-274-1. SR , I.325 (c. iv)
  • ii-236-279-1. SR , I.326 (c. v)
  • ii-236-281-1. SR , I.101-2
  • ii-236-294-1. SR , I.326 (c. viii)
  • ii-236-304-1. SR , I.326 (c. vi)
  • ii-236-314-1. SR , I.326 (c. ix)
  • ii-236-319-1. SR , I.326 (c. vii)