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Edward II: January 1316, SC 9/20

Parliament Rolls of Medieval England. Originally published by Boydell, Woodbridge, 2005.

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SC 9/20

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[p. i-350]
[col. a]
[memb. 1]
MEMORANDA DE PARLIAMENTO DOMINI EDWARDI REGIS ANGLIE FILII EDWARDI QUONDAM REGIS ANGLIE SUMMONITO ET TENTO APUD LINCOLN' IN QUINDENA SANCTI HILLARII ANNO REGNI DICTI REGIS NONO, FACTA PER WILLELMUM DE AYREMYNNE CLERICUM DE CANCELLARIA PREFATI REGIS PER EUNDEM REGEM AD HOC NOMINATUM ET SPECIALITER DEPUTATUM. MEMORANDA OF THE PARLIAMENT OF THE LORD EDWARD KING OF ENGLAND, THE SON OF EDWARD, FORMERLY KING OF ENGLAND, SUMMONED AND HELD AT LINCOLN AT THE QUINZAINE OF HILARY IN THE NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF THE SAID KING [27 January 1316], COMPILED BY WILLIAM OF AIRMYN, A CLERK OF THE CHANCERY OF THE AFOREMENTIONED KING, NOMINATED AND SPECIALLY APPOINTED TO DO THIS BY THE SAME KING.
1. [editorial note: A somewhat erratic series of numbers is found on the roll. The numbers in brackets are from the 1783 edition of the RP . ] Dominus rex die mercurii, videlicet in crastino quindene predicte, quandam cameram in hospicio decani Lincoln' ubi tunc hospitabatur, inter prelatos, comites, et alios ibidem existentes ingressus, proponi fecit in publico per Willelmum Inge unum justiciariorum regis de Banco Communi, quod dominus rex multum desideravit quod predictum parliamentum, quod pro diversis et arduis negociis ipsum et statum regni sui, et precipue terram suam Scocie, tangentibus summonitum fuit, prout in summonicione ejusdem continetur, cum omni festinacione qua commode fieri posset teneretur, et quod negocia predicta, et alia in eodem parliamento tractanda, similiter maturarentur, < adiciens > quod dominus rex habuit magnam consideracionem ad hoc, quod dicti prelati, comites, et alii, de longinquis partibus ibi venerant, et quod mora sua ibidem, si longa fieret, foret eis tediosa et onerosa propter caristiam victualium, que diebus illis magis gravavit quam prius facere consuevit. [Opening of Parliament.]
1. [editorial note: The somewhat erratic series of numbers is found on the roll. The numbers in brackets are from the 1783 edition of the RP . ] The lord king on the Wednesday, that is on the morrow of the aforesaid quinzaine [28 January], entered a certain chamber in the lodgings of the dean of Lincoln where he was then staying, among the prelates, earls, and others present there, and had it pronounced in public by William Inge, one of the king's justices of Common Bench, that the king greatly desired that the aforesaid parliament, which had been summoned for various and difficult matters touching him and the state of his realm, and especially his land of Scotland, as is contained in its summons, be held with all the haste with which it could conveniently be done, and that the aforesaid business, and other things to be discussed in the same parliament, might likewise be dealt with swiftly, adding that the lord king had a great concern that the said prelates, earls, and others, had come there from distant regions, and that their stay there, if it were long, would be hard and burdensome to them because of the expense of victuals, which in those days was a greater problem than it had been before.
Verumptamen, quia Thomas comes Lancastr' et quidam alii magnates de regno, de quorum consilio dominus rex voluit procedere in dictis arduis negociis, nondum venerant, dominus rex voluit differre exprimere negocia illa usque adventum procerum predictorum: set nichilominus injunxit prelatis, comitibus et aliis tunc ibidem presentibus quod de die in diem ibidem convenirent, et dictum parliamentum continuarent, ac alia negocia tractarent, usque adventum dictorum procerum absencium, ut est dictum. Et injunctum fuit Johanni de Sandale, cancellario, quod ipse reciperet procuratoria et excusaciones prelatorum et aliorum summonitorum ad dictum parliamentum et non veniencium, et quod ipse ac alii quos dominus rex sibi associaret, ea examinarent, et excusaciones sufficientes allocarent, dumtamen excusantes procuratores haberent sufficientes: et quod nomina non veniencium nec se excusancium, nec procuratores destinancium, domino regi referrent, ita quod ipse inde posset precipere quod deberet. Et dominus rex associavit ad hoc prefato cancellario Walterum de Norwico, thesaurarium Anglie, et prefatum Willelmum Inge. [The absence of the earl of Lancaster and other magnates.]
However, because Thomas earl of Lancaster and certain other magnates of the realm, with whose counsel the lord king wished to proceed in the said difficult matters, had not yet arrived, the lord king wished to put off discussion of those matters until the arrival of the aforesaid magnates: but nevertheless he ordered the prelates, earls and others present there at that time to meet there every day, and to continue the said parliament, and to deal with other business, until the arrival of the said absent magnates, as has been said. And John of Sandale, the chancellor, was ordered to received the proxies and excuses of the prelates and others summoned to the said parliament who had not come, and he and the others whom the lord king would associate with him were to examine them, and allow the acceptable excuses, provided that those excusing themselves had suitable proctors: and they were to give the king the names of those who had not come, nor excused themselves, nor appointed proctors, so that he could order appropriate action to be taken. And for this the lord king associated with the aforesaid chancellor Walter of Norwich, the treasurer of England, and the aforementioned William Inge.
Eodem die concordatum fuit quod peticiones reciperentur et expedirentur, prout ad alia parliamenta prius fieri consuevit, et quod reciperentur usque in crastinum Purificacionis Beate Marie tunc proximo futurum, et eodem crastino. Et nominati fuerunt pro peticionibus Angliam tangentibus recipiendis Robertus de Askeby, clericus de cancellaria, et Adam de Lymbergh', unus rememoratorum de scaccario; et pro peticionibus Vasconiam, Walliam, Hiberniam, et Scociam tangentibus, magister Edmundus de London', clericus de dicta cancellaria, et magister Willelmus de Maldon', unus camerariorum domini regis de scaccario suo: et inde proclamacio facta fuit. Post hec injunctum fuit predictis cancellario et thesaurario, et justiciariis de utroque Banco, [col. b] quod ipsi negocia coram eis in placeis suis pendencia, que extra parliamentum non possent terminari, sub compendio in scriptis redigi facerent, et ea in dicto parliamento referrent, ita quod ibi de eisdem fieret quod deberet. [Receiving of petitions.]
On the same day it was agreed that petitions were to be received and dealt with, as was previously the custom at other parliaments, and that they were to be received until the morrow of the Purification of the Blessed Mary then following [3 February ], and on the morrow itself. And to receive petitions concerning England Robert of Askeby, a clerk of chancery, and Adam of Lymbergh, one of the remembrancers of the exchequer, were appointed; and for petitions concerning Gascony, Wales, Ireland and Scotland, Master Edmund of London, a clerk of the said chancery, and Master William of Maldon, one of the lord king's chamberlains of his exchequer: and a proclamation was made of this. After this the aforesaid chancellor and treasurer, and the justices of both Benches, were ordered [col. b] to have the business pending before them in their offices, which could not be determined outside parliament, set down briefly in writing, and to bring it before the said parliament, so that appropriate action could be taken on it there.
Die jovis sequenti concordatum fuit quod super peticionibus procederetur usque adventum prefati comitis Lanc' et aliorum procerum sic absencium, et nominati fuerunt pro peticionibus Angliam tangentibus audiendis et expediendis Johannes Norwicen', Johannes Cicestr', et Rogerus Sar', episcopi; Edmundus Deyncourt, Philippus de Kyme, Johannes de Insula, unus baronum de scaccario, Henricus l'Escrop', unus justiciariorum de Banco, et Robertus de Bardelby, clericus de cancellaria; et pro peticionibus Vasconie, et Insularum, Henricus Wynton', Walterus Exon', et Johannes Bathon' et Wellen', episcopi; Willelmus Inge supradictus, magistri Rogerus de Rothwell', < Ricardus > de Plumpstok', Thomas de Cherleton', et Henricus de Cantuar', clerici; et pro peticionibus Wallie, Hibernie, et Scocie, [Radulphus] filius Willelmi, magister Willelmus de Birston', archidiaconus Glouc', magistri Johannes Walewayn, escaetor citra Trentam, Johannes Bush', [Philippus] de Turvill', et Johannes de Insula, clerici, ac Johannes de Mutford', unus justiciariorum ad assisas. [Arrangements for hearing of petitions; continued absence of earl of Lancaster.]
On the following Thursday [29 January] it was agreed to proceed on the petitions until the arrival of the aforementioned earl of Lancaster and other magnates thus absent, and to hear and deal with petitions concerning England John of Norwich, John of Chichester, and Roger of Salisbury, bishops; Edmund Deyncourt, Philip of Kyme, John de Lisle, one of the barons of the exchequer, Henry le Scrope, one of the justices of the Bench, and Robert of Bardelby, a clerk of chancery, were appointed; and for petitions from Gascony and the Channel Islands, Henry of Winchester, Walter of Exeter, and John of Bath and Wells, bishops; the aforesaid William Inge, Masters Roger of Rothwell, Richard of Plumpstock, Thomas of Charlton, and Henry of Canterbury, clerks; and for petitions from Wales, Ireland and Scotland, Ralph FitzWilliam, Master William of Birston, the archdeacon of Gloucester, Masters John Walwayn, the escheator south of the Trent, John Bush, Philip of Turville, and John de Lisle, clerks, and John of Mutford, one of the justices of assize.
Die sabbati sequenti, in presencia domini regis, ex parte sua dictum fuit prelatis tunc ibidem presentibus per Humfridum de Bohun comitem Hereford', de peticionibus quas dicti prelati pro statu ecclesie alias porrexerant dicto regi, quod ille quibus fuerat sufficienter responsum observarentur, et quod responsa minus sufficiencia corrigerentur: et quod illis peticionibus ad quas nondum fuit responsum responderetur, prout pro statu regis et regni sui ac ecclesie inter ipsos prelatos et proceres predictos, ac consilium regis, fore videretur faciendum. [Answers to the petitions of the prelates.]
On the following Saturday [31 January], in the presence of the lord king, the prelates then present there were told on his behalf by Humphrey de Bohun, the earl of Hereford, that with regard At the petitions which the said prelates had previously presented to the said king for the estate of the church, those to which an adequate answer had been given were to be observed, and that the inadequate answers were to be corrected: and that answers were to be given to those petitions which were not yet answered, as would seem among the same prelates and aforesaid magnates, and the king's council, to be appropriate for the estate of the king and of his realm and of the church.
Die dominica sequenti, in camera domini regis, prefati episcopi Norwicen', Cicestr', Exon', et Sar' jurati fuerunt de consilio regis, et eodem die nominavit dominus rex eosdem episcopos Norwicen' et Exon', ac Johannem de Britannia comitem Richem', et prefatum comitem Pembroch' locum dicti regis tenentes in absencia domini regis in eodem parliamento usque adventum dicti comitis Lanc' et aliorum procerum predictorum. [Appointments to King's Council; continued absence of Lancaster.]
On the following Sunday [1 February], in the lord king's chamber, the aforementioned bishops of Norwich, Chichester, Exeter and Salisbury were sworn to be of the king's council, and on the same day the lord king named the same bishops of Norwich and Exeter, and John of Brittany, earl of Richmond, and the aforementioned earl of Pembroke as the lieutenants of the said king in the absence of the lord king in the same parliament, until the arrival of the said earl of Lancaster and the other aforesaid magnates.
Postea .xij. die Februarii, videlicet quodam die jovis, in aula dicti decani Lincoln', dominus rex in pleno parliamento, presentibus dicto comite Lancastr' et aliis proceribus prius absentibus qui tunc venerant, recitari fecit causam summonicionis parliamenti predicti et alia superius annotata, asserens quod dictum parliamentum, inter cetera ipsum [p. i-351][col. a] tangencia, pro statu terre < sue > Scocie per [inimicos] suos pro parte occupate specialiter fecerat convocare, supplicans et injungens prelatis, proceribus, et ceteris fidelibus et subditis suis [ibidem] existentibus, ut sibi in premissis consulerent et sibi facerent auxilium oportunum. Post hec concordatum fuit quod prelati et proceres [predicti] , die crastina, videlicet die veneris, in capitulo ecclesie convenirent ad tractandum de negociis antedictis. [Lancaster present; business of Parliament explained]
Afterwards on 12 February, that is on a Thursday, in the hall of the said dean of Lincoln, the lord king in full parliament, in the presence of the said earl of Lancaster and the other magnates who had previously been absent, who had then arrived, had the reason for the summons of the aforesaid parliament, and the other things noted above, declared, stating that he had had the said parliament specially convened, amongst other things [p. i-351][col. a] concerning him, for the estate of his land of Scotland, partly occupied by his enemies, requesting and commanding the prelates, magnates, and others of his subjects present there, to counsel him on the aforesaid and to give him suitable aid. After this it was agreed that the aforesaid prelates and magnates, on the morrow, that is on the Friday [13 February], would meet in the chapter-house of the church to discuss the matters mentioned above.
Die veneris predicta in dicto capitulo convenerunt, et de diversis negociis mutuo loquebantur, et tandem concordatum fuit, et per dominum regem preceptum, quod ipsi, die sabbati sequenti, apud fratres ordinis Beate Marie de Monte Carmeli in civitate predicta convenirent, ad [tractandum] de negociis supradictis. [Meeting of prelates and magnates.]
On the aforesaid Friday they met in the said chapter-house, and discussed various matters among themselves, and at length it was agreed, and ordered by the lord king, that they, on the following Saturday [14 February], would meet at the house of the brethren of the order of the Blessed Mary of Mount Carmel in the aforesaid city, to discuss the aforementioned business.
2. Die sabbati sequenti concordatum fuit quod quedam proclamacio prius facta de bobus, vaccis, multonibus, aucis, gallinis, et aliis victualibus sub certo precio vendendis revocaretur, et quod venderentur pro racionabili precio, prout prius fieri consuevit: < et inde facta fuerunt brevia sub magno sigillo regis > . (fn. i-350-20-1) [Proclamation on price of victuals.]
2. On the following Saturday it was agreed that a certain proclamation previously made concerning the selling of oxen, cows, sheep, geese, hens and other victuals for a certain price, was to be revoked, and that they were to be sold for a reasonable price, as used to be done previously: and writs were issued on this under the king's great seal. (fn. i-350-20-1)
Eodem die concordatum fuit quoddam statutum de vicecomitibus et hundredariis sub forma que [in] quodam alio rotulo continetur. (fn. i-350-22-1) [Statute concerning sheriffs.]
On the same day a certain statute was agreed concerning sheriffs and wardens of hundreds, in the form which is contained on another roll. (fn. i-350-22-1)
Die martis sequenti, in presencia domini regis et prelatorum ac procerum predictorum, dominus episcopus Norwicen' [de mandato] regis recitavit premissa, et adjecit quod dominus < rex > ordinaciones per prelatos et proceres predictos prius factas et per ipsum acceptatas, et [perambulaciones] [foreste] tempore domini Edwardi genitoris sui factas, voluit in omnibus observari (fn. i-350-24-1) , salvis regi racionibus suis contra perambulaciones illas: et inde facte fuerunt [littere] et brevia ut in quodam alio rotulo continetur; et locutus fuit prefatus episcopus aliqua ex parte regis comiti Lancastr' que in quodam alio [rotulo] continentur.[See nos. 3 & 4 below] [Observation of the Ordinances; discussion with Lancaster.]
On the following Tuesday [17 February], in the presence of the lord king and the aforesaid prelates and magnates, the lord bishop of Norwich declared the above at the king's command, and added that the lord king wished the Ordinances previously made by the aforesaid prelates and magnates, and agreed by him, and the perambulations of the forest made during the time of the Lord Edward his father, to be observed in all things (fn. i-350-24-1) , saving to the king his arguments against those perambulations: and on this letters and writs were issued, as is contained on another roll; and the aforementioned bishop said some things on behalf of the king to the earl of Lancaster, which are contained on another roll. [See nos. 3 & 4 below]
Die veneris sequenti magnates et communitas regni concesserunt regi in auxilium guerre sue Scocie de qualibet [villa] in regno unum hominem peditem potentem et defensibilem, exceptis civitatibus, burgis, et dominicis regis: et erunt illi homines pedites [armati] aketonis, et bacinettis, et parati gladiis, arcubus, sagittis, < balistis > , lanceis, seu aliis armaturis pro hominibus peditibus competentibus. Et [homines] < sumptibus suis > invenient dictis hominibus peditibus armaturas illas, et expensas suas quousque venerint ad locum ubi rex excercitum suum pro [dicta] guerra faciet summoneri, et vadia eorundem peditum a diebus quibus ibidem venerint ulterius per sexaginta dies ibidem morando, vel [ulterius] in obsequium regis proficiscendo, videlicet cuilibet homini pediti per diem quatuor denarios, et si sit villa ubi est mercatum que de majori numero [hominum] [peditum] [et eorum] sumptibus poterit onerari, plus oneretur. Et rex concessit facere litteras suas pro se et heredibus suis magnatibus et communitati regni sui, [quod hujusmodi] concessio hominum peditum non cedet eis, aut heredibus suis, in prejudicium, nec trahatur in consequenciam in futurum. (fn. i-350-26-1) [Grant of footsoldiers for Scottish war.]
On the following Friday [20 February] the magnates and the community of the realm granted the king, in aid of his Scottish war, from each town in the realm one able and fencible footsoldier, except for the king's cities, boroughs and demesnes: and those footsoldiers will be armed with haketons and bacinets, and equipped with swords, bows, arrows, crossbows, lances, or other armaments suitable for footsoldiers. And the people will find those armaments for the said footsoldiers at their own cost, and their expenses until they have come to the place where the king will have his army summoned for the said war, and the wages of the same footsoldiers for a stay of sixty days there from the day when they arrive there, or for proceeding further in the king's sevice for the same period, that is to say 4d. a day for each footsoldier, and if it is a town where there is a market, which can be charged with a greater number of footsoldiers and their expenses, then it is to be charged more. And the king has granted that he will issue his letters, for himself and his heirs, to the magnates and community of his realm, that this grant of footsoldiers will not result in prejudice to them or their heirs, nor is it to have any consequence in future. (fn. i-350-26-1)
Eodem die, dominus rex [de consilio] magnatum et procerum predictorum ordinavit quod totum servicium sibi debitum summoneretur ex hac causa, ita quod esset apud Novum Castrum [super] Tynam in quindena Nativitatis Beati Johannis Baptiste proximo futura. (fn. i-350-28-1) [Summons of military service.]
On the same day, the lord king, on the counsel of the aforesaid magnates and nobles, ordained that all service due to him was to be summoned for this reason, so that it would be at Newcastle upon Tyne at the quinzaine of the Nativity of the Blessed John the Baptist next [8 July]. (fn. i-350-28-1)
[editorial note: Respice in tergo.] [editorial note: See the dorse.]
[memb. 1, dorse]
Cives, burgenses, et milites de comitatibus qui venerunt ad parliamentum concesserunt domino regi, in [auxilium] [expedicionis] guerre sue < Scocie > , quintamdecimam bonorum mobilium civium, burgensium et [col. b] hominum de civitatibus, burgis, et dominicis domini regis in regno suo, videlicet bonorum mobilium que habuerunt in festo Sancti Michaelis proximo preterito, et intelliguntur et comprehenduntur in hoc casu tam civitates, burgi, et dominica que sunt in manibus aliorum ad terminum vite eorundem, quam illa que sunt in propria manu regis. [Grant of a fifteenth by the citizens, burgesses and knights of the shire.]
The citizens, burgesses and knights of the shires who came to parliament granted the lord king, in aid of the campaign for his Scottish war, a fifteenth of the moveable goods of the citizens, burgesses and [col. b] men of the lord king's cities, boroughs and demesnes in his realm, that is, of the moveable goods which they had on the feast of Michaelmas last [29 September 1315], and in this case are understood and included both the cities, boroughs and demesnes which are in the hands of others for the term of their lives, and those which are in the king's own hand. (fn. i-350-30-1)
[memb. 2]
3. Die martis proxima ante Carniprivium, in parliamento domini regis Edwardi filii regis Edwardi anno regni sui nono, < apud Lincoln' > , in presencia domini regis, et prelatorum, ac procerum, et aliorum pro parliamento illo ibidem existencium, dominus J. Norwicen' episcopus, de mandato domini regis, recitavit causam quare dominus rex parliamentum illud [fecerat] summoneri, et alia negocia dominum regem tangencia, ut in alio rotulo continetur. Et ulterius locutus fuit Thome comiti Lancastr' ex parte domini regis aliqua verba, ad amovendum quandam dubietacionem quam dicebatur ipsum comitem habuisse de dicto domino rege, intimando sibi quod dominus rex erga ipsum et alios proceres regni sui gerebat sinceram et integram voluntatem, ipsosque veluti homines suos fideles et ligios tenebat in speciali benivolencia regia, ut decebat, et quod dominus rex voluit quod idem comes esset de consilio domini regis capitalis, rogando eundem comitem ex parte domini regis, et prelatorum ac procerum regni ibidem existencium quod ipse vellet illud effectualiter assumere, et in negociis domini regis et regni, prout tenebatur, apponere consilium et auxilium oportuna. Et dictus comes inde regracians domino regi, humiliter supplicavit quod ipse posset deliberare, et postea respondere. Imposterum dictus comes juratus fuit de consilio domini regis, in forma subscripta: [The King asks the earl of Lancaster to be chief of the council.]
3. On the Tuesday before Lent [24 February 1316], in the parliament of the Lord King Edward, the son of King Edward, in the ninth year of his reign, at Lincoln, in the presence of the lord king, and of the prelates, and magnates, and others present there for that parliament, lord J., the bishop of Norwich, at the lord king's command rehearsed the reason why the lord king had had that parliament summoned, and other matters concerning the lord king, as is contained on another roll. And some words were further spoken to Thomas earl of Lancaster on behalf of the lord king, to remove a certain doubt which the said earl was said to have entertained about the said lord king, informing him that the lord king bore a sincere and whole-hearted goodwill towards him and the other magnates of his realm, and held them in his special royal benevolence as his faithful liege men, as was fitting, and, because the lord king wished the same earl to be chief of the lord king's council, asking the same earl on behalf of the lord king, and that of the prelates and magnates of the realm present there, that he might be pleased to assume the role with effect, and bring fitting counsel and aid to the business of the lord king and of the realm, as he was bound to. And the said earl, thanking the lord king for this, humbly begged that he might consider it, and answer later. Afterwards the said earl was sworn to the lord king's council, in the form given below:
Come nostre seignur le roi Edward, par la grace de Dieu roi d'Engleterre, eit, ovesqes prelatz, countes, e barons de sa terre, en son plein parlement, requis a son cher cosin monsire Thomas counte de Lancastr', q'il veille estre chief de < son > conseil, en totes les busoignes grosses ou chargauntes tochauntes li e son roiaume, ensemblement ovesqes autres prelatz, countes, [e] barons, q'entre le dit nostre seignur le roi < e lui > veient qe [soit] au profit de lui e de son roiaume, le dit monsire Thomas counte de Lancastr', pur le grant amour q'il ad devers son dit seignur le roi, e pur le commun profit du roialme e des ordenaunces q'il ad, sue merci, enterement grante atenir, e les leis dreitureles en touz pointz maintenir, et [en] espeir de mettre amendement de plusours choses nient covenables tochauntes son hostiel e l'estat de son roiaume, ad grante d'estre du conseil nostre seignur le roi, ovesqes les prelatz, countes, e barons avanditz: ensint qe quel heure qe nostre seignur le roi ne veille apres lui e les autres de son conseil [overir] en les busoignes tochauntes son hostiel e son roiaume, qe le dit counte de Lancastr', apres ceo qe les choses a li seient mostrees, e il par le conseil de lui e des autres ne veille adrescer, se puisse sanz mal gre, chalange ou malevoillance de son conseil deschargier, et les busoignes tochauntes li e son roiaume ne seient faites ne parfurmes sanz assent de li e des autres prelatz, countes, e barons, qi de li conseiller serront ordenetz, et si nul des prelatz, countes, e barons enconseillant le dit nostre seignur le roi, ou autre chose fessant qe ne seit al profit de li ou de son roiaume, qe au prochein parlement, solonc l'avisement nostre seignur le roi, e le seon, seient remuetz. Et issint de parlement en parlement de eus e de chescun de eus, solom les defautes trovees en eus. En tesmoigne de queu chose ceste bille tesmoigne la demoere le dit counte de Lancastr': seit entre en roulle de parlement. [Form of appointment of the earl of Lancaster.]
Whereas our Lord King Edward, by the grace of God king of England, has, with the prelates, earls and barons of his land, in his full parliament, requested of his dear cousin, Sir Thomas earl of Lancaster, that he might be pleased to be chief of his council, in all the great or weighty matters concerning him and his realm, together with other prelates, earls and barons, so that between our said lord the king and him they might see what is to his advantage and that of his realm, the said Sir Thomas earl of Lancaster, for the great love which he bears towards his said lord the king, and for the common advantage of the realm and of the Ordinances which he has, of his mercy, entirely consented to uphold, and to maintain the rightful laws in all points, and in the hope of correcting several unsuitable things connected with his household and the estate of his realm, has granted that he will be of the council of our lord the king, with the aforesaid prelates, earls and barons: provided that whenever our lord the king does not wish to act according to his advice and that of the others of his council in business concerning his household and his realm, when these things have been shown to the said earl of Lancaster, which he does not want to put right on his advice and that of the others, he can leave his council without ill will, challenge or resentment, and that matters concerning him and his realm are not to be put into effect or carried out without his assent and that of the other prelates, earls and barons, who will be appointed to counsel him, and if any of the prelates, earls and barons counsel our said lord the king, or do any other thing, in a way which is not to his advantage and that of his realm, they are to be removed at the next parliament, in accordance with the advice of our lord the king and his own. And so on from parliament to parliament, for them and for each of them, according to the faults found in them. In testimony of which thing this bill attests to the appointment of the said earl of Lancaster: it is to be entered in the roll of parliament.
Billa predicta < formam > continens suprascriptam [ liberata fuit ] Willelmo de Ayremynne, clerico, per manus dominorum Walteri de Norwico, thesaurarii, et Bartholomei de Bardelesmere, precipiencium eidem Willelmo ex parte domini nostri regis [p. i-352][col. a] quod ipse eandem billam de verbo ad verbum in rotulo parliamenti faceret irrotulari. [editorial note: The following sentence seems to have been added later.] Et billa illa huic rotulo [nichilominus] est consuta. The aforesaid bill containing the terms written above was delivered to William of Airmyn, clerk, by the hands of Sir Walter of Norwich, the treasurer, and Sir Bartholomew of Badlesmere, ordering the same William on behalf of our lord the king [p. i-352][col. a] to have the same bill enrolled word for word on the roll of parliament. And that bill is nevertheless sewn to this roll.
4. [editorial note: On a separate piece of parchment sewn onto the roll.] La forme de la demoere le counte de Lanc' du conseil le roi. 4. [editorial note: On a separate piece of parchment sewn onto the roll.] The terms of the appointment of the earl of Lancaster to the king's council.
Come nostre [seignur le] roi Edward, par la grace de Dieu roi d'Engleterre, eit, ovesques prelatz, countes, et barouns [de] sa terre en son plein parlement requis a son cher cousin monsire Thomas counte de Lancastre q'il veille estre chief de son conseil, en toutes les busoignes grosses ou chargantes touchantz lui et son roialme, ensemblementz ovesqes autres prelatz, contes, [et] barouns q'entre le dit nostre seignur le roi et lui voient qe soit al profit de lui et de son roialme, le dit monsire Thomas counte de Lanc', pur le grand amur q'il ad devers son dit seignur le roi, et pur le commun profit du roialme et des [ordeignances] q'il ad, sue mercie, enterement grante atenir, et les leies dreitureles en touz poyntz meinteigner, et en espeir [de mettre] amendement de plusoures choses neynt covenables touchantz < son > < hostel > et l'estat de son roialme, ad grante d'estre [du] conseil nostre seignur le roi, ovesqes les prelatz, countes, et barouns avanditz: [ensint qe] quiele heure qe nostre seignur le [roi] ne veille apres lui et les autres de son conseil overer en les busoignes touchantz < son > < hostel > et son roialme, qe le dit counte [de Lanc'] apres ceo qe les choses a lui soient monstres, et il par le conseil de lui et des autres ne voille adresser, se puisse saunz [malgre] chalange ou malveillance de son conseil descharger: et les busoignes touchantz lui et son roialme ne soient [faites ne parfournez saunz] assent de lui e des autres prelatz, countes, et barons qe de lui conseillers serrount ordeignez, et si [nul] [des prelatz, countes et barouns,] en conseillant le dit nostre seignur le roi, ou autre chose fessaunt qe ne soit a profit [de lui ou] [de son] [roialme,] qe au prochein parlement, solomc l'avisement nostre seignur le roi, et le seon, soient remuez. [Et issint de parlement en] [parlement] de eux et de chescun de eux, solomc les defautes troves en eux. En tesmoigne [de queu chose ceste bille testmoigne] la demeore le dit counte de Lanc': soit entre en roulle de parlement. [editorial note: The dorse of m.2 is blank.] [Further copy of the form of appointment of Lancaster.]
Whereas our Lord King Edward, by the grace of God king of England, has, with the prelates, earls and barons of his land, in his full parliament, requested of his dear cousin, Sir Thomas earl of Lancaster, that he might be pleased to be chief of his council, in all the great or weighty matters concerning him and his realm, together with other prelates, earls and barons, so that between our said lord the king and him they might see what is to his advantage and that of his realm, my said Sir Thomas earl of Lancaster, for the great love which he bears towards his said lord the king, and for the common advantage of the realm and of the Ordinances which he has, of his mercy, entirely consented to uphold, and to maintain the rightful laws in all points, and in the hope of correcting several unsuitable things connected with his household and the estate of his realm, has granted that he will be of the council of our lord the king, with the aforesaid prelates, earls and barons: provided that whenever our lord the king does not wish to act according to his advice and that of the others of his council in business concerning his household and his realm, when these things have been shown to the said earl of Lancaster, which he does not want to put right on his advice and that of the others, he can leave his council without ill will, challenge or resentment, and that matters concerning him and his realm are not to be put into effect or carried out without his assent and that of the other prelates, earls and barons, who will be appointed to counsel him, and if any of the prelates, earls and barons counsel our said lord the king, or do any other thing, in a way which is not to his advantage and that of his realm, they are to be removed at the next parliament, in accordance with the advice of our lord the king and his own. And so on from parliament to parliament, for them and for each of them, according to the faults found in them. In testimony of which thing this bill attests to the appointment of the said earl of Lancaster: it is to be entered in the roll of parliament. [editorial note: The dorse of m.2 is blank.]
[memb. 3]
5 (2). [[The following text has been deleted:
Hugo le Despenser junior allocutus fuit per Gilbertum de Toutheby, et Galfridum de Scrop', qui sequntur pro rege coram domino rege, de eo quod ipse, die dominica proxima ante Carniprivium in presencia domini regis, et in parliamento presenti, in Johannem de Ros, militem, in ecclesia cathedrali ecclesie Beate Marie Linc' insultum fecit, et ipsum verberavit, videlicet pugno percuciens usque ad sanguinis effusionem, et alia enormia ei intulit, in contemptum domini regis decem milium librarum, et lesionem pacis sue, ac terrorem populi in dicto parliamento existentis: et si idem Hugo hoc velit dedicere, parati sunt verificare pro domino rege etc.]]
[Assault by Hugh le Despenser junior on John of Roos.]
5 (2). [[The following text has been deleted:
Hugh le Despenser junior was questioned by Gilbert of Touthby, and Geoffrey le Scrope, who sue on the king's behalf before the lord king, about this, that he, on the Sunday before Lent [22 February], in the presence of the lord king, and in the present parliament, assaulted John of Roos, knight, in the cathedral church of the church of the Blessed Mary of Lincoln, and beat him, that is striking him with his fist until he drew blood, and inflicted other outrages on him, in contempt of the lord king to the sum of £10000, and to the harm of his peace, and the terror of the people present at the said parliament: and if the same Hugh wishes to deny this, they are prepared to prove it on behalf of the lord king etc.]]
[[The following text has been deleted:
Et predictus Hugo primo dicit quod ipse in contemptum domini regis, aut lesionem pacis sue, vel terrorem populi sui in dicto parliamento, quicquam non attemptavit: et hoc paratus est verificare etc. Postea idem Hugo recognovit coram rege quod ipse in ecclesia predicta, dicta die dominica, dictum Johannem allocutus fuerat, de eo quod idem Johannes Ingelramum Bereng' unum militum ejusdem Hugonis procuravit arestari, petens ab eo quod cum ipso Ingelramo super hujusmodi arestacione micius ageret. Et predictus Johannes ex verbis predicti Hugonis dedignatus, imponens eidem Hugoni enormia convicia verbis contumeliosis ipsum improperabat, et apposita manu ad cultellum suum minabatur eidem Hugoni, et strepitum fecit versus dictum Hugonem ac si voluisset eum cultello suo percussisse, et idem Hugo, ne predictus Johannes eum percuteret, extendit manum suam inter ipsum et prefatum Johannem, per quod sic ipsum Johannem tetigit in facie sua: nec credidit se aliquid in contemptum regis etc. aut terrorem populi fecisse: et de hoc ponit se in graciam domini regis. ]]
[[The following text has been deleted:
And the aforesaid Hugh at first says that he did not attempt anything in contempt of the lord king, or to the harm of his peace or the terror of his people in the said parliament: and this he is prepared to prove etc. Afterwards the same Hugh acknowledged before the king that he in the aforesaid church, on the aforesaid Sunday, spoke to the said John because the same John tried to arrest Ingram Berenger, one of the same Hugh's knights, asking him to act more mildly towards the same Ingram on the matter of this arrest. And the aforesaid John, scorning the words of the aforesaid Hugh, heaping outrageous insults on the same Hugh taunted him with insolent words, and putting his hand to his knife he menaced the same Hugh, and made a rush towards the said Hugh as if he wanted to strike him with his knife, and the same Hugh, so that the aforesaid John would not hit him, stretched out his hand between himself and the aforementioned John, by which he touched the same John in this way on his face: nor did he believe that he had done anything in contempt of the king etc. or to the terror of the people: and on this he puts himself on the grace of the lord king. ]]
[[The following text has been deleted:
Et quia premissa commissa videntur in lesionem pacis etc. ideo committitur Marescallo quousque etc. Postea Robertus de Umfravill' comes de Anegous, Rogerus de Mortuo Mari de Chirk', Theobaldus de Verdon, Radulphus Basset, Willelmus de Ferrariis, et Robertus de Hastang' manuceperunt habere corpus prefati Hugonis coram domino rege ad mandatum regis , ad faciendum in premissis quod dominus rex de consilio suo in hac parte duxerit ordinandum, et predictus Hugo deliberatus fuit per manucapcionem supradictam. ]]
[[The following text has been deleted:
And because the aforesaid seem to have been committed to the harm of the peace etc. he is therefore handed over to the Marshal until etc. Afterwards Robert de Umfraville earl of Angus, Roger de Mortimer of Chirk, Theobald de Verdun, Ralph Basset, William de Ferrers, and Robert de Hastang stood surety to produce the aforementioned Hugh before the lord king at the king's command, to do on the aforesaid what the lord king on the advice of his council shall decide is to be ordained in this matter, and the aforesaid Hugh was released on the aforesaid mainprise.]]
[editorial note: The following sentence was added afterwards, and does not seem to have been included in the deletion.] Postea dominus noster rex, ad parliamentum suum in octabis Sancti Hillarii, anno regni sui .xiij. apud Ebor' convocatum, de gracia sua speciali perdonavit predicto Hugoni le Despenser transgressionem predictam, et precepit quod processus suprascriptus cancellaretur: et ideo cancellatur. [editorial note: The following sentence was added afterwards, and does not seem to have been included in the deletion.] Afterwards our lord the king, at his parliament at the octave of Hilary, summoned at York in the thirteenth year of his reign [20 January 1320], of his special grace pardoned the aforesaid Hugh le Despenser the aforesaid trespass, and ordered that the process written above be cancelled: and so it is cancelled.
6 [editorial note: The number 7, possibly erased, is visible slightly further down the membrane, against the same item.] (3). Johannes de Ros allocutus fuit per Gilbertum de Toutheby et Galfridum de Scrop', qui sequntur pro rege, coram domino rege, de eo quod ipse, dicta die dominica, in presencia domini regis et in parliamento presenti in predictum Hugonem in ecclesia cathedrali Beate Marie Lincoln' primo verbis contumeliosis aggressus fuit, et postea in ipsum ibidem insultum fecit, et extraxit gladium suum, et voluit eum inde percussisse, et alia enormia ei intulit, in contemptum domini regis decem milium librarum, et lesionem pacis sue, ac terrorem populi in dicto parliamento existentis: et si idem Johannes hoc velit dedicere, parati sunt verificare pro domino rege etc. 6 [editorial note: The number 7, possibly erased, is visible slightly further down the membrane, against the same item.] (3). John of Roos was questioned by Gilbert of Touthby and Geoffrey le Scrope, who sue on the king's behalf before the lord king, about this, that he, on the said Sunday, in the presence of the lord king and in the present parliament first attacked the aforesaid Hugh in the cathedral church of the Blessed Mary of Lincoln with insolent words, and afterwards assaulted him, and drew his sword, and tried to strike him with it, and inflicted other outrages on him, in contempt of the lord king to the sum of £10000, and to the harm of his peace, and the terror of the people present at the said parliament: and if the same John wishes to deny this, they are prepared to prove it on behalf of the lord king etc.
Et predictus Johannes primo dicit quod ipse in contemptum domini regis etc. [ut] supra. Postea idem Johannes recognovit coram domino rege, quod cum ipse, dicta die dominica, in ecclesia predicta stetisset, accessit ad eum prefatus Hugo, et in ipsum Johannem insultum fecit pugno suo, in facie sua eum percuciens usque ad sanguinis effusionem, per quod idem Johannes dubitans periculum sibi iminere in hac parte, extraxit gladium suum se defendendo, nec credidit se per hoc aliquid in contemptum regis etc. et de hoc ponit se in graciam domini regis. And the aforesaid John at first says that he in contempt of the lord king etc. as above. Afterwards the same John acknowledged before the lord king that when he, on the said Sunday, was standing in the aforesaid church, the aforementioned Hugh approached him, and assaulted the same John with his fist, striking him on his face until he drew blood, because of which the same John, fearing that danger threatened him from this quarter, drew his sword in self-defence, nor did he believe that by this he had done anything in contempt of the king etc. and on this he puts himself on the grace of the lord king.
Et quia premissa commissa videntur in lesionem pacis etc. ideo [committitur] Marescallo quousque etc. Postea Adomarus de Valencia comes Pembr', Johannes de Warenna comes Surr', Edmundus comes de Arondell', Gilbertus Pecche, Thomas Latymer, et Rogerus de Felton' manuceperunt habere corpus prefati Johannis coram domino rege ad mandatum regis, ad faciendum in premissis etc. ut supra. Et predictus Johannes deliberatus fuit per manucapcionem predictam. And because the aforesaid appear to have been committed to the harm of the peace etc. he is therefore handed over to the Marshal until etc. Afterwards Aymer de Valence earl of Pembroke, John de Warenne earl of Surrey, Edmund earl of Arundel, Gilbert Pecche, Thomas Latimer, and Roger of Felton stood surety to produce the aforementioned John before the lord king at the king's command, to do on the aforesaid etc. as above. And the aforesaid John was released on the aforesaid mainprise.
7 (4). Theobaldus de Verdon allocutus fuit coram consilio regis de eo, quod Elizabetham, que fuit uxor Johannis de Burgo defuncti, unam sororum Gilberti de Clare nuper comitis Glouc', neptem regis, que ad mandatum regis venit a partibus Hibernie in Angliam, die mercurii proxima post festum Purificacionis Beate Marie anno etc. nono, in castro Bristoll' ex ordinacione regis et ad custus regis existentem, ab eodem castro vi et armis abduxit, et extra dictum castrum desponsavit sine licencia regis, in contemptum regis mille librarum. [Alleged abduction of Elizabeth of Clare by Theobald de Verdun.]
7 (4) Theobald de Verdun was questioned before the king's council about this, that he abducted Elizabeth, who was the wife of the late John of Burgh, one of the sisters of Gilbert of Clare the late earl of Gloucester, the king's niece, who had come to England from Ireland at the king's command, and who was living in Bristol castle at the king's decree and at the king's expense, with force and arms from the same castle on the Wednesday following the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Mary in the ninth year etc. [4 February 1316], and that outside the said castle he married her without the king's permision, in contempt of the king to the sum of £1000.
Et predictus Theobaldus dixit quod ipse antequam ipsam Elizabetham desponsaverat cum ea in Hibernia sponsalia contraxit, et quod ipsa dicta die mercurii ad mandatum ipsius Theobaldi venit [p. i-353][col. a] extra dictum castrum ad unam leucam, et ibi eam desponsavit, adiciens quod ipse dictum castrum non fuit ingressus aliquo modo, nec credidit ipsum in contemptum domini regis in hoc quicquam fecisse. Verumptamen, si videatur consilio domini regis quod ipse in aliquo deliquit in hac parte, ipse paratus est emendare ad voluntatem et graciam domini regis. And the aforesaid Theobald said that before he had married the same Elizabeth he contracted a betrothal with her in Ireland, and that on the said Wednesday she came at the command of the same Theobald [p. i-353][col. a] one league outside the said castle, and there he married her, adding that he did not enter the said castle in any way, nor did he believe that he had done anything in contempt of the lord king in this. Nevertheless, if it seems to the lord king's council that he did wrong in any way in this matter, he is prepared to make amends at the grace and pleasure of the lord king.
Postea Rogerus de Mortuo Mari de Chirk' et Bartholomeus de Badelesmere manuceperunt habere prefatum Theobaldum coram rege ad mandatum regis, ad faciendum quod dominus rex de consilio suo inde duceret ordinandum. Afterwards Roger de Mortimer of Chirk and Bartholomew of Badlesmere stood bail to produce the aforementioned Theobald before the king at the king's command, to do what the lord king on the advice of his council decided was to be ordained on this matter.
8 (5). Por ce qe [nostre seigneur] le roi Edward, fuiz le roi Edward, a seon parlement a Nicole, a la quinzeine de la Seint Hillaire, l'an de seon regne noevisme, par demonstrance des prelatz, contes, barons, et autres grauntz du roialme somons a cel [parlement] , et par grevouses pleintes du poeple, entendi grauntz damages estre faitz a lui, et trop griefs oppressions et desheritaunces a seon poeple, par la reson qe meins suffisauntz viscontes et gardeins des hundredz ont este avant ces houres, et oncore sont, en dit roialme: [nostre seignur le roi voillant eschivre] tieux mals, oppressions, et desheritaunces, del assent des prelatz, contes, barons, et les grauntz avantditz, en seon dit parlement porvit et establi [qe] viscontes desoremes soient mis par le chauncellier, le tresorier et les barons del escheqier, et par les justices, et en absence du chauncellier, par le [tresorier, barons, et justices,] et qe nul ne soit visconte s'il ne eit terre suffisauntment en meisme le counte ou il serra visconte por respundre au roi et au poeple: et qe nul qe soit seneschal ou baillif de graunt seignur soit fait visconte s'il ne se ouste d'autri service, mes tiel le soit qe del tout peusse entendre al office du visconte faire por le roi et por le poeple. Et qe [chauncellier] , tresorier, barons, et justices facent et mettent en la manere avantdite, saunz autre regard avoir. En meisme la maniere est acorde et establi qe [les hundredz] , le quel q'il soient au roi ou as autres, soient gardez par gentz covenables, eauntz terre suffisauntment en meismes les hundredz, ou en le contie ou le hundred serra. Et si ascuns viscontes ou hundreders soient aore meins suffisauntz, soient tauntost remuetz, et autres covenables mis en la fourme avantdite. Et qe les hundredz soient lessez et baillez a tieux gentz a resnable foer, issint q'il ne coviegne pas q'il facent extorsion sur le poeple por trop outrageuse ferme. Et qe nul visconte ne hundreder ne baille a autre seon office a garder a ferme ne en autre manere. Et qe les execucions des briefs qe vendront as viscontes soient faites par les hundreders conutz et juretz en plein contie, et ne mie par autres, s'il ne soit en grant defaute ou notoire destourbance des hundreders, et adonqes soient faites par autres covenables, et juretz, issi qe le poeple peusse savoir a qi sivre tieles execucions; sauve touz jours retourn des briefs a ceaux qe les ont [et avoir doivent.] [editorial note: The dorse of m.3 is blank.] [Statute concerning sheriffs.]
8 (5). Because our lord the King Edward, the son of King Edward, at his parliament at Lincoln, at the quinzaine of Hilary in the ninth year of his reign [27 January 1316], understanding through the representations of the prelates, earls, barons, and other magnates of the realm summoned to that parliament, and through the grievous complaints of the people, that great harm has been done to him, and very great oppression and disinheritance to his people, because there have been in the said realm before now, and still are, unsuitable sheriffs and wardens of hundreds, our lord the king wishing to avoid such evils, oppressions, and disinheritances, with the assent of the prelates, earls, barons, and the aforesaid magnates, provided and established in his said parliament, that henceforth sheriffs are to be appointed by the chancellor, treasurer, and barons of the exchequer, and by the justices, and in the absence of the chancellor, by the treasurer, barons, and justices, and that no-one is to be a sheriff if he does not have sufficient land in the same county where he will be sheriff to answer to the king and to the people, and that no-one who is the steward or bailiff of a great lord is to be made sheriff if he does not leave the service of the other person, but he is to be such a person as can devote himself completely to performing the office of sheriff for the king and for the people. And the chancellor, treasurer, barons, and justices are to create and appoint in the aforesaid manner, without having any other consideration. In the same manner it is agreed and established that hundreds, whether they belong to the king or to others, are to be managed by suitable people, with sufficient land in the same hundreds, or within the county where the hundred is. And if any sheriffs or wardens of hundreds are at present unsuitable, they are to be removed immediately, and other suitable persons appointed in the aforesaid form. And the hundreds are to be given and delivered to such people at a reasonable price, so that it is not necessary for them to practice extortion on the people, because of too outrageous a farm. And no sheriff or warden of a hundred is to deliver his office to another to keep at farm, or in some other manner. And the execution of writs which come to the sheriffs is to be done by the wardens of hundreds, acknowledged and sworn in full county court, and not by others, unless there is a great lack or notable disorder in the wardens of hundreds, and then it is to be done by other suitable people, and sworn, so that the people may know to whom to sue such executions; saving always return of writs to those who have them, and ought to have them. [editorial note: The dorse of m.3 is blank.]
[memb. 4]
9 (6). Memorandum quod cum dominus noster rex, decimo die Julii anno regni sui octavo, pro eo quod Gilbertus de Clare quondam comes Gloucestr' et Hertford' diem clauserat extremum, mandasset Johanni Abel tunc escaetori suo citra Trentam quod omnes terras et tenementa que fuerunt ipsius comitis in balliva sua die quo dictus comes obiit, sine dilacione caperet in manum regis, et ea salvo custodiret donec a rege aliud haberet in mandatis: et quod per sacramentum proborum et legalium hominum de balliva sua per quos etc. diligenter [col. b] inquireret quantum terre dictus comes tenuit de rege in capite in balliva dicti escaetoris die quo obiit, et quantum de aliis, et per quod servicium, et quantum terre ille valerent per annum in omnibus exitibus, et quis esset ejus propinquior heres, et cujus etatis, et quod inquisicionem inde etc. domino regi mitteret indilate. Et in inquisicionibus per predictum escaetorem inde captis et in cancellaria domini regis retornatis, videlicet de comitatibus Buk', Essex', et Norht', contentum fuisset quod nisi comitissa Glouc' esset pregnans, Alianora, quam Hugo le Despenser junior duxit in uxorem, Margareta, et Elizabetha, sorores predicti comitis, essent ipsius heredes propinquiores et plene etatis. Et de comitatibus Oxon', Berk', et Suff', quod si dicta comitissa pregnans non existeret, tunc predicte Alianora, Margareta, et Isabella, sorores predicti comitis, essent ipsius heredes etc. Et in Wallia dixerunt juratores inquisicionum quod intellexerunt [editorial note: The end of this word has been altered.] quod Matillis que fuit uxor prefati comitis fuit pregnans, et nisi esset pregnans, quod prefate Alianora, Margareta, et Elizabetha essent propinquiores heredes prefati comitis etc. In civitate London' et comitatu Sutht' dixerunt etc. quod ignorabant quis esset propinquior heres predicti comitis, eo quod dictum fuit quod prefata comitissa pregnans fuit. In comitatibus Devon' et Hertford', dixerunt juratores precise quod prefate Alianora, Margareta, et < Isabella > fuerunt heredes etc. In comitatibus Dors', Hunt', et Surr', dixerunt etc. precise quod prefate Alianora, Margareta, et Elizabetha fuerunt heredes etc. Per quod dictus Hugo in cancellaria regis apud Westm', et postmodum coram consilio domini regis ibidem constitutus, peciit propartem prefate Alianore uxoris sue ipsam de terris et tenementis predictis secundum legem et consuetudinem regni contingentem sibi et eidem Alianore tanquam einecie liberari, offerens se paratum facere domino regi homagium, fidelitatem, et alia servicia debita pro proparte illa: asserens eciam quod predicte Alianora, Margareta, et Elizabetha fuerunt propinquiores heredes predicti comitis, et quod non fuit aliqua Isabella que cum ipsis inde deberet participare. Et quia in aliquibus inquisicionibus continebatur quod Isabella fuit soror et heres prefati comitis simul cum predictis Alianora et Margareta, ut superius est expressum, consideratum fuerit [sic: read 'fuit'] quod mandaretur escaetori citra Trentam ad inquirendum inde plenam veritatem. Imposterum eciam comperto per inquisicionem per predictum escaetorem et in cancellaria retornatam, quod non fuit aliqua Isabella soror predicti comitis que debuit succedere in aliqua parte hereditatis, set quod prefate Alianora, Margareta, et Elizabetha fuerunt sorores ejusdem comitis et ipsius heredes propinquiores, prefatus Hugo coram consilio domini regis, primo apud Westm', et postmodum apud Lincoln' constitutus, peciit propartem predicte Alianore etc. sibi et eidem Alianore etc. liberari: ex quo, secundum legem et consuetudinem regni, et secundum usum et cursum cancellarie in hujusmodi casibus usitatum, satis liquebat quod predicte Alianora, Margareta, et Elizabetha fuerunt sorores et propinquiores heredes predicti comitis, et plene etatis, et in magna carta de libertatibus Anglie contineatur quod dominus rex non deberet alicui negare seu differre rectum aut justiciam. [Proceedings concerning the Gloucester inheritance.]
9 (6). Be it remembered that our lord the king, on 10 July in the eighth year of his reign [1314], because of the death of Gilbert of Clare formerly earl of Gloucester and Hertford, had ordered John Abel, then his escheator south of the Trent to seize all the lands and tenements which belonged to the same earl in his bailiwick on the day on which the said earl died into the king's hand without delay, and to keep them safely until he had other commands from the king: and he was to enquire diligently by the oath of upright and law-worthy men of his bailiwick by whom etc. [col. b] how much land the said earl held of the king in chief in the bailiwick of the said escheator on the day on which he died, and how much of others, and by what service, and how much those lands were worth annually in all issues, and who was his next heir, and of what age; and he was to send the inquisition held on this etc. to the lord king without delay. And in the inquisitions held on this by the aforesaid escheator and returned in the lord king's chancery, namely for the counties of Buckinghamshire, Essex, and Northamptonshire, it was contained that unless the countess of Gloucester were pregnant, Eleanor, whom Hugh le Despenser junior had married, Margaret, and Elizabeth, the sisters of the aforesaid earl, were his next heirs and of age. And for the counties of Oxfordshire, Berkshire and Suffolk, that if the said countess were not pregnant, the aforesaid Eleanor, Margaret, and Isabel, the sisters of the aforesaid earl, were his heirs etc. And in Wales the jurors of the inquisitions said that they understood that Maud who was the wife of the aforesaid earl was pregnant, and if she were not pregnant, then the aforementioned Eleanor, Margaret, and Elizabeth would be the next heirs of the aforementioned earl etc. In the city of London and the county of Hampshire they said etc. that they did not know who the next heir of the aforesaid earl was, because it was said that the aforementioned countess was pregnant. In the counties of Devon and Hertfordshire, the jurors said with certainty that the aforementioned Eleanor, Margaret, and Isabel were the heirs etc. In the counties of Dorset, Huntingdonshire, and Surrey, they said etc. with certainty that the aforementioned Eleanor, Margaret, and Elizabeth were the heirs etc. Because of which the said Hugh, in the king's chancery at Westminster, and afterwards when he had been called there before the lord king's council, requested that the share of the aforementioned Eleanor his wife of the aforesaid lands and tenements, belonging to her according to the law and custom of the realm, be delivered to him and to the same Eleanor as eldest co-heir, declaring himself prepared to do the lord king homage, fealty and the other services due for that share: claiming also that the aforesaid Eleanor, Margaret, and Elizabeth were the next heirs of the aforesaid earl, and that there was no Isabel who ought to share in it with them. And because in some inquisitions it was contained that Isabel was the sister and heir of the aforementioned earl together with the aforesaid Eleanor and Margaret, as is said above, it was decided that the escheator south of the Trent was to be ordered to enquire into the full truth of the matter. And afterwards, when it had been found by the inquisition held by the aforesaid escheator and returned in chancery, that there was no Isabel, sister of the aforesaid earl, who ought to succeed to any part of the inheritance, but that the aforesaid Eleanor, Margaret and Elizabeth were the sisters of the same earl and his next heirs, the aforesaid Hugh, called before the lord king's council, first at Westminster, and afterwards at Lincoln, requested that the share of the aforesaid Eleanor etc. be delivered to him and the same Eleanor etc.: since, according to the law and custom of the realm, and in accordance with the use and course of chancery employed in such cases, it was sufficiently clear that the aforesaid Eleanor, Margaret, and Elizabeth were the sisters and next heirs of the aforesaid earl, and of age, and in the Great Charter of the liberties of England it is contained that the lord king ought not to deny or delay granting right or justice to anyone.
Et Gilbertus de Tondeby et Galfridus le Scrop' dixerunt pro domino rege quod non deberet aliqua propars terrarum et tenementorum predictorum prefatis Hugoni et Alianore, aut alicui alteri, liberari. Dixerunt enim, quod exquo in dictis inquisicionibus continetur quod prefata comitissa est pregnans, dominus rex in prejudicium impregnature ejusdem comitisse ad sectam predictorum Hugonis et Alianore, seu alicujus alterius, super terris et tenementis predictis non debet quicquam facere, set debet ea nomine custodie in manu sua tenere, quousque de impregnatura ipsius comitisse veritas sciatur: adicientes, quod tantum operatur Magna Carta de libertatibus Anglie pro impregnatura prefate comitisse in hoc casu, quantum pro predictis Hugone et Alianora, ac aliis jus vendicantibus in hac parte. And Gilbert of Touthby and Geoffrey le Scrope said on behalf of the lord king that no share of the aforesaid lands and tenements ought to be delivered to the aforementioned Hugh and Eleanor, or to anyone else. For they said that since it is contained in the said inquisitions that the aforesaid countess is pregnant, the lord king ought not to do anything on the matter of the aforesaid lands and tenements at the suit of the aforesaid Hugh and Eleanor, or of anyone else, to the prejudice of the pregnancy of the same countess, but he ought to keep them in his hand under title of wardship, until the truth is known about the pregnancy of the same countess: adding that the Great Charter of the liberties of England operates as much for the pregnancy of the aforementioned countess in this case as it does for the aforesaid Hugh and Eleanor, or anyone else claiming a right in this matter.
Et predictus Hugo dixit quod illud non debet obesse sibi, aut predicte Alianore, seu participibus [p. i-354][col. a] suis predictis: dixit enim quod predictus comes obiit die Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptiste, videlicet tricesimo die Junii, anno regni domini regis nunc septimo, < a quo > die tantum tempus est efluxum quod si dicta comitissa esset pregnans, secundum communem cursum pariendi quod non posset dici a prefato comite impregnata. And the aforesaid Hugh said that this ought not to hinder him, or the aforesaid Eleanor, or their aforesaid parceners: [p. i-354][col. a] for he said that the aforesaid earl died on the day of the Nativity of St John the Baptist, that is on 30 June [sic: recte 24 June], in the seventh year of the reign of the present lord king [1314], since which day so much time has passed that if the said countess were pregnant, according to the common course of childbirth she could not be said to have been made pregnant by the aforementioned earl.
Et predicti < Gilbertus et Galfridus > dixerunt quod illud non debet nocere impregnature ipsius comitisse: dixerunt enim quod ipsa concepit de predicto conite [sic: read 'comite'] quondam viro suo, et quod a tempore mortis ejusdem comitis ipsa sensit puerum vivum in ventre suo, tempore et die debito, et illud in continenti [sic: read 'incontinenti'] notificavit domino regi, domine regine, et aliis magnatibus de regno, et nichilominus de hoc quasi per totum regnum, et precipue in partibus ubi ipsa tunc moram traxit, fuit et est publica vox et fama: unde petunt judicium pro domino rege, et impregnatura prefate comitisse, si ipsa sic pregnante prefati Hugo et Alianora, seu prefate Elizabetha et Margareta ad aliquas propartes de terris et tenementis predictis habendas admitti debeant. And the aforesaid Gilbert and Geoffrey said that that ought not to harm the case for the pregnancy of the same countess: for they said that she conceived of the aforesaid earl, her late husband, and that from the time of the death of the same earl she felt a living boy in her belly, at the due time and day, and she immediately informed the lord king, the lady queen, and the other magnates of the realm, and furthermore there was and is public knowledge and talk of this almost throughout the whole realm, and especially in those parts where she was then living: because of which they request justice on behalf of the lord king, and the pregnancy of the aforementioned countess, as to whether with her pregnant in this way the aforesaid Hugh and Eleanor, or the aforesaid Elizabeth and Margaret ought to be allowed to receive any shares in the aforesaid lands and tenements.
Et quia dictum negocium est novum et difficile, nec poterit sine assensu magnatum de regno diffiniri, datus est dies prefatis Hugoni et Alianore ad proximum parliamentum. Postea dominus rex per litteras sub privato sigillo suo mandavit Johanni de Sandale cancellario, Rogero le [Brabazon] , et Willelmo de Bereford' justiciariis suis, quod ipsi vocatis ceteris de consilio regis London' existentibus raciones si quas dictus Hugo de novo proponere vellet audirent, et inde ipsorum avisamentum et consilium regi rescriberent indilate. Coram quibus cancellario et justiciariis, ac ceteris de consilio domini regis, raciones suas in scriptis exhibuit, ut inferius continetur: And because the said business is novel and difficult, and cannot be determined without the consent of the magnates of the realm, a day is given to the aforesaid Hugh and Eleanor at the next parliament. Afterwards the lord king ordered John of Sandale the chancellor, Roger le Brabazon, and William of Bereford, his justices, by letters under his privy seal, that when they had called the other members of the king's council who were in London, they were to hear any arguments the said Hugh wished to put forward anew, and they were to write back immediately to the king with their advice and counsel. Before which chancellor and justices, and others of the lord king's council, he presented his arguments in writing, as is contained below:
[A nostre seignur] le roi prient Hugh le Despenser le fiuz et [Alianore] sa femme, soer et une des heirs Gilbert de Clare, jadis counte de Glouc', qe lur purpartie lur soit rendue del heritage qe fut au dit counte, desicome trove est par les enquestes faites par le brief diem clausit extremum qe la dite Alianore, Margerie, et Elizabeth, ses soers, sont seors et les precheins heirs le dit counte, et de plein aage, et desicomme en la grant chartre est contenu qe nostre seignur le roi ne doit delaier, ne vier, ne purloigner droit a nully, la quele chartre il meismes ad conferme, et si lui plest, q'il voille avoir regarde de ceo qe nul mette debat ne chalenge par quoi il doivent estre delaiez. Et si nostre seignur le roi eit eu nule aprise selonc la lei q'ad este usee ceaenarere qe lur deive destourber, il prient qe ceo lur soit monstre, et q'il peussent respundre. To our lord the king Hugh le Despenser, the son, and Eleanor his wife, sister and one of the heirs of Gilbert of Clare, formerly earl of Gloucester, pray that their share of the inheritance which belonged to the said earl be given them, as it is found by the inquisitions held through the writ of diem clausit extremum that the said Eleanor, Margery and Elizabeth, his sisters, are the sisters and the next heirs of the said earl, and of age, and since it is contained in the Great Charter that our lord the king ought not to delay, or deny or put off granting right to anyone, which charter he himself has confirmed, and if he pleases, that he might consider this, that no-one puts forward any opposition or challenge by which they ought to be delayed. And if our lord the king has any information which ought to hinder them, according to the law hitherto in use, they pray that this might be shown them, and that they might be able to answer.
Et predicti cancellarius et justiciarii, examinatis inquisicionibus supradictis, et habita inde cum ceteris de consilio ibidem convocatis deliberacione diligenti, < domino regi > rescripserunt quod non audebant dictum negocium diffinire, nec eidem domino regi super hoc consulere, sine assensu magnatum de regno, propter difficultatem et raritatem negocii supradicti. Qua responsione recepta, dominus rex prefixit prefato Hugoni diem ad proximum parliamentum. And the aforesaid chancellor and justices, when the aforesaid inquisitions had been examined, and when careful discussion had taken place with the others of the council called together there, wrote back to the lord king that they did not dare to determine the said business, or to advise the same lord king on this, without the consent of the magnates of the realm, on account of the difficult and unusual nature of the aforesaid business. When he had received this answer, the lord king adjourned the aforementioned Hugh to the next parliament.
Ad proximum parliamentum domini regis, videlicet apud Linc', in quindena Sancti Hillarii, anno etc. nono, prefatus Hugo venit, et peciit propartem etc. recitando raciones suas superius expressas. At the lord king's next parliament, that is at Lincoln at the quinzaine of Hilary, in the ninth year etc. [27 January 1316], the aforementioned Hugh appeared, and requested his share etc., rehearsing his reasons mentioned above.
Et predicti Gilbertus et Galfridus dixerunt pro domino rege quod non deberet aliqua propars terrarum et tenementorum predictorum prefatis Hugoni etc. liberari, recitantes raciones superius dictas per [sic: read 'ex'] parte illa: adicientes eciam quod dicta comitissa post mortem prefati comitis quondam viri sui, tempore debito secundum cursum naturalem, sensit puerum vivum, et quod illud fuit notorium in partibus ubi ipsa fuit, et quod licet tempus nativitatis partus illius, quod permittente natura ex [col. b] diversis causis differri et impediri potest, adhuc differatur, hoc non debet impregnature predicte prejudicare, saltim dum natura ipsam impregnaturam non opprimit, set affuturum partum supponit, set debet dominus rex statum ipsius indempnem in omnibus conservare. Dixerunt ad hec, quod ex quo premissa notoria fuerunt, ut est dictum, dictus Hugo potuit et debuit, si sibi vidisset expedire, secundum legem et consuetudinem regni, et cursum cancellarie in casu hujusmodi usitatum, impetrasse quoddam breve de cancellaria domini regis, ad inspiciendum ventrem predicte comitisse per milites et matronas discretas, utrum, videlicet, dicta comitissa pregnans fuisset, nec ne: et si sic, tunc quo tempore crederetur paritura. And the aforesaid Gilbert and Geoffrey said on behalf of the lord king that no share of the aforesaid lands and tenements ought to be delivered to the aforementioned Hugh etc., rehearsing the arguments given above on that side: adding also that the said countess, after the death of the aforementioned earl her late husband, at the due time according to the course of nature, felt a living boy, and that this was well-known in the parts where she lived, and that although the time for the birth of that child, which nature allows [col. b] to be delayed and obstructed for various reasons, is still delayed, this ought not to prejudice the aforesaid pregnancy, at least while nature does not suppress the same pregnancy, but supposes a future birth, but the lord king ought to keep her estate harmless in all things. They added to these that, as the aforementioned were well-known, as has been said, the said Hugh could, and ought to, if he thought it would help him, according to the law and custom of the realm, and the course of chancery used in such cases, have sued out a writ of the lord king's chancery to have the belly of the aforesaid countess inspected by knights and discreet matrons, that is to see whether the said countess were pregnant or not: and if so, then when she was expected to give birth.
Et cum prefata comitissa semper parata fuerit examinacionem hujusmodi passam fuisse, et dicti Hugo et Alianora processum illum debitum non tenuerint, ipsorum necligencia non debet dicte impregnature prejudicare, set in ipsorum Hugonis et Alianore dampnum et prejudicium pocius redundare. Et dominus rex volens consulte et provide procedere in negocio predicto, nominari fecit quosdam prelatos et ceteros < peritos > juris tam civilis quam canonici, per se et justiciarios ac alios peritos legum et consuetudinum regni, per se injungens eis quod ipsi tractarent negocium supradictum; et ipsi, habitis inde deliberacione et tractatu, juxta ipsorum relacionem domino regi inde factam, super finali diffinicione negocii predicti propter ipsius difficultatem et raritatem non poterant concordare. Propter quod datus fuit dies prefatis Hugoni et Alianore a die Pasche in .xv. dies coram rege et consilio suo, ubicumque etc. And since the aforementioned countess was always prepared to undergo such an examination, and the said Hugh and Eleanor had not observed that due process, their negligence ought not to prejudice the said pregnancy, but rather to redound to the harm and prejudice of the same Hugh and Eleanor. And the lord king, wishing to proceed in the aforesaid business with care and deliberation, had certain prelates and others learned in both civil and canon law appointed by him and the justices, and other experts in the laws and customs of the realm, ordering them personally to deal with the aforesaid business; and they, having deliberated on and discussed it, according to their account of this given to the lord king, could not agree on a final decision on the aforesaid business on account of its difficult and unusual nature. On account of which the aforementioned Hugh and Eleanor were adjourned to the quinzaine of Easter [25 April 1316] before the king and his council, wherever etc.
In quindena predicta venit predictus Hugo coram domino rege et consilio suo apud Westm', et peciit propartem suam ut supra, offerens se paratum facere domino regi homagium etc. ut supra. Et propter difficultatem negocii illius datus est sibi dies coram domino rege et consilio suo ad proximum parliamentum. At the aforesaid quinzaine the aforesaid Hugh appeared before the lord king and his council at Westminster, and requested his share as above, declaring himself prepared to do homage etc. to the king as above. And on account of the difficulty of that business, a day was given him before the lord king and his council at the next parliament.
Postmodum die lune proxima post festum Sancti Nicholai, anno etc. decimo, recordatum fuit coram consilio domini regis apud Westm' per dominos Johannem de Hothum Elien' episcopum, Adomarum [de] Valencia comitem Pembr', et Bartholomeum de Badelesmere, quod dominus noster rex voluit quod domini cancellarius, thesaurarius, barones de scaccario, justiciarii, et alii de consilio domini regis London' existentes convenirent pro negocio illo, et illud examinarent, et prefato Hugoni ac participibus suis predictis super peticionibus suis in hac parte facerent si possent justicie complementum; et quod si non possent sic facere, quod tunc via que alias coram domino rege et consilio suo apud Westm' tacta fuit et concordata non tamen observata, ad presens observaretur, videlicet quod terre et tenementa predicta que sunt in Anglia et Wallia committerentur aliquibus probis hominibus, qui ea salvo absque vasto et destruccione usque ad certum diem, nisi interim parliamentum vel convocacio magnatum de regno fieret in quo dictum negocium ad plenum posset diffiniri, custodiret [sic: read 'custodirent'] , et exitus [interim] inde provenientes [colligerent] et salvo custodirent: ita quod tunc possent inde regi respondere ad mandatum suum. Et tandem habita deliberacione super negocio antedicto, quia [tamen] presentes ibidem non audebant diffinire negocium illud propter raciones suprascriptas, concordatum fuit quod terre et tenementa predicta committerentur probis hominibus, custodienda in forma predicta usque in octabis Sancte Trinitatis proximo futuris, nisi interim fiat parliamentum vel convocacio magnatum de regno predicto in forma superius annotata. Et nominati fuerunt ibidem pro custodia dictarum terrarum in Anglia, Ricardus de [Rodeney] et Benedictus de Cokefeld', milites, et Willelmus Aylmer, clericus: et concordatum fuit quod Johannes Giffard' de Brymmesfeld', custos [dictarum terrarum] in Wallia, eas custodiret usque ad octabas predictas, et exitus inde interim provenientes colligeret et salvo custodiret, sicut dictum est. Afterwards on the the Monday following the feast of St Nicholas, in the tenth year etc. [13 December 1316], Sir John of Hothum, bishop of Ely, Sir Aymer de Valence earl of Pembroke, and Sir Bartholomew of Badlesmere, bore record before the lord king's council at Westminster that our lord the king wished the lords chancellor, treasurer, barons of the exchequer, justices, and others of the lord king's council present in London, to meet for that business, and to examine it, and to do full justice to the aforementioned Hugh and his aforesaid parceners on their petitions on this matter, if they could; and if they could not do this, then the route which had previously been touched on and agreed before the lord king and his council at Westminster, but not however used, was to be used for the present: namely that the aforesaid lands and tenements which are in England and Wales were to be handed over to certain upright men, who would keep them safe without waste or destruction until a certain day, unless in the meantime there were a parliament or assembly of the magnates of the realm in which the business could be fully decided, and collect the issues from them in the meantime and keep them safely: so that they could then answer to the lord king for them at his command. And when the aforesaid business had at length been deliberated, because those present there did not dare to determine that business because of the reasons given above, it was agreed that the aforesaid lands and tenements would be entrusted to upright men, to be kept in the aforesaid form until the octave of Trinity next, unless in the meantime a parliament or assembly of the magnates of the aforesaid realm takes place in the form mentioned above. And there were appointed there for the keeping of the said lands in England, Richard of Rodney and Benedict of Cokefeld, knights, et William Aylmer, clerk: and it was agreed that John Giffard of Brimpsfield, the warden of the said lands in Wales, would keep them until the aforesaid octave, and would collect the issues arising from them in the meantime and keep them safely, as has been said.
[editorial note: Respice in tergo.] [editorial note: See the dorse.]
[p. i-355]
[col. a]
[memb. 4, dorse]
10. Postea, in quindena Pasche, anno etc. decimo, in quadam convocacione prelatorum et magnatum de regno, ad mandatum regis, venit pater W. archiepiscopus Cantuar', tocius Anglie primas, recordatus fuit coram consilio domini regis apud Westm' quod idem dominus rex injunxerat ei quod ipse vice et auctoritate ipsius domini regis vocaret prelatos, proceres, et alios de consilio domini regis London' existentes, et quod ipsi inter se examinarent diligenter negocium supradictum, et dicto domino regi scire facerent quid ipse ulterius faceret prefatis heredibus et participibus de jure et secundum legem et consuetudinem regni sui super ipsorum peticione in hac parte. Cujus pretextu, coram prefato archiepiscopo et aliis prelatis, comitibus, baronibus, cancellario, thesaurario, justiciariis de utroque Banco, cancellario et baronibus de scaccario, clericis de cancellaria, et aliis de consilio domini regis, ibidem recitatus et rimatus fuit totus processus predictus, et altercacione ac discussione pleniori inde habita, inspectis eciam et examinatis quibusdam inquisicionibus, factis et in cancellaria retornatis post annum completum a die mortis prefati comitis super quibusdam defectibus in prioribus inquisicionibus < contentis > , compertum fuit per easdem quod prefate Alianora, Margareta, et Elizabetha sunt propinquiores heredes ipsius comitis, et plene etatis. 10. Afterwards, at the quinzaine of Easter, in the tenth year etc. [17 April 1317], at a certain gathering of the prelates and magnates of the realm at the king's command, father W., the archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, appeared and bore record before the lord king's council at Westminster that the same lord king had ordered him, in place of and with the authority of the same lord king, to call together the prelates, magnates, and others of the lord king's council present in London, and that they were to examine the aforesaid business carefully among themselves, and inform the said lord king of what he was further to do for the aforesaid heirs and parceners, rightly and in accordance with the law and custom of the realm, on their petition on this matter. By reason of which, before the aforementioned archbishop and other prelates, earls, barons, chancellor, treasurer, justices of each bench, chancellor and barons of the exchequer, clerks of chancery, and others of the lord king's council, the whole of the aforesaid process was rehearsed and examined there, and full discussion and debate held on it, and certain inquisitions, held and returned in chancery after a year had passed since the day of the death of the aforementioned earl, on certain faults contained in the earlier inquisitions, were also inspected and examined, and it was found from them that the aforementioned Eleanor, Margaret, and Elizabeth are the next heirs of the same earl, and of age.
Propter quod, necnon et pro eo quod tantum tempus lapsum fuit a tempore mortis prefati comitis, nec dictus dominus rex habuit in curia sua aliquam informacionem sufficientem per quam deberet vel posset de jure dictam requisicionem ipsorum Hugonis, Alianore, Hugonis, Margarete, Rogeri, et Elizabethe negare, concordatum fuit quod ipsi ad hereditatem que fuit prefati comitis admitantur, et quod terre et tenementa predicta eis, ut jus et hereditas ipsarum Alianore, Margarete, et Elizabethe, liberentur. Postea vero dictus dominus rex de premissis informatus per Johannem de Sandale, Wynton' episcopum et cancellarium suum, apud Wyndesore, dictam concordiam consilii sui acceptavit et approbavit, et cepit homagium predicti Hugonis le Despenser, et fidelitatem Hugonis de Alithele junioris, qui prefatam Margaretam tunc duxerat in uxorem, et Rogeri Dammory, qui prefatam Elizabetham duxerat in uxorem, de propartibus suis ipsos et prefatas uxores suas de predictis terris et tenementis contingentibus secundum legem et consuetudinem regni regis, et eis propartes illas reddidit tunc ibidem. Set quia particio inde inter eos de ipsorum assensu et voluntate domini regis fuit facienda, ad requisicionem dictorum Hugonis, Alianore, Hugonis, Margarete, Rogeri, et Elizabethe dictus dominus noster rex concessit quod terre et tenementa predicta, ut jus et hereditas, ac liberum tenementum dictarum Alianore, Margarete, et Elizabethe, in manu ipsius domini regis remanerent, quousque particio inde de ipsorum assensu facta esset, de quibus diversa brevia et commissiones facta fuerunt sub magno sigillo regis de cancellaria sua, sicut in rotulis ejusdem cancellarie plenius continetur. On account of which, and also because so much time had passed since the death of the aforementioned earl, and the said lord king did not have in his court sufficient evidence to have an obligation to, or to be able to, rightly deny the said request of the same Hugh, Eleanor, Hugh, Margaret, Roger, and Elizabeth, it was agreed that they are to be admitted to the inheritance which belonged to the aforementioned earl, and that the aforesaid lands and tenements are to be delivered to them as the right and inheritance of the same Eleanor, Margaret and Elizabeth. Afterwards the said lord king, informed on the above by John of Sandale, bishop of Winchester and his chancellor, at Windsor, accepted and approved the said agreement of his council, and received the homage of the aforesaid Hugh le Despenser, and the fealty of Hugh Audley junior, who had then married the aforementioned Margaret, and of Roger Damory, who had married the aforementioned Elizabeth, for their shares of the aforesaid lands and tenements belonging to them and their aforementioned wives, according to the law and custom of the king's realm, and then and there he gave those shares to them. But because the division of them between them was to be done with their consent and according to the will of the lord king, at the request of the said Hugh, Eleanor, Hugh, Margaret, Roger, and Elizabeth our said lord the king granted that the aforesaid lands and tenements would remain in the hand of the same lord king, as the right and inheritance, and free tenement, of the said Eleanor, Margaret and Elizabeth, until a division of them was made with their consent, on which various writs and commissions were issued under the king's great seal of his chancery, as is more fully contained in the rolls of the same chancery.
[memb. 5]
11 (7). Memorandum quod dominus noster rex dato sibi intelligi quod inter Johannem de Cherleton' et Hawisiam uxorem ejus, et Griffinum de la Pole, super castro et terris de la Pole gravis dissensionis fuit materia exorta, ex qua dampna non modica fuerunt secuta, in lesionem pacis regis manifestam, et terrorem populi regis parcium illarum, et dampna graviora evenire formidabantur nisi in hac parte remedium apponeretur, idem [...] dominus rex, qui ad conservacionem pacis sue et quietem populi sui ubique conservandam pro viribus est astrictus vinculo juramenti, volens malis hujusmodi obviare, decimo die marcii, anno regni sui nono, mandavit prefatis Johanni et Hawisie, sub forisfactura omnium que regi forisfacere possent, firmiter inhibendo, ne in hac parte contra prefatum Griffinum aut alios ex hiis causis quicquam, per quod pax regis turbari, seu populus suus [col. b] terreri valeret, attemptare seu facere presumerent, et < quod > si aliquam vim armatam in perturbacionem pacis regis apposuissent in hac parte, tunc eam sine dilacione aliqua amoverent, et quod prefati Johannes et Hawisia in propriis personis suis, aut prefatus Johannes in propria persona sua, et prefata Hawisia per attornatum sufficientem, essent coram rege et consilio suo apud Westm', a die Pasche tunc proximo sequenti in .xv. dies, jus suum et raciones in premissis proposituri et prosecuturi, facturi que [sic: read 'facturique'] ulterius et recepturi quod curia regis consideraret in hac parte: et quod haberent ibi < tunc breve eis directum. Consimile > mandatum et inhibicionem mandavit dominus rex prefato Griffino de premissis. Et preter hec, dominus rex volens premissa execucioni debite demandari, misit Johannem de Crumwell', senescallum hospicii sui, ad partes predictas cum litteris suis patentibus, quarum tenor sequitur in hunc modum: [Proceedings on the dispute between John of Charlton and Gruffudd de la Pole.]
11 (7). Be it remembered that because our lord the king had been given to understand that matter for great dispute had arisen between John of Charlton and Hawise his wife, and Gruffudd de la Pole, concerning the castle and lands of Welshpool, from which considerable harms have followed, to the manifest harm of the king's peace, and the terror of the king's people of those parts, and more serious harms threatened to ensue unless a remedy were provided for this matter, the same lord king, who is bound by the bonds of an oath to protect everywhere the preservation of his peace and the quiet of his people, to the best of his ability, wishing to avoid such evils, on 10 March, in the ninth year of his reign [1316], ordered the aforementioned John and Hawise, on pain of forfeiture of everything which they could forfeit to the king, strictly prohibiting them from presuming to attempt or do anything in this matter against the aforementioned Gruffudd or others for these reasons, by which the king's peace could be disturbed, or his people [col. b] terrorised, and that if they had used any armed force in this matter, to the disturbance of our peace, then they were to remove it without delay, and that the aforementioned John and Hawise in person, or the aforementioned John in person and the aforementioned Hawise through an appropriate attorney, were to appear before the king and his council at Westminster, at the quinzaine of Easter following [25 April 1316], to put forward and pursue their right and arguments in the aforesaid, and to do and receive further what the king's court adjudged in this matter: and they were to have the writ addressed to them there at that time. The lord king sent a similar order and prohibition on the above matters to the aforementioned Gruffudd. And furthermore, the lord king, wishing the above to be put into due execution, sent John of Cromwell, the steward of his household, to the aforesaid parts with his letters patent, the tenor of which follows in this way:
Edwardus etc. omnibus ballivis et fidelibus suis ad quos presentes littere pervenerint, salutem. Cum, ut intelleximus, inter dilectum et fidelem nostrum Johannem de Cherleton' et Hawisiam uxorem ejus ex parte una, et dilectum et fidelem nostrum Griffinum de la Pole ex < parte > altera, super castro et terris de la Pole gravis dissensionis materia sit exorta, ex qua dampna non modica sunt secuta, in lesionem pacis nostre manifestam, et terrorem populi nostri parcium illarum, et adhuc graviora evenire formidantur nisi in hac parte remedium apponatur: per quod nos, qui ad conservacionem pacis nostre et quietem populi nostri ubique conservandam pro viribus astricti sumus vinculo juramenti, volentes malis hujusmodi obviare, mandavimus prefatis Johanni et Hawisie per se, et prefato Griffino per se, sub forisfactura omnium que nobis forisfacere poterunt, firmiter inhibentes ne in hac parte hinc vel inde quicquam per quod pax nostra turbari seu populus noster terreri valeat attemptare seu facere presumant, et si aliquam vim armatam in perturbacionem pacis nostre apposuerint in hac parte, tunc eam sine dilacione aliqua faciant amoveri. Ut premissa fiant juxta tenorem mandatorum et inhibicionum nostrorum predictorum dilectum et fidelem nostrum Johannem de Crumwell', senescallum hospicii nostri, ad partes predictas duximus destinandum, ad supervidendum quod premissa fiant in forma supradicta, et ad certificandum nos de eo quod actum fuerit in hac parte: et ideo vobis mandamus, firmiter injungentes, quod eidem Johanni de Crumwell' in premissis sitis consulentes, prout et quando per ipsum Johannem super hoc ex parte nostra fueritis requisiti. In cujus etc. Teste me ipso apud Clipston', .x. die Marcii, anno etc. nono. Edward etc. to all his bailiffs and lieges to whom the present letters come, greetings. Whereas, as we have understood, matter for great dispute has arisen between our beloved and faithful John of Charlton and Hawise his wife on the one hand, and our beloved and faithful Gruffudd de la Pole on the other hand, concerning the castle and lands of Welshpool, from which considerable harms have followed, to the manifest harm of our peace, and the terror of our people of those parts, and still more serious threaten to ensue unless a remedy is provided for this matter: because of which we, who are bound by the bonds of an oath to protect everywhere the preservation of our peace and the quiet of our people, to the best of our ability, wishing to avoid such evils, have ordered the aforementioned John and Hawise in person, and the aforementioned Gruffudd in person, on penalty of forfeiture of everything which they can forfeit to us, strictly prohibiting them from presuming to attempt or do anything in this matter, on the one side or the other, by which our peace can be disturbed or our people terrorised, and if they have used any armed force in this matter, to the disturbance of our peace, then they are to have it removed without delay. So that the above may be done in accordance with the tenor of our aforesaid commands and prohibitions, we have decided that our beloved and faithful John of Cromwell, the steward of our household, is to be sent to the aforementioned parts, to oversee the doing of the above in the aforesaid form, and to inform us of what has been done in this matter: and therefore we order you, strictly commanding you, to assist the same John of Cromwell in the above, as and when you are asked to do this by the same John on our behalf. In testimony of which etc. Witness myself at Clipstone, 10 March, in the ninth year etc. [1316]
Imposterum eciam dato regi intelligi, quod licet prefati Johannes et Hawisia omnem vim armatam per ipsos appositam amovissent, et in omnibus obedivissent mandatis et inhibicioni regiis supradictis, idem tamen Griffinus vim armatam per ipsum prius appositam nullatenus amovit, et quod plurima dampna et gravamina prefatis Johanni et Hawisie et aliis, occasione premissa, in lesionem pacis regis et terrorem populi sui < parcium illarum > , non desistebat irrogare, precipue quosdam homines et tenentes dictorum Johannis et Hawisie ibidem < sibi > apropriando, et ab aliis ipsorum Johannis et Hawisie hominibus similiter et tenentibus graves redempciones pro suo libito extorquendo, unde rex non inmerito commovebatur, presertim cum talia, si per ipsum Griffinum perpetrata fuissent, in contemptum regis manifestum cedere videbantur: per quod dominus rex recitando premissa, mandavit prefato Griffino sub forisfactura predicta, firmiter injungendo, quod hujusmodi vim armatam, si eam apposuisset, faceret sine dilacione aliqua amoveri, quicquam contra prefatos Johannem et Hawisiam, aut ipsorum homines aut tenentes vel alios, occasione premissa, contra formam mandati et inhibicionis regis predictorum nullatenus attemptando, et quod si aliqua attemptasset in hac parte, tunc ea faceret sine dilacione aliqua emendari, ita quod rex manum graviorem ad hoc nullatenus apponeret: et quod idem Griffinus [...] in propria persona sua esset [p. i-356][col. a] coram rege et consilio suo ad diem predictum, jus suum et raciones in premissis propositurus et prosecuturus, ulteriusque facturus et recepturus quod curia regis consideraret in hac parte. Idemque dominus rex volens premissa execucioni debite demandari, tercio die Aprilis, anno etc. nono, mandavit per breve suum vicecomiti Salop', quod ad predictum Griffinum accederet, et < quod > omnia et singula premissa sibi notificaret in forma superius annotata, injungens eidem Griffino sub forisfactura supradicta quod hujusmodi vim armatam, si que per ipsum apposita fuisset, sine dilacione aliqua faceret amoveri juxta formam mandatorum et inhibicionis regis predictorum, et quod si < idem Griffinus > homines aut tenentes predictorum Johannis et Hawisie sibi usurpasset, aut redempciones ab aliis hominibus vel tenentibus ipsorum Johannis et Hawisie extorsisset, seu eis aut aliis occasione predicta gravamina seu dampna intulisset contra formam mandatorum et inhibicionum regis predictorum, tunc ea sine dilacione aliqua faceret emendari, < ita quod rex manum graviorem ad hoc non apponeret > : et quod predictus vicecomes predicta omnia et singula hominibus et tenentibus parcium illarum in locis quibus expedire videret fieri faceret manifesta: et quod scire faceret prefato Griffino per duos liberos et legales homines de balliva sua, quod in propria persona sua esset coram rege et consilio suo ad diem predictum, jus suum et raciones in premissis propositurus et prosecuturus etc. ut supra: et quod, sive veniret sive non, rex non omitteret quin super eisdem faceret quod de consilio suo fore videretur faciendum; et quod idem vicecomes de eo quod inde in premissis faceret dominum regem sub sigillo ipsius vicecomitis, in quindena predicta, distincte et aperte redderet cerciorem, nomina predictorum hominum regi remittens, et breve predictum. Afterwards the king was given to understand that, although the aforementioned John and Hawise had removed all the armed force employed by them, and had obeyed the aforesaid royal commands and prohibition in all things, the same Gruffudd however had made no attempt to remove the armed force previously employed by him, and that he did not cease to inflict a great number of harms and wrongs on the aforementioned John and Hawise and others, because of the above, to the harm of the king's peace and the terror of his people of those parts, especially in appropriating to himself certain men and tenants of the said John and Hawise there, and from others, likewise men and tenants of the same John and Hawise extorting heavy ransoms at his will, by which the king was quite rightly moved, especially since such things, if they had been perpetrated by the same Gruffudd, seemed to result in manifest contempt to the king: because of which the lord king, repeating the above, ordered the aforementioned Gruffudd on pain of the aforesaid forfeiture, strictly commanding him that if he had employed such an armed force, he was to have it removed without delay, not attempting anything against the aforementioned John and Hawise, or their men or tenants or others, on the aforesaid occasion, contrary to the form of the king's aforesaid command and prohibition, and if he had attempted any things in this way, then he was to have them put right without any delay, so that the king would not need to impose his hand more heavily on this matter: and the same Gruffudd was to appear in person [p. i-356][col. a] before the king and his council on the aforesaid day [25 April], to put forward and pursue his right and arguments on the aforesaid, and to do and receive further what the king's court would adjudge in this matter. And the same lord king, wishing the above to be put into due execution, on 3 April in the ninth year etc. ordered the sheriff of Shropshire by his writ to go to the aforesaid Gruffudd, and to inform him of all and each of the above in the form copied above, commanding the same Gruffudd, on pain of the aforesaid forfeiture, to have any armed force which had been employed by him removed without delay in accordance with the terms of the king's aforesaid commands and prohibition, and that if the same Gruffudd had usurped the men or tenants of the aforesaid John and Hawise to himself, or had extorted ransoms from other men or tenants of the same John and Hawise, or had inflicted wrongs or harms on them or others because of the aforesaid, contrary to the terms of the king's aforesaid commands and prohibitions, then he was to have them put right without any delay, so that the king would not need to impose his hand more heavily on this matter: and the aforesaid sheriff was to have all and each of the above made clear to the men and tenants of those parts in the places which he thought fitting; and he was to inform the aforementioned Gruffudd by two free and law-worthy men of his bailiwick to appear in person before the king and his council on the aforesaid day, to put forward and pursue his right and arguments in the aforesaid etc. as above; and that, whether he came or not, the king would not hesitate to do on these matters what on the advice of his council seemed to him to be done; and the same sheriff was to inform the lord king clearly and plainly of what he had done in the above, under the seal of the same sheriff, at the aforesaid quinzaine [25 April], sending the king the names of the aforesaid men, and the aforesaid writ.
In quindena predicta venit prefatus Johannes de Cherleton' in propria persona sua coram consilio regis apud Westm', et retornavit pro se et prefata Hawisia breve eis inde directum. Et prefata Hawisia per Hugonem Gregori, et Robertum de Laak' [editorial note: The end of this word appears to have been altered.] attornatos suos venit ad eundem diem. Et prefati Johannes et Hawisia dixerunt quod ipsi mandato et inhibicioni supradictis in omnibus obediverant, ut deberent; suplicantes < quod dominus > rex et ejus consilium ipsos Johannem et Hawisiam in hac parte obedientes < tenerent > et reputarent. Et dominus noster rex et ejus consilium tenent dictos Johannem et Hawisiam obedientes in hac parte. At the aforesaid quinzaine [25 April] the aforementioned John of Charlton appeared in person before the king's council at Westminster, and returned on his behalf and that of the aforementioned Hawise the writ sent to them on the matter. And the aforementioned Hawise appeared on the same day through Hugh Gregori and Robert of Laak , her attorneys. And the aforementioned John and Hawise said that they had obeyed the aforesaid command and prohibition in all things, as they ought to, begging the lord king and his council to hold and consider the same John and Hawise to be obedient in this matter. And our lord the king and his council hold the said John and Hawise to be obedient in this matter.
Et prefatus Johannes de Crumwell' venit ibidem ad diem predictum, et dixit quod ipse in propria persona sua accesserat ad terram de la Pole, et quod ipse tam prefatis Johannis et Hawisie quam predicto Griffino inhibicionem hujusmodi in omnibus fecerat, injungens eis quod ipsi in quindena predicta venirent coram < rege et consilio suo > , juxta tenorem brevium predictorum. And the aforementioned John of Cromwell appeared there on the aforesaid day, and said that he had gone in person to the land of Welshpool, and that he had delivered that prohibition both to the aforementioned John and Hawise and to the aforesaid Gruffudd in all its particulars, commanding them to appear before the king and his council at the aforesaid quinzaine, in accordance with the tenor of the aforesaid writs.
Et prefatus vicecomes tunc returnavit breve suum, significans domino regi quod ipse in propria persona sua accesserat ad villam de la Pole, ad omnia et singula in brevi contenta juxta tenorem ejusdem predicto Griffino notificanda, et quod ipsum ibidem, seu alibi in partibus de la Pole, nec alicubi in balliva ipsius vicecomitis potuit invenire, set omnia et singula in eodem brevi contenta < cuidam Philippo de Smethecote tenenti locum dicti > Griffini, et quampluribus aliis de terra de la Pole plene notificavit, et quod scire fecit predicto Griffino, ad terras et tenementa sua de Deuder in Powys per Edmundum de Longedon' et Walterum de Burghton', in presencia Petri Corbet et Thome de Wynnesbury, prout in dicto brevi continebatur. Et predictus Griffinus non venit nec per se nec per attornatum, nec ad diem illum aliquod breve [...] returnavit. And the aforementioned sheriff then returned his writ, informing the lord king that he had gone in person to the town of Welshpool, to inform the aforesaid Gruffudd of all and everything contained in the writ, in accordance with its tenor, and that he could not find him there, or elsewhere in the region of Welshpool, or anywhere in the bailiwick of the same sheriff, but he fully informed a certain Philip of Smethcott, the lieutenant of the said Gruffudd, and many others of the land of Welshpool of all and everything contained in the same writ, and he informed the aforesaid Gruffudd, at his lands and tenements of Deuddwr in Powys through Edmund of Longdon and Walter of Burghton , in the presence of Peter Corbet and Thomas of Wynnesbury , as was contained in the said writ. And the aforesaid Gruffudd did not appear, either in person or through an attorney, nor did he return any writ on that day.
Et prefati Johannes de Cherleton' et Hawisia allocuti < fuerunt > , si de aliquibus transgressionibus eis per predictum Griffinum, vel alios, in terris predictis factis seu illatis vellent in curia regis querelam aliquam deponere, seu prosecucionem facere: et idem Johannes et prefata Hawisia per attornatos suos predictos dixerunt quod ipsi Johannes et Hawisia tenent terram de Powys ut jus et hereditatem ipsius Hawisie, et quod ipsi habent in terris illis omnem [col. b] regalem libertatem, et quod dictus Griffinus est tenens dictorum Johannis et Hawisie in predictis terris de Powys, et quod de quibuscumque transgressionibus in predictis terris per quoscumque factis et perpetratis ad ipsos Johannem et Hawisiam pertinet justiciam facere, et transgressores prout decet justificare, supplicantes quod si ipsi de transgressionibus seu injuriis in terris predictis factis et perpetratis justiciam facerent ut deberent, quod dominus rex super hoc ipsos per mandata < seu > inhibiciones hujusmodi non impediret. And the aforementioned Joan of Charlton and Hawise were asked whether they wished to make any complaint or initiate any prosecution in the king's court, concerning any trespasses committed or perpetrated against them by the aforesaid Gruffudd, or others, in the aforesaid lands: and the same John, and the aforementioned Hawise through her aforesaid attorneys, said that the same John and Hawise hold the land of Powys as the right and inheritance of the same Hawise, and that they have [col. b] all royal liberties in those lands, and that the said Gruffudd is a tenant of the said John and Hawise in the aforesaid lands of Powys, and that it pertains to the same John and Hawise to do justice on any trepasses committed and perpetrated by anyone in the aforesaid lands, and to being the trespassers to justice as is fitting, requesting that if they did justice on trespasses or wrongs committed and perpetrated in the aforesaid lands as they ought, the lord king would not hinder them through commands or prohibitions of this sort.
Et quo ad hoc responsum fuit eis quod super hiis que ad ipsos pertinent in terris predictis < de Powys > facienda seu excercenda, facerent quod de jure foret faciendum. Et quo ad hoc, quod predictus Griffinus ad diem predictum juxta tenorem brevium domini regis sibi directorum, et premunicionis sibi per predictum vicecomitem < facte > in forma supradicta, coram rege et ejus consilio non venit, < seu > breve aliquod ibidem non returnavit, necnon de eo, quod ipse mandato et inhibicioni domini regis in hac parte non obedivit, ut dicitur, dominus rex voluit [cum] consilio suo deliberare et ulterius facere quod fore viderit faciendum. And on this they were answered that in those things which it pertains to them to do or exercise in the aforesaid lands of Powys, they were to do what was rightly to be done. And with regard to the fact that the aforesaid Gruffudd did not appear before the king and his council on the aforesaid day in accordance with the tenor of the writs of the lord king addressed to him, and of the warning given to him by the aforesaid sheriff in the aforementioned form, and did not return any writ there, and to the fact that he had not obeyed the lord king's command and prohibition in this matter, as is said, the lord king wished to have deliberation with his council, and further to do what seemed to be done.
[memb. 5, dorse]
Adhuc de negocio Johannis de Cherleton'. Still concerning the business of John of Charlton.
12. Post hec Johannes de Cherleton' coram consilio domini regis dixit pro domino rege quod cum idem dominus noster rex custodiam quarundam terrarum et tenementorum que vocantur Mouthum, que fuerunt Willelmi de la Pole defuncti, qui de Griffino de la Pole fratre et herede prefate Hawisie, dum idem Griffinus fuit infra etatem et in custodia regis, tenuit per servicium militare, et que per mortem ejusdem Willelmi ad manus regis tunc devenerunt, commisisset prefato Johanni, habendam usque ad legittimam etatem heredis predicti Willelmi, predictus Griffinus, et alii sui complices et fautores, terras illas et tenementa in manu regis et in custodia ipsius Johannis adhuc existencia vi et armis nuper ingredientes, bona et catalla ipsius Johannis, videlicet blada, animalia, et alia bona diversa in eisdem terris et tenementis inventa ceperunt, abduxerunt, asportaverunt, et depredati fuerunt; quosdam de hominibus et tenentibus de terris predictis vulnerando, quosdam nequiter interficiendo, et quosdam de eisdem hominibus et tenentibus predictis eidem Griffino apropriando, homagium, fidelitatem, et alia servicia de eis capiendo. Ad hec idem Griffinus et sui complices et fautores terram de Meghlin Iscoit, quam Hawisia de la Pole defuncta tenuit ad terminum vite sue, et que per mortem ejusdem per Rogerum de Mortuo Mari tunc justiciarium Wallie, de mandato domini regis capta fuit in manu regis, et tunc in manu regis extitit, vi armata similiter ingredientes, bona et catalla in eisdem inventa ceperunt etc., et quosdam de hominibus etc. ut supra. Super quibus dictus Johannes peciit pro domino rege remedium adhiberi. 12. After this John of Charlton said on behalf of the lord king before the lord king's council that whereas our same lord the king had granted the wardship of certain lands and tenements which are called Mouthum , which belonged to the late William de la Pole, who held of Gruffudd de la Pole the brother and heir of the aforementioned Hawise, by knight service, while the same Gruffudd was under age and in the king's wardship, and which then came into the king's hands through the death of the same William, to the aforementioned John, to have until the majority of the heir of the aforesaid William, the aforesaid Gruffudd, and others who were his accomplices and abettors, recently entering those lands and tenements, still in the king's hand and in the wardship of the same John with force and arms, took, seized, carried off and plundered the goods and chattels of the same John, namely corn, animals, and various other goods found in the same lands and tenements, wounding some of the men and tenants of the aforesaid lands, wickedly killing some, and appropriating some of the same aforesaid men and tenants to the same Gruffudd, receiving homage, fealty and other services from them. Furthermore the same Gruffudd and his accomplices and abettors likewise entering the land of Mechain Iscoed, which the late Hawise de la Pole held for the term of her life, and which through her death was taken into the king's hand at the command of the lord king by Roger de Mortimer, then justice of Wales, and which was then in the king's hand, with armed force, took the goods and chattels found in them etc., and some of the men etc. as above. For which the said John requested that a remedy be provided on behalf of the lord king.
[memb. 6]
PROCESSUS HABITUS INTER CONSILIUM DOMINI REGIS ET QUOSDAM NUNCIOS COMITIS FLANDR' SUPER DAMPNIS HINC INDE DATIS. THE PROCESS HELD BETWEEN THE LORD KING'S COUNCIL AND CERTAIN ENVOYS OF THE COUNT OF FLANDERS CONCERNING WRONGS COMMITTED ON EITHER SIDE.
Tractatus apud Westm' anno quinto. The discussion at Westminster in the fifth year [1311-1312].
13 (8). Memorandum quod cum dudum per homines de regno Anglie hominibus et mercatoribus Flandr' apud Carondon', et alibi, et per homines de potestate comitis Flandr' diversis hominibus et mercatoribus de regno et potestate domini regis Anglie, dampna quamplurima [...] data et illata, dissensionesque et discordie hinc et inde suborte fuissent, Robertus comes Flandr' nuncios suos subscriptos in Angliam misit super hiis tractaturos, qui una cum consilio domini regis in parliamento suo anno regni sui quinto apud Westm' summonito, super premissis tractarunt in hunc modum: 13 (8). Be it remembered that whereas much harm had previously been perpetrated and inflicted by men of the realm of England on men and merchants of Flanders at Cranden and elsewhere, and by men of the power of the count of Flanders on various men and merchants of the realm and power of the lord king of England, and disputes and discords had arisen on both sides, Robert count of Flanders sent his envoys named below to England to discuss these, who discussed the above with the lord king's council in his parliament summoned at Westminster in the fifth year of his reign, in this way:
[p. i-357]
[col. a]
Acorde est et assentu entre le conseil le roi d'Engleterre et monsire Johan seignur de Frenles, et monsire William de Nivell', chevaliers, messages le counte de Flaundr', qe d'enquerre sur le fait de Carondon' entre les Engleis d'une part et les Flemancs d'autre part, et aussint de touz autres trespas faitz as Flemancs par Engleis puis le temps qe le dit roi receut le governement de son roialme, et ensement de totes autres demaundes et quereles qe les Flemancs ont vers les Engleis du dit temps; soient assignez depar le dit roi monsire Robert de Kendale, conestable de Dovre et gardein des Cinke Portz, monsire Henri de Cobeham le puisne, monsire Johan de Northwode l'eisne, et monsire Johan de Fresingfeud', chevaliers, trois ou deux de eaux, et q'il eient plein poair a totes < celes choses > oir et terminer, selonc la lei et la custume de la terre et la lei marchaunde, si q'il comencent sur celes busoignes a Londr' a la quinzeine de la Chaundeleure prechein avenir a plus tart. It is agreed and assented between the council of the king of England and Sir John lord of Frenles , and Sir William de Nivelles, knights, envoys of the count of Flanders, that to enquire into what happened at Cranden between the English on the one hand and the Flemish on the other hand, and also into all other trespasses committed against the Flemish by the English after the time when the said king received the government of his realm, and likewise into all other claims and complaints which the Flemish have against the English from the said time, there are to be appointed on behalf of the said king, Sir Robert of Kendale, constable of Dover and warden of the Cinque Ports, Sir Henry of Cobham the younger, Sir John of Northwood the elder, and Sir John of Fresingfeld, knights, three or two of them, and they are to have full power to hear and determine all these things, in accordance with the law and custom of the land and the law merchant, so that they begin this business at London at the quinzaine of Candlemas next at the latest. [16 February 1312]
Et qe le counte de Flaundr' assigne aussint gentz suffissauntes en les parties de Flaundr', d'enquerre et de oir et terminer touz les trespas faitz as gentz d'Engleterre, et du poair le roi, et autres demaundes et quereles qe les Engleis ont vers les Flemancs du temps avantdit, et a droit faire a eux en la fourme susdite, et q'il comencent sur celes busoignes a Bruges en Flaundr' le joedi apres la Miequaresme prechein avenir a plus tart. And the count of Flanders is also to appoint suitable people in Flanders to enquire, and to hear and determine all the trespasses committed against the people of England, and of the king's power, and the other claims and complaints which the English have against the Flemish from the aforesaid time, and to do justice to them in the aforesaid form, and they are to begin this business at Bruges in Flanders on the Thursday after Mid Lent next at the latest. [9 March 1312]
Item acorde est qe a ceux d'Engleterre et du poair le roi qe ont siwi avant ces hures devers le dit counte pur lur biens recoverir, si qe leur seute est tote clere trovee, et ascuns sont serviz de partie, grie soit fait en due manere a la requeste le dit roi, ou qe execucion se face pur eux selonc le proces qe ent est fait, et en meismes la manere soit fait as Flemancs de lur choses qe sont trovees cleres et triees. Mesqe pur cestes choses ou autres faites puis le dit temps, nul arest ne soit fait d'une part ne d'autre entre ci et le joedi apres la Miequaresme avantdite. It is likewise agreed that to those of England and of the king's power who have sued before now to the said count to recover their goods, if their suit is found to be quite clear, and if any have done all that is required of them as a party to a law suit, satisfaction is to be given in due manner at the request of the said king, or the decision given for them is to be put into execution according to the process held on this, and the same is to be done for the Flemish for their matters which are found to be clear and tried. But for these things or others which have been done since the said time, no seizure is to be made on one side or the other between now and the aforesaid Thursday after Mid Lent. [9 March]
Item acorde est qe une proclamacion et crie se face par touz les portz du roiaume, qe touz les Flemancs qe voudront venir en Engleterre pur lur pleintes [sivre] vers les Engleis, sauvement et seurement viegnent, et qe nul ne les face mal ne moleste ne destourbance, sur greve forfaiture a la volentie le roi. Et qe touz ceux d'Engleterre qe se voudront pleindre des Flemancs de nule manere de trespas fait a eux puis le dit temps, aillent en Flaundr' a la ville de Bruges, issint q'il soient illoeqes le joedi avantdit aplus tart, a monstrer et sivre leur pleintes devant eux qe a ceo serront assignez par le dit counte, et qe apres cel < jour > il ne serront pas receutz de nule pleinte monstrer devant les ditz assignetz [...] [editorial note: The last two letters of 'assignetz' cover part of this erasure.] par le counte, et qe nul arest pur tieux soit fait. Et qe le dit counte face faire au tiel crie et proclamacion dedeinz son poair en touz pointz sicomme est susdit: c'est asaver qe les Flemancs soient a Loundr' pur lur pleintes monstrer et sivre a la quinzeine de la Chandeleure avantdite a plus tart, si qe apres cel jour il ne soient pas resceuz de nule pleinte monstrer devant les ditz assignetz depar < le roi > , ne de arest pur eux avoir, sicomme est susdit, et qe les gentz d'Engleterre, et du poair le roi, peussent leur pleintes sauvement et seurement monstrer et sivre en la terre de Flandr' sanz mal, damage, ou destourbance avoir. It is likewise agreed that a proclamation and announcement is to be made throughout all the ports of the realm, that all the Flemish who wish to come to England to pursue their complaints against the English, are to come in safety and security, and that no-one is to harm, molest or hinder them, on pain of a heavy forfeiture at the king's pleasure. And that all those from England who wish to make complaint against the Flemish for any kind of trespass committed against them after the said time, are to go to Flanders to the town of Bruges, so that they are there on the aforesaid Thursday [9 March] at the latest, to show and pursue their complaints to those who will be appointed for this by the said count, and that after that day they will not be received to show any complaint before the count's said appointees, and that no seizure is to be made for such a thing. And the said count is to have a similar announcement and proclamation made within his power, in all points as has been said above: that is, that the Flemish are to be in London to show and pursue their complaints at the aforesaid quinzaine of Candlemas [16 February] at the latest, so that after that date they are not to be received to show any complaint before the king's said appointees, nor to have any seizure for them, as has been said above, and the people of England, and of the king's power, can show and pursue their complaints in safety and security in the land of Flanders, without suffering harm, hurt or hindrance.
Item acorde est qe les marchaundz d'Engleterre qi ont receu < damage par les Flemancs > peussent sivre lur pleintes en Flaundr' et droit resceivre par procurours et attournez testmoignez par lettre des communautez des [col. b] villes: et en meisme la manere facent les Flemancs vers les Engleis en Engleterre. It is likewise agreed that merchants from England who have suffered harm by the Flemish are to be able to pursue their complaints in Flanders and receive justice through proctors and attorneys attested by a letter from the communities of the [col. b] towns: and the Flemish are to do the same against the English in England.
Item acorde est qe lettres patentes de communautez et de chiefs gardeins des villes qu'il qe il soient, soient receuz d'une part et d'autre, et eident a proeve faire des damages donez d'une part et d'autre, sicome droit et reson, custume et lei marchaunde demandent. Et fait aremenbrer qe cest acorde fut fait a Westm' en le parlement le dit roi l'an de son regne quint, le jour de Seint Clement le Martir. It is likewise agreed that letters patent from the communities and the chief wardens of the towns, whoever they are, are to be admitted on one side and the other, and are to assist in providing proof of harm done on one side and the other, as justice and reason, custom and law merchant demand. And be it remembered that this agreement was made at Westminster in the said king's parliament in the fifth year of his reign, on the day of St Clement the Martyr. [23 November 1311]
Tractatus apud Ebor' eodem anno quinto. The discussion at York in the same fifth year.
[editorial note: The sign showing the start of a new section is written over an erasure.] Postmodum eciam continuatum fuit dictum negocium < apud > Ebor', in forma que sequitur: And afterwards the said business was continued at York, in the form which follows:
Fait aremenbrer qe ja soit ceo qe le roi ne fut pas certifie devant le Noel darrein passe, sicome acorde fut, de la volentie le counte de Flandr' endroit del acorde qe se fit par endenture entre ceux du conseil le [roi, et le seignur] de Frenles, et monsire Guill' de Nivell', messages du dit counte, parquoi de cele busoigne rien ne fut oncore comence par le dit roi en Engleterre, nepurqant pur ceo qe le dit counte envoia puis au roi, a Everwik', Terry de Dorpre son burgeis de Gaunt, et Gillian de Hersbergh' son vallet, ove plein poair de pursivre et acomplir le dit acorde, sicome en les lettres de procuracie q'il porterent ovesqe eux souz le seal le dit counte, dont la copie demoert en chancellerie, pluspleinement est contenu, le roi bonement granta et ottria, noncontrestant qe la busoigne fut ensi delaie, qe hom aille avant en la dite busoigne, et qe a ceo faire soient jours donez de novel, parquoi acorde est qe le jour qe deust aver este a Londr' a la quinzeine de la Chaundeleure soit illoeqes a les oytaves de la Trinite, et le jour qe deust avoir este a Bruges en Flandr' le joedi apres la Miequaresme soit illoeqes lendemain de la Nativite Seint Johan le Baptistre prechein avenir; et qe proclamacion se face d'une part et d'autre sicomme est contenu en l'endenture de ceo faite, et qe totes les autres choses en meisme cele endenture contenues soient gardees et tenues, sicomme acorde fut etc. Be it remembered that, although the king was not informed before last Christmas, as was agreed, of the will of the count of Flanders concerning the agreement which was made by indenture between the members of the king's council and the lord of Frenles , and Sir William de Nivelles, the envoys of the said count, because of which nothing has yet been started on this business by the said king in England, nevertheless because the said count afterwards sent to the king at York, Terry de Dorpre his burgess of Ghent, and Guillian of Hersbergh his esquire, with full power to continue and finish the said agreement, as is more fully contained in the letters of procuracy which they brought with them under the seal of the said count, of which a copy remains in chancery, the king willingly granted and consented, notwithstanding that the business was delayed in this way, that the negotiators can proceed in the said business, and to do this days are given anew, through which it is agreed that the day which ought to have been at London at the quinzaine of Candlemas [16 February 1312] is to be there at the octave of Trinity [28 May 1312], and the day which ought to have been at Bruges in Flanders on the Thursday after Mid Lent [9 March 1312] is to be there on the morrow of the Nativity of St John the Baptist next [25 June 1312]; and that a proclamation is to be made on the one side and the other as is contained in the indenture made of this, and that all the other things contained in that same indenture are to be kept and observed, as was agreed etc.
Et ceo fut fait et acorde a Everwik' devant l'evesqe de Cestre, monsire Esmon de Maule, monsire William Inge, et sire Adam de Osgodeby, sire Robert de Bardelby, et sire William de Ayrem', gardeins du seal, et les autres du conseil, et les avantditz Terry et Guillian, le joedi devant le jour de Palmes etc. l'an quint etc. And that was done and agreed at York before the bishop of Chester, Sir Edmund Mauley, Sir William Inge, and Sir Adam of Osgodby, Sir Robert of Bardelby, and Sir William of Ayremynne, keepers of the seal, and the others of the council, and the aforesaid Terry and Guillian, on the Thursday before Palm Sunday etc. in the fifth year etc. [16 March 1312]
Et fait asavoir qe le conte de Flandr' ad assigne monsire Guill' de Nivell', monsire Guill' le Peson, monsire Baudewin de Arsebrek', et monsire Johan de Menyn, a droit faire as Engleis selonc la fourme acorde en l'endenture avantdite, sicomme les avantditz Terry et Guillian monstrerent depar le dit counte devant le roi et seon conseil a Everwyk'. And be it known that the count of Flanders has appointed Sir William de Nivelles, Sir William le Peson, Sir Baldwin de Aresbrek , and Sir John de Menin, to do justice to the English according to the terms agreed in the aforesaid indenture, as the aforesaid Terry and Guillian showed on behalf of the said count before the king and his council at York.
Procuratorium nunciorum Flandr'. The procuracy of the envoys of Flanders.
Imposterum, eciam pro eo quod premissa non fuerunt juxta concordias predictas, quibusdam impedimentis intervenientibus, execucioni demandata, prefatus comes misit quosdam nuncios suos in Angliam pro negociis illis cum procuratorio, quorum quidem procuratorum nomina et ipsius procuratorii tenor inferius scribuntur: Afterwards, because the aforesaid were also not put into execution in accordance with the aforesaid agreements, because of the intervention of certain impediments, the aforesaid count sent certain envoys of his to England on that business with a procuracy, the names of which proctors and the tenor of their procuracy are given below:
A treshaut, et tresexcellent, et trespoissant prince mon seignur Edward, par la grace de Dieu roi d'Engleterre, ducs d'Acquitaigne, et seignur d'Irlande, et son noble conseil, Robiers quens de Flaundr' reverence et honnour. Savoir faisons qe nous oy le report de nos messages orre darrainement envoiees en Engleterre, et sur che eu conseil et avis avent nos boines gens, avons fait Jaquein' Lescutelare de [Bruges] , Folke Notenzoene de Gand, et Johan le Bourlike clerc de no ville de Ipre, et les deus si tout troi nifuissent, [p. i-358][col. a] nos procureurs et attournes generals, et especials messages, pour suppliier et requerre et demander par devant vous, ou les commissaires par vous deputes sour che, ou a deputer, restitucions des damages, pertes, et griefs faites a nos gentz par les vostres a Crasdon', et ou port de Dorwelle, par les gentz de la vostre ville de Rie, et les cous et frais qe no gent dammaisgiet la ont fait en l'occoison des dites pertes et griefs, et pour jurer en l'ame de nous, et de no dite gent dammaisgiet es dis luis les dammaisges, pertes, cous, et frais dessusditz rechevoir, les de quiter et de quiteclamer chiaux qe les dites restitucions aront fait, et chiaux en qi noun < il les > aront fait. Et de faire les choses avantdites donoms a nos ditz procureurs, et as deus d'aus si tout ni sont present, plain poair et mandement especial et encore de nous efficaument, a che que les dites restitucions faites as nos ditz procurers. [editorial note: Hic fit mencio de Perrota la Brune et Johanne de Balay.] Nous frons satisfaccion pleniere sanz delay a Jehan de < Baley > , citoiien et merchand de [Baioene] , de la somme des deniers contenue en le lettre jadis Philippe de Flandr' no trescher frere, et de faire faire satisfaccion [a] Ernaut d'Espaigne procureur de Perrote Brune de Solier de Bourdeaus, de che qu'il demaunde, si avant come il porra monstrer et aprendre de son droit, et aussi a che qe de touts autres mespresures et [trespas] faits par nos gens as vostres se aucon isont fait dedens le tamps de vostre regnacion, nous frons faire autretiel droit et adrechement as vostre gentz comme il plaira a vous de faire faire a no gent dammaisgiet par les vostres puis le dit tamps. Et volons encore que no dit procureurs, ou li doi, daus se tout ne isont, aient plain pooir et mandement especial de consentir en che que de touts mespresures et trespas faits par nos gentz sour les vostres, et par les vostres sour les nostres, puis le dit tamps de vostre regnacion, hors mis et excepte les avantdis deus fais, assavoir est de [Grasdon'] , et Dorwelle, par vous et par nous soiient assigne certaines journees d'une part et d'autre pour oir et rechevoir les plaintes de chiaux qui ont est a dammaisgiet d'une part et d'autre pour adrechier les duement si com il apertenra. Et de faire es choses desusdites, et chascune d'icelles, [tout] che que nous et no gent dammaisgiet et friemes ou faire porriesmes se present iestiesmes. Et promettons loialment a tenir et a avoir ferm [et] estable tout che que par nos ditz procureurs, ou les deus d'aux, sera fait, demandet, rescheut, quiteclamet, obliget, consenti, et procuret es choses [desus] dites et chascune d'icelles par le tesmoigne de ches lettres, saielles de no saiel pendant; fait et doune a Male de les Brug' le jour de le [Pentecoust] , l'an de grace mil .ccc. et quinze. To the most high, most excellent and most mighty prince my lord Edward, by the grace of God king of England, duke of Aquitaine, and lord of Ireland, and his noble council, Robert count of Flanders, reverence and honour. We make it known that we have heard the report of our envoys lately sent to England, and having taken council and advice on this with our good people, we have made Jaquein Lescutelare of Bruges, Fulk Notenzoene of Ghent, and John le Bourlike , clerk of our town of Ypres, and two if all three are not present, [p. i-358][col. a] our genral proctors and attorneys, and special envoys, to request, seek and claim before you, or the commissaries appointed, or to be appointed, by you for this, restitution for the damages, losses, and harm inflicted on our people by yours at Cranden, and at the port of Orwell, by the people of your town of Rye, and the costs and expenses which our people who have suffered harm have received on the occasion of the said losses and harm, and to swear on our soul, and to receive the aforesaid damages, losses, costs and expenses of our said people harmed in the said places, to acquit and quitclaim those who have made the said restitutions, and those in whose name they have done this. And to do the aforesaid things we give our said proctors, and to two of them if all are not present, full and effective power and especial command and more from us, on the matter of the said restitutions made to our said proctors. [editorial note: Here it makes mention of Perrota la Brune and John de Balay.] We will give full satisfaction without delay to John de Baley, a citizen and merchant of Bayonne, for the sum of money contained in the letter of the late Philip of Flanders, our most dear brother, and to have satisfaction given ot Arnold of Spain, proctor of Perrota Brune de Solier of Bordeaux, for what he claims, insofar as he can show and apprise us of his right, and also on the matter of all the other misdeeds and trespasses committed by our people against yours, if any have been committed during the period of your reign, we will have such justice and reparation given to your people as it pleases you to have given to our people harmed by yours since the said time. And we wish further that our said proctors, or two if all are not present, are to have full power and especial command to agree that for all misdeeds and trespasses committed by our people against yours, and by yours against ours, during the said period of your reign, excluding and excepting the aforesaid two occasions, namely of Cranden and of Orwell, certain days are to be appointed by you and by us, on one side and the other, to hear and receive the complaints of those who have been harmed on one side and the other, in order to compensate them duly as is appropriate. And to do the aforementioned things, and each of them, all that we and our people who have been harmed will do or can do this present letter bears witness. And we promise loyally to observe and to hold as ratified and secure all that is done, claimed, received, quitclaimed, pledged, agreed and brought about by our said proctors, or two of them, in the aforesaid things and each of them, by the witness of these letters, sealed with our pendant seal; done and given at Male de les Brug' on the day of Pentecost [11 May], in the year of grace 1315.
Tractatus apud Westm' anno .viij. o . The discussion at Westminster in the eighth year.
Inter quos quidem nuncios et consilium domini regis in parliamento suo apud Westm', anno etc. octavo, tractatum fuit in forma subscripta: Between these envoys and the lord king's council in his parliament at Westminster, in the eighth year etc. [20 January 1315] a discussion took place in the form given below:
Fait aremenbrer qe comme avant ces houres trette fut entre le conseil le roi d'Engleterre et certeins [messages] le counte de Flaundr' a ceo enveez en Engleterre, d'adresces faire as gentz le dit roi damagetz par les Flemancs, < et as Flemancs > damagetz par les gentz meisme le roi puis q'il receut le governement de son roiaume, et ascunes choses fussent accordees sur meisme la busoigne, les queles ne furent pas mises en esploit pur ascunes desturbances au parlement le dit roi a Westmostier, en quaresme, l'an de son regne [oitisme] , entre le conseil le dit roi et tieux messages le dit counte a ceo enveetz sur la dite busoigne, acorde est et assentu en la manere [qe] s'ensuyt: c'est asavoir, qe les choses qe sont par proces doeu sur defaute de droit mises en comencement d'execucion, ou prestes [...] mises, tiegnent lour cours d'une part et d'autre, sauves al une part et l'autre lur resons si nules eient a mostrer contre [tielx] , < mes qe > tieles execucions et arestz par celes achesons cessent d'une part et d'autre entre ci et Noel prechein avenir. Be it remembered that whereas there was previously a discussion between the council of the king of England and certain envoys of the count of Flanders, sent for this to England, concerning the giving of compensation to the people of the said king harmed by the Flemish, and to the Flemish harmed by the people of the same king, after he received government of his realm, and certain things were agreed on the same matter, which were not put into execution because of certain impediments in the said king's parliament at Westminster in Lent, in the eighth year of his reign [14 March 1315], an agreement and concord has been reached between the said king's council and such envoys of the said count sent for this on the said business, in the terms which follow: that is to say, that the things which are, through due process on a default of right, starting to be put into execution, or ready [...] put, are to follow their course on one side and the other, saving to one side and the other their arguments, if they have any to put forward against such, but that such executions and seizures for these reasons are to cease on one side and the other between now and next Christmas.
Item, pur ceo qe [par] aventure les gentz damagetz [col. b] d'une part et d'autre ne oseroient mie sivre lur demandes en propres persones, pur doute de ceux [qore] fait les damages, et pur plus grantz perilz et conteks eschivre, si est acorde et assentu qe le dit roi de son poair real assigne [bones] gentz et covenables des soens en Engleterre, de receivre les pleintes des Flemancs qe pleindre se voudront des gentz le [roi] , puis d'enquerre sur meismes les pleintes de son office appelletz ceux qi serront arettez ou enditez par les enquestes des ditz trespas, et de [faire] grie as Flemancs damagetz, ou a lur attournez, de ceo qe trove serra q'il soient damagetz par les gentz le roi, si avant comme le [...] et les biens des trespassours suffiront, nientcontrestaunt qe par aventure les biens de meismes ceux trespassours serroient forfaitz [au] roi. Et s'il ne suffisent, si respoignent les seignurs des niefs qe recetteront sachaument les trespassours puis les trespas [...] ove les biens derelbetz. Et qe le dit counte assigne bones gentz et suffissauntz des soens en son poair, de aussint [faire] [...] les pleintes des gentz d'Engleterre qe hom voudra monstrer as tieux assignetz sur les Flemancs, et de faire grie as [Englois] de lur pertes en la fourme avantdite, nient contrestaunt qe par aventure les biens de tieux trespassours des Flemancs [...] forfaitz au dit counte. Mes jadumeins s'il yeit nul d'une part ou d'autre qe en propre persone voille sivre sa pleinte, le conduit du seignur de la terre soit receu a ceo faire. Et si par aventure les biens des trespassours, et de lur seignurs qi [le] [...] issint recettez, ne suffisent mie a faire pleines amendes as damagetz, qe de ceo qe demorra soient enfourmetz le dit roi par les soens issint assignetz, et li dit counte par soens issint, qe eus par lur bons consals ent ordeinent ceo q'il [verront] qe soit afaire pur meillour acorde e pees nurir entre leur suggetz. Also, because by chance the people who have been harmed [col. b] on one side and the other would not dare to pursue their claims in person, for fear of those who have done the harm, and to avoid greater dangers and disputes, it is agreed and assented that the said king, of his royal power, is to appoint good and suitable people from among his people in England, to receive the complaints of the Flemish who wish to make complaint of the king's people, and then to enquire into the same complaints of their office, calling those who are accused or indicted by the inquisitions of the said trespasses, and to give satisfaction to the Flemish who have been harmed, or to their attorneys, for the harm which it is found has been done to them by the king's people, insofar as the [...] and the goods of the trespassers suffice, notwithstanding that by chance the goods of those same trespassers would be forfeit to the king. And if they do not suffice, the masters of the ships who knowingly harboured the trespassers after the trespasses [...] with the plundered goods are to answer. And the said count is to appoint good and suitable people from his own people in his power, to do likewise [...] the complaints of any of the people of England who wish to show them to such people appointed by the Flemish, and to give satisfaction to the English for their losses in the aforesaid form, notwithstanding that by chance the goods of such Flemish trespassers [...] forfeit to the said count. But nevertheless, if there is anyone on one side or the other who wishes to pursue his complaint in person, the safe-conduct of the lord of the land is to be admitted to do this. And if by chance the goods of the trespassers, and of their masters who [...] harboured in this way, do not suffice to provide full compensation to those who have been harmed, the said king is to be informed of what remains by his people who have been appointed in this way, and the said count by his, so that they by their good counsels can ordain for this what seems to them is to be done to sustain better accord and peace between their subjects.
Item, qe touz les biens qe < furent pris > a Caronden' des [Flemancs] [editorial note: Respice in tergo.][memb. 6, dorse] par Engleis, et qe devindrent a les meins monsire Robert de Kendale, nadgaires conestable de Dovre, et d'autres, a ceo qe les ditz messages dient, si avant comme hom purra charger le dit monsire Robert par reson, et les autres, soient entierment livretz as Flemancs damagez, la, ou a lur procurours, comme reson li demaunde. Also, that all the goods which were taken from the Flemish at Cranden [editorial note: See the dorse.][memb. 6, dorse] by the English, and which came into the hands of Sir Robert of Kendale, formerly constable of Dover, and of others, as the said envoys say, insofar as the said Sir Robert and the others can reasonably be charged, are to be entirely delivered to the Flemish who have been harmed, there, or to their proctors, as reason demands.
Item, qe crie se face en Flandr' qe touz ceux du poair le dit counte qe damages receurent par Engleis puis le temps avantdit, et qe ent pleindre se voudront, viegnent par eux ou par lour attournez sauvement et seurement en la chancellerie le roi, ou a ceux qe serront assignez depar le roi de faire les choses avantdites, entre ci et tiel jour, a monstrer lur pleintes, et a sivre les s'il voudront ceo faire. Et qe aussi crie soit fait en Engleterre, qe touz ceux d'Engleterre qe damages ont receu par les Flemancs puis le temps avantdit, et qe pleindre se voudront, < viegnent > a Bruges, entre ci et tiel jour, devant le tresorier le dit counte, ou ceux qe serront assignez depar le counte a faire les choses susdites, a moustrer lur pleintes, et a sivre les s'il voudront, sicomme est avantdit. Et qe lettres patentes des communautez et de chiefs gardeins des villes, quel q'il soient, soient receu d'une part et d'autre, et eident a proeve faire des damages donez d'une part et d'autre, sicomme droit et reson, custume et lei marchaunde demandent.' Also, a proclamation is to be made in Flanders that all those of the power of the said count who were harmed by the English after the aforesaid time, and who wish to complain of this, are to come in person or through their attorneys, safely and securely to the king's chancery, or to those who are to be appointed on behalf of the king to do the aforesaid things, between now and such a day, to present their complaints, and to pursue them is they wish to do so. And a proclamation is also to be made in England, that all those who have been harmed by the Flemish after the aforesaid time, and who wish to complain, are to come to Bruges, between now and such a day, before the said count's treasurer, or those who are to be appointed on behalf of the count to do the aforesaid things, to present their complaints, and to pursue them if they wish, as is said above. And letters patent from the communities and chief warden of the towns, whoever they are, are to be admitted on one side and the other, and they are to help to give proof of the harm done on one side and the other, as justice and reason, custom and the law merchant, demand.
Et super hoc prefatus Arnaldus de Ispania, procurator prefate Perote, coram consilio domini regis ibidem in presencia predictorum Jaquemini le Scutelar' de Bruges, Fulconis Notenzoene de Gandano, et Johannis le Bourlike, clerici, nunciorum predicti comitis, personaliter constitutus per instrumenta publica et alias evidencias que dicti nuncii sufficiencia reputabant, sufficienter docuit quod Guillelmus de Repia, Gualterus Davynt, Johannes Sebart, et Josus Besinus, burgenses dicte ville de Bruges, qui ad blada et alia victualia de quibuscumque capienda per burgimagistros, scabinos, et consules, < et communitatem dicte ville > de Bruges deputati fuerunt, centum quaterviginti et duodecim dolia vini ipsius Perote, precii quingentarum et quinquaginta librarum sterlingorum, [p. i-359][col. a] partem videlicet in villa de Dam, partem in nave Sancti Spiritus de Baiona in portu ejusdem ville de Dam, in custodia ipsius Arnaldi inventa, ad opus ipsorum burgimagistrorum, scabinorum, et consulum ac communitatis dicte ville de Bruges ceperunt, et quod ipso Arnaldo postmodum per plures vices, cum litteris supplicatoriis dicti domini regis comiti Flandr' per se et prefatis burgimagistris, scabinis et consulibus per se directis, pro prefata Perota, tam erga dictum comitem quam eciam erga dictos burgimagistros, scabinos, et consules predicte ville de Bruges, instante et petente quod prefato Arnaldo, nomine predicte Perote, de predictis centum quaterviginti et duodecim doleis vini, vel de predicto precio eorundem, necnon et de dampnis que occasione capcionis et morose detencionis dictorum vinorum sustinuerat, solucionem vel satisfaccionem debitam et festinam facerent, tam prefatus comes, quam prefati burgimagistri, scabini, et consules, ad rogatum regis in hac parte quicquam facere non curarunt, set ei penitus defuerunt in justicia exhibenda, propter quod dictum negocium clarum reputabatur. Whereupon the aforementioned Arnold of Spain, the proctor of the aforementioned Perrota, before the lord king's council there in the presence of the aforesaid Jaquemin le Scutelar of Bruges, Fulk Notenzoene of Ghent, and John le Bourlike , clerk, the envoys of the aforesaid count, personally appointed by public instruments and other evidences which the said envoys considered sufficient, showed sufficiently that William de Repia , Walter Davynt , John Sebart , and Josus Besinus , burgesses of the said town of Bruges, who were appointed by the burgomasters, municipal officials and consuls, and the community of the said town of Bruges, to take corn and other victuals from all people, took 192 tuns of wine belonging to the same Perrota, worth £550 sterling, [p. i-359][col. a] found in the keeping of the same Arnold, partly in the town of Damme, partly in the ship the Holy Spirit of Bayonne in the port of the same town of Damme, for the benefit of the same burgomasters, municipal officials, and consuls and the community of the said town of Bruges, and the same Arnold afterwards several times, with letters supplicatory of the said lord king addressed to the count of Flanders personally, and to the aforesaid burgomasters, municipal officials and consuls personally, asking and requesting both the said count and the said burgomasters, municipal officials and consuls of the aforesaid town of Bruges, on behalf of the said Perrota, to give due and swift payment or satisfaction to the aforementioned Arnold, in the name of the aforesaid Perrota, for the aforesaid 192 tuns of wine, or for their aforesaid value, and also for the damages which she had sustained through the seizure and long retention of the said wines, neither the aforesaid count nor the aforesaid burgomasters, municipal officials and consuls, troubled to do anything in this matter at the king's request, but completely failed to show justice to him, on account of which the said business was considered to be clear.
Baleye. Laugar. Baleye . Laugar [Lagor}.
Et insuper Thomas de Laugar, procurator prefati Johannis de Baley, civis et mercatoris de Baiona, coram consilio domini regis ibidem in presencia predictorum nunciorum constitutus, prefatas patentes litteras sigillo prefati Philippi filii comitis Flandr' et ejusdem in Flandr' tunc locum tenentis, exhibuit in hec verba: And furthermore Thomas de Lagor, the proctor of the aforementioned John de Baley , citizen and merchant of Bayonne, appointed before the lord king's council there in the presence of the aforesaid envoys, showed the aforementioned letters patent under the seal of the aforementioned Philip, the son of the count of Flanders and his lieutenant in Flanders at that time, in these words:
[editorial note: Littera filii comitis.] [editorial note: The letter of the count's son.]
Nous Phelippes, fils au conte de Flandr', coens de Thieth' et de Laureth', faisons savoir a tous qe come li nef Johan de Balay, boughois de Bayone, le quel neif estoit appellee Seint Johan de Baione, par nos genz et le comandement de nous fuist arestee, prise, et usee en l'expedicion de no guerre de Zelande, et illeuqes perdue, la quele neif il ad taxee par seon serement valissant al eure qant il enfu depostiis onse vins livres d'esterlins coroneis, et la parte des maroiners de la dite nef quarante livres d'esterlins d'Engleterre coroneis: nous avoms enconuent et promis au dit Johan, ou a seon certein comant qi ceste presente lettre aura pardevers lui, qe au chief de la quinsaine apres le Behourdichs a le journee qi sera a Brug', par le conseil des bonies (boines?) gens de nostre paiis de Flandr' et dou dit Johan, et de son certain comant, nous acorderons d'un covenable termine des pertes desusdites, et ferons tant qe a nous en apartenra, par le tiesmoing de nos lettres, saielees et dounes le samedi devant le jour Saint Pere, en moys de Fevrier, en l'an de grace .mccc. et quatre. We Philip, son of the count of Flanders, count of Thieth [Chietti] and of Laureth [Lorette], make known to all that whereas the ship of John de Balay , burgess of Bayonne, which ship was called St John of Bayonne, was seized, taken and used to expedite our war in Zeeland, by our people and at our command and was lost there, which ship he has valued on oath as being worth, at the time when he was deprived of it, £220 of crowned sterling, and the share of the sailors of the said ship, £40 of crowned sterling of England: we have agreed and promised the said John, or his assured appointee who will have this present letter with him, that at the end of the quinzaine following Jousting Sunday [1 March 1304] [editorial note: This was the first Sunday of Lent, when jousts were held.] on the day which will be held at Bruges, on the advice of the good people of our land of Flanders and of the said John, and of his assured appointee, we will agree on a fitting conclusion with regard to the aforesaid losses, and we will do all that belongs to us on this, by the testimony of our letters, sealed and given on the Saturday before St Peter's day, in the month of February [15 February], in the year of grace 1304.
Quibus quidem litteris et processu erga dictum comitem Flandr' super exhibicione justicie in dicto negocio habito inspectis et examinatis, dictum negocium clarum reputabatur. When these letters and process held before the said count of Flanders on the provision of justice in the said business were inspected and examined, the said business was considered to be clear.
Post hec vero, pro eo quod Flandrenses insurexerunt de guerra contra regem Francie, < ac > dominus noster rex ad rogatum regis Francie juxta quandam confederacionem inter ipsorum regum progenitores dudum initam, in qua inter cetera continetur, 'Quod nullus eorum inimicos alterius receptaret, aut eciam sustineret, set pocius a potestate sua expelleret infra quadraginta dies postquam super hoc fuerit requisitus', dictos Flandrenses, tanquam ipsius regis Francie inimicos, regnum Anglie infra certum tempus exire fecit, propter quod predicta negocia predictorum Perrote et Johannis contra Flandrenses juxta tractatus predictos execucioni non potuerunt demandari: prefati Arnaldus et Thomas, attornati Perrote et Johannis predictorum, coram venerabilibus patribus W. Cant' archiepiscopo tocius Anglie primate, J. Norwic', et J. Cicestr', episcopis; Thoma comite Lanc', Adomaro de Valencia comite Penbr', Johanne de Britannia comite Richem', J. de Sandale cancellario, W. de Norwico thesaurario, et quibusdam justiciariis de utroque Banco, Bartholomeo de Badelesmere, [col. b] et aliis baronibus et domini regis fidelibus, apud Westm', super quibusdam negociis statum domini regis et regni tangentibus tractandis convocatis, supplicarunt quod dominus noster rex ex officio et regali potestate sua velit inquirere de dicto facto de Craudon', juxta formam tractatus apud Westm' ultimo inde habiti, et quod de bonis illorum qui transgressionem predictam perpetrarunt, ac eciam de bonis aliorum qui juxta formam tractatus ejusdem inde convinci seu onerari poterunt, eisdem Arnaldo [editorial note: There is a superfluous abbreviation mark on the l of Arnaldo.] et Thome nomine dictorum dominorum suorum de peticionibus suis supradictis satisfieri faceret, desicut ipsorum Perrote et Johannis negocia tam per consilio domini regis quam per dictos ultimos nuncios clara reputantur, ipsique erga dictos Flandren' aliud recuperare habere non possunt. After that, because the Flemish rose up in war against the king of France, and our lord the king at the request of the king of France, in accordance with a certain league previously entered into between the progenitors of the same kings, in which among other things it is contained, 'That neither of them will harbour the enemies of the other, or support them, but will rather expel them from his power within forty days of being asked to do this', he had the said Flemish, as enemies of the same king of France, leave the realm of England within a certain time, on account of which the aforesaid business of the aforesaid Perrota and John against the Flemish could not be put into execution in accordance with the aforesaid agreements: the aforementioned Arnold and Thomas, the attorneys of the aforesaid Perrota and John, before the venerable fathers W. archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England; J. of Norwich and J. of Chichester, bishops; Thomas earl of Lancaster, Aymer de Valence earl of Pembroke, John of Britanny earl of Richmond, J. of Sandale, the chancellor, W. of Norwich the treasurer, and certain justices of both Benches, Bartholomew of Badlesmere, [col. b] and other barons and lieges of the lord king, at Westminster, called to discuss certain items of business touching the estate of the lord king and of the realm, requested that our lord the king, of his office and royal power, might be pleased to enquire into the said action at Cranden, in accordance with the terms of the agreement lately made at Westminster on the matter, and, from the goods of those who perpetrated the aforesaid trespass, and also from the goods of the others who, according to the terms of the same agreement, could be convicted or charged with this, to have satisfaction given to the same Arnold and Thomas, in the name of their said lords, on the matter of their aforesaid petitions, since the matters of the same Perrota and John are considered to be clear, both by the lord king's council, and by the said latest envoys, and they can have no other recovery against the said Flemish.
[editorial note: Concordatum est etc.] [editorial note: It is agreed etc.]
Et recitatis ibidem tractatibus et processibus predictis concordatum fuit quod dominus noster rex, ex officio et regali potestate sua, inquirere faciat de predicto facto de Craudon' juxta formam tractatus predicti, et quod de bonis transgressorum in hac parte, ac eciam aliorum qui juxta formam ejusdem tractatus inde convinci seu onerari poterunt, prefatis Perrote, et Johanni, vel eorum attornatis in hac parte, satisfieri faceret, sicut superius est expressum. And when the aforesaid agreements and processes had been rehearsed there, it was agreed that our lord the king, of his office and royal power, is to institute an enquiry into the aforesaid happening at Cranden in accordance with the terms of the aforesaid agreement, and that from the goods of the trespassers in this affair, and also those of the others who according to the terms of the same agreement can be convicted or charged with it, he was to have satisfaction given to the aforesaid Perrota and John, or their attorneys, in this matter, as is described above.
[memb. 7]
14 (8). Memorandum quod cum dominus noster rex, pro eo quod ex frequentibus querelis Bartholomei de Badelesmere constabularii castri regis Bristoll' et custodis sui ejusdem ville, ac aliorum plurimorum, sepissime ad noticiam suam pervenit quod communitas ville predicte sibi et prefato constabulario ac custodi dampna quamplurima et contemptus non modicos prius fecerat, et indies facere non desistebat, et pro eo quod ex parte predicte communitatis regi similiter ostensum fuit, quod, occasione quarundam dissensionum inter dictum constabularium et communitatem predictam in dicta villa subortarum per ipsum constabularium et alios de suis, dampna quamplurima dicte communitati fuerant irrogata, dominus rex volens super premissis plenius informari, et ipsa de consilio suo fine debito terminari, per breve suum sub data tricesime diei Marcii, anno regni sui nono, mandavit communitati dicte ville Bristoll' quod sex de discrecioribus hominibus ville illius, alios quam de illis qui per aliqua recorda et processus in curia regis sunt utlagati, venire faceret coram consilio regis apud Westm', die veneris proxima post clausum Pasche tunc proximo futurum, cum plena et sufficienti potestate pro se ipsis et communitate predicta ad informandum dictum consilium regis plenius de premissis, et ad faciendum et recipiendum ea que tunc per idem consilium ibidem in eisdem contingeret ordinari. [Proceedings on the dispute between Bartholomew of Badlesmere and the community of Bristol.]
14 (8). Be it remembered that, because from the frequent complaints of Bartholomew of Badlesmere, constable of the king's castle of Bristol and his warden of the same town, and of many others, it has very often come to the notice of our lord the king that the community of the aforesaid town had previously committed many offences and great contempts against him and the aforementioned constable and warden, and did not cease from doing such things every day, and because on behalf of the aforesaid community the king was likewise shown that, because of certain disputes which had arisen between the said constable and the aforesaid community in the said town, many offences had been committed against the said community by the same constable and others of his people, the lord king, wishing to be more fully informed on the aforesaid, and that on the advice of his council they might be brought to a fitting end, by his writ dated 30 March, in the ninth year of his reign [1316], ordered the community of the said town of Bristol to have six of the more discreet men of that town, other than those who are outlawed through a record and process in the king's court, come before the king's council at Westminster, on the Friday following the close of Easter next [23 April 1316], with full and sufficient power on behalf of themselves and the aforesaid community, to inform the king's said council more fully on the above, and to do and receive those things which would happen to be ordained there by the same council in these matters.
Ad quem diem veneris communitas predicta returnavit breve suum coram consilio regis apud Westm', et misit ibi sex homines de dicta villa alios quam de dictis utlagatis, videlicet Nicholaum de Roubergh', Johannem le Hunte, Johannem [editorial note: The ending of this word has been altered.] Veys, Rogerum de Thornhill', Robertum de Hampton', et Vincencium Gower, cum litteris patentibus sigillo communitatis ville predicte signatis, ad faciendum ea que dictum breve requirit. Et Gilbertus de Tondeby, Willelmus Herle, et Galfridus le Scrop', qui sequntur pro domino [editorial note: Altered from 'dicto'.] rege, dixerunt quod cum dominus noster rex, .xxx. die Septembris, anno regni sui sexto, commisisset prefato Bartholomeo custodiam dictorum castri et ville, habendam quamdiu regi placeret, pro certa firma annua inde domino regi reddenda, et < per > breve suum mandasset tunc majori, ballivis, et probis hominibus ville predicte, quod eidem Bartholomeo tanquam constabulario dicti castri et custodi ville predicte in omnibus que ad custodiam eorundem castri et ville pertinerent essent intendentes et respondentes, quod quidem breve liberatum fuit dictis majori, ballivis, et hominibus in dicta villa Bristoll', sexto die Octobris, anno etc. sexto, ipsi predicto mandato, aut prefato Bartholomeo, seu ejus attornato in hac parte, obedire noluerunt, causam fingentes videlicet pro eo quod per dictum breve non scribebatur communitati predicte, et quod preter hoc prius habebant in mandatis a dicto domino rege, quod ipsi villam [p. i-360][col. a] predictam salvo ad opus domini regis custodirent, propter quod prefato Bartholomeo aut ejus attornato [editorial note: The spelling has been altered by the scribe, seemingly adding an extra 't' over an ititial 'atorn'.] in hac parte in premissis intendere non deberent. Et licet dominus noster rex postmodum pluries per brevia sua mandasset majori, ballivis et communitati ville predicte, firmiter injungendo [editorial note: One minim too few in this word.] quod, non obstante aliquo mandato eis prius directo de dicta villa custodienda, prefato Bartholomeo vel ejus attornato predicto nichilominus intendentes essent in forma supradicta, et quod exitus de castro et villa predictis a predicto .xxx. die Septembris perceptos sibi integre liberarent, ita quod domino regi inde posset ad plenum respondere. Et postmodum, pro eo quod ipsi mandatis illis non obediverunt, dominus rex pluries per brevia sua mandasset eis sub forisfactura omnium que sibi forisfacere possent, districtius injungendo quod prefato Bartholomeo et ejus attornato predicto intendentes essent, et exitus perceptos a predicto .xxx. die Septembris sibi liberarent in forma predicta, dicta communitas predicto Bartholomeo vel ejus attornato predicto in aliquo obedire, vel exitus aliquos sibi liberare, contempsit, [editorial note: The last two letters of this word have been altered.] et adhuc contempnit, [editorial note: The last three letters of this word have been altered.] et predictum constabularium et custodem, ac alios ministros per ipsum deputatos ad colligendum et levandum redditus, custumas, et alia proficua in villa predicta et portu ejusdem, de quibus firma ejusdem ville levari deberet, colligere aut levare, vel placita in eadem villa prout ad ipsos pertinuit tenere, seu exitus inde [provenientes] in auxilium firme predicte percipere, vel custodiam prisone ville predicte habere, vi et armis impedivit. Et in eadem villa majorem et ballivos auctoritate [sua] propria fecit, absque eo quod domino regi vel constabulario suo predicto sacramentum fecissent, ut deberent, et per hujusmodi majorem et ballivos quedam placita in eadem villa tenuitt, sic sibi regalem jurisdiccionem minus provide usurpando, et quosdam ballivos et ministros domini regis in villa predicta vi et armis cepit, et imprisonavit per tempus non modicum, videlicet Galfridum Justice, et Laurencium de Kary, per septem septimanas et amplius, et ipsos postmodum, ac Alexandrum de Overton', Henricum de Kaerwent, et Walterum de Beyfeld', servientes regis ibidem extra dictam villam fugavit, et Adam du Temple, Ricardum de Langeton', et Johannem Swyft', servientes regis in villa predicta, cepit et imprisonavit, et adhuc detinet in prisona, per quod dominus rex servicium dictorum servientum suorum per tempus non modicum amisit. Et quendam murum in villa predicta, in vico de Wynchestret ex opposito castri predicti, fecit, et hominibus regis in castro predicto existentibus per murum illum et alia loca in villa predicta hostiles aggressus per [vices] dedit, quarellos, et alia nociva in dictum castrum mittendo, et predictis hominibus in castro illo existentibus alia gravamina inferendo, non permittens homines illos dictum castrum exire ad victualia seu alia necessaria querenda, vel aliqua negocia facienda, nisi pro voluntate dicte communitatis. Preter hec cum dominus noster rex nuper suscepisset in proteccionem et defensionem suam Willelmum Randolf', Johannem Snowe, Johannem atte Celer, Petrum le Fraunceys, Laurencium de Cary, Robertum de Otry, Reymundum Fermbaud', Johannem de London', Martinum de Horncastel, Willelmum de Kaerdyf', Willelmum de Hanyngfeld', Ricardum de [Camera] , Stephanum de Sar', pistorem, Johannem le Parker, Willelmum Gylemyn, clericum, Johannem servientem Laurencii de Cary, Johannem Wodelok', Adam du Temple, Rogerum de Stanes, clericum, Johannem Russel, Henricum filium Petri le Fraunceys, et Johannem de Chen, burgenses dicte ville Bristoll', homines, terras, res, redditus, et omnes possessiones suas, inhibens omnibus et singulis ne quis eis inferret injuriam, molestiam, dampnum aliquod seu gravamen, communitas predicta dictum Willelmum Randolf' et ceteros supranominatos a dicta villa Bristoll' et libertate ejusdem ejecit, sine causa. Et licet dominus rex dictum Willelmum Randolf' et ceteros supradictos ad libertatem predictam restituisset, et prefate communitati mandasset quod ipsos tanquam comburgenses suos inter se reciperet, et favorabiliter pertractaret, eadem communitas dictum Willelmum, aut alios supradictos, inter se recipere contempsit, et vina, sal, ac alia bona et catalla predicti Willelmi Randolf', et ceterorum prenominatorum, ad valenciam duorum milium librarum in eadem [col. b] < villa > vi et armis cepit, consumpsit, et voluntatem suam inde fecit, ac uxores et liberos predicti Willelmi Randolf' et sociorum suorum predictorum, et eorum homines et tenentes in villa predicta ab eadem villa ejecit. Ad hec dicta communitas in Thomam de Berkele, Johannem de Wylynton', magistrum Ricardum de Abyndon', et Johannem de Button', justiciarios domini regis ad quedam negocia in dicta villa audienda et terminanda per regem assignatos in eadem villa, cum ingenti multitudine malefactorum etc. insultum fecit, et ipsos imprisonavit, et alia enormia eisdem justiciariis ibidem intulit, non permittens eos facere ea que ad ipsorum officium pertinuit in hac parte, in contemptum domini regis, et exheredacionem corone sue et contra pacem suam. Que omnia predicti Gilbertus, Willelmus Herle, et Galfridus parati sunt verificare pro domino rege, prout et quando etc. On which Friday the aforesaid community returned their writ before the king's council at Westminster, and sent there six men from the said town other than from among the said outlaws, namely Nicholas of Rodborough, John le Hunte, John Veys, Roger of Thornhill, Robert of Hampton, and Vincent Gower, with letters patent sealed with the seal of the community of the aforesaid town, to do what the said writ requires. And Gilbert of Tondeby, William Herle, and Geoffrey le Scrope, who sue on behalf of the lord king, said that whereas our lord the king, on 30 September, in the sixth year of his reign [1312], had entrusted to the aforementioned Bartholomew the wardenship of the said castle and town, to have at the king's pleasure, for a certain farm to be paid annually to the king for it, and he had then ordered the mayor, bailiffs, and upright men of the aforesaid town by his writ to obey and answer to the same Bartholomew as constable of the said castle and warden of the aforesaid town, in all matters pertaining to the wardenship of the same castle and town, which writ was delivered to the said mayor, bailiffs and men in the said town of Bristol, on 6 October, in the sixth year etc.[1312], they refused to obey the aforesaid command, or the aforementioned Bartholomew, or his attorney in this matter, inventing as a reason that the said writ was not written to the aforesaid community, and that besides this they had previous orders from the said lord king that they were to keep the aforesaid town [p. i-360][col. a] safe for the benefit of the lord king, because of which they ought not to obey the aforementioned Bartholomew or his attorney in this matter. And although our lord the king had afterwards often ordered the mayor, bailiffs and community of the aforesaid town by his writs, strictly commanding them that, notwithstanding any other order previously given to them concerning the keeping of the said town, they were nevertheless to obey the aforementioned Bartholomew or his aforesaid attorney in the aforesaid form, and to deliver the issues received from the aforesaid castle and town from the aforesaid 30 September to him in full, so that he could fully answer to the lord king for them. And afterwards, because they did not obey those commands, the lord king had often ordered them by his writs, on pain of forfeiture of all that they could forfeit, commanding them more strictly to obey the aforementioned Bartholomew and his aforesaid attorney, and to deliver the issues received from the aforesaid 30 September to him in the aforesaid form, the said community refused to obey the aforesaid Bartholomew or his aforesaid attorney in any way, or to deliver any issues to him, and still refuses to do so, and with force and arms prevented the aforesaid constable and warden, and other officials appointed by him to collect and levy rents, customs, and other profits in the aforesaid town and its port, from which the farm of the same town ought to be levied, from collecting or levying these, or from holding pleas in the same town as pertained to them to do, or from receiving the issues of these to aid in raising the aforesaid farm, or from having wardenship of the prison of the aforesaid town. And in the same town they created a mayor and bailiffs on their own authority, without these people giving their oath to the lord king or his aforesaid constable, as they ought to, and through this mayor and bailiffs they held certain pleas in the same town, thus imprudently usurping royal jurisdiction to themselves, and they seized certain bailiffs and officials of the lord king in the aforesaid town with force and arms, and imprisoned them for a considerable period of time, namely Geoffrey Justice, and Laurence of Cary, for seven weeks and more, and afterwards they drove them and Alexander of Overton, Henry of Caerwent, and Walter of Beyfeld, the king's serjeants there, out of the said town, and they seized and imprisoned Adam du Temple, Richard of Langton, and John Swyft, the king's serjeants in the aforesaid town, and still hold them in prison, because of which the lord king has lost the service of his said serjeants for no short period of time. And they built a certain wall in the aforesaid town, in the street of Wynchestret opposite the aforesaid castle, and sometimes made hostile attacks on the king's men in the aforesaid castle by means of that wall and other places in the aforesaid town, sending cross-bow bolts and other harmful things into the said castle, and inflicting other iniquities on the aforesaid men in that castle, not allowing those men to leave the said castle to find victuals or other necessities, or to conduct other business, except at the will of the said community. Furthermore, whereas the lord king had taken into his protection and safekeeping William Randolf, John Snowe, John atte Celer, Peter le Fraunceys, Laurence of Cary, Robert of Otry, Raymond Fermbaud, John of London, Martin of Horncastle, William of Cardiff, William of Hanningfield, Richard of the Chamber, Stephen of Salisbury, baker, John le Parker, William Gylemyn, clerk, John the servant of Laurence of Cary, John Wodelok, Adam du Temple, Roger of Stanes, clerk, John Russel, Henry the son of Peter le Fraunceys, and John of Chen, burgesses of the said town of Bristol, their men, lands, belongings, rents, and all their possessions, prohibiting all and everyone from inflicting any injury, offence, harm or oppression on them, the aforesaid community expelled the said William Randolf and the others named above from the said town of Bristol and its liberty without cause. And although the lord king had restored the said William Randolf and others aforesaid to the aforesaid liberty, and had ordered the aforementioned community to receive them among themselves as their fellow burgesses, and to treat them favourably, the same community refused to receive the said William and others listed above among themselves, and with force and arms seized, consumed and did as they pleased with the wines, salt, and other goods and chattels of the aforesaid William Randolf, and of the others named above, to the value of £2000 in the same [col. b] town, and expelled from the same town the wives and children of the aforesaid William Randolf and his aforesaid colleagues, and their men and tenants in the aforesaid town. Furthermore the said community with a great crowd of malefactors etc., attacked Thomas of Berkeley, John of Wilington, Master Richard of Abingdon, and John of Button, the lord king's justices appointed by the king to hear and determine certain matters in the said town, and imprisoned them, and inflicted other outrages on the same justices there, not allowing them to do what pertained to their office in that matter, in contempt of the lord king, and to the disinheritance of his crown and against his peace. All of which the aforesaid Gilbert, William Herle, and Geoffrey are prepared to prove on behalf of the lord king, as and when etc.
Et predicta communitas per attornatos suos predictos defendit etc. Et dicit quod ipsa non fecit aliquid in contemptum domini regis, nec exheredacionem corone sue, nec in lesionem pacis sue. Dicit eciam, quod a tempore primi mandati domini regis majori, ballivis, et probis hominibus dicte ville directi, de intendendo prefato Bartholomeo tanquam constabulario etc. vel ejus attornato, dicta communitas semper parata fuit obedire domino nostro regi, et ejus mandatis, ac intendere predicto Bartholomeo, tanquam constabulario dicti castri, et custodi ville predicte, et ejus attornato predicto, in omnibus que ad custodiam dictorum castri et ville pertinent. Et < quod > sic obedivit et < intendit > et quod non impedivit aliquos ministros domini regis in dicta villa facere et exequi omnia et singula que ad ipsorum officium et commodum domini regis pertinuerunt facienda, et quod ipsa majorem vel ballivos aliquos non fecit [editorial note: The last three letters of this word have been altered.] , nec aliquam jurisdiccionem regalem sibi usurpavit [editorial note: The last four letters of this word have been altered.] , nec aliquos ministros regis cepit [editorial note: The last two letters of this word have been altered.] aut imprisonavit [editorial note: The last three letters of this word have been altered (part of the following erasure).] , < nec detinet > in prisona. Et quo ad dictum murum in vico de Wynchestret', dicit quod pretextu mandati domini regis sibi directi de dicta villa ad opus regis salvo custodienda, ut superius dictum est, pro securiori custodia ejusdem ville dictum murum ibidem fecit, et non pro aliquo nocumento dicto castro domini regis, aut hominibus in eo existentibus inferendo: et quod per murum illum aut per aliquam aliam partem ville predicte versus dictum castrum, < aut > homines in eo existentes, quarellos seu alia nociva non emisit, nec homines illos impedivit quominus dictum castrum libere exire potuerunt ad victualia et alia necessaria querenda, et sua negocia facienda. Et quo ad predictum Willelmum Randolf' et socios suos predictos, dicit quod quidam homines de communitate predicta, ipsorum benivoli, intellecto quod quidam stulti in dicta villa conversantes dictum Willelmum et socios suos predictos dampnificare volebant, ipsos inde amicabiliter premunierunt. Et idem Willelmus Randolf' et socii sui predicti, ea de causa, et non pretimore [sic: read 'pre timore'] communitatis illius, aut per compulsionem aliquam, dictam villam gratanter exiverunt, adiciens quod communitas illa dictum Willelmum et socios suos a villa predicta, seu libertate ejusdem, non ejecit, nec per eandem communitatem stetit quin idem Willelmus et socii sui predicti ad eandem villam redivissent si voluissent. Dicit eciam eadem communitas quod ipsa aliqua bona dicti Willelmi Randolf', aut sociorum suorum predictorum, nec cepit, nec consumpsit, nec uxores, aut liberos, seu homines vel tenentes suos a dicta villa fugavit. Et quo ad dictos justiciarios, dicit quod tempore quo dicti justiciarii sedebant in Gilda Aula ville predicte pro officio suo faciendo, oriebatur quedam contencio ante ostium ejusdem aule cum clamore < magno, cujus > pretextu plures de eadem villa ibidem accesserunt pro contencione illa sedanda: adiciens quod ipsa communitas dictos justiciarios non imprisonavit, nec aliqua enormia eis intulit, et hoc parata est verificare etc. And the aforesaid community through its aforesaid attorneys denies etc. And they say that they did not do anything in contempt of the lord king, nor to the disinheritance of his crown, nor to the harm of his peace. They also say that from the time of the first command of the lord king addressed to the mayor, bailiffs and upright men of the said town, concerning obedience to the aforementioned Bartholomew as constable etc. or to his attorney, the said community was always prepared to obey our lord the king and his commands, and to submit to the aforesaid Bartholomew, as constable of the said castle and warden of the aforesaid town, and to his aforesaid attorney, in all things which pertain to the wardenship of the said castle and town. And that they obeyed and submitted to him in this way, and that they did not prevent any officials of the lord king from doing and carrying out in the said town each and every thing which it pertained to their office and to the benefit of the lord king to do, and that they did not create any mayor or bailiffs, nor did they usurp any royal jurisdiction to themselves, nor did they arrest or imprison any officials of the king's, nor do they hold them in prison. And with regard to the said wall in the street of Wynchestret , they say that because of a command of the lord king addressed to them, to keep the said town safe for the king's benefit, as has been said above, they built the said wall there for the safer keeping of the same town, and not to inflict any harm on the lord king's said castle, or on the men living there, and that they did not send cross-bow bolts or other harmful things against the said castle or the men living in it, from that wall or from any other part of the aforesaid town, nor did they prevent those men from being able freely to leave the said castle to fetch victuals and other necessities, and to carry out their business. And with regard to the aforesaid William Randolf and his aforesaid colleagues, they say that certain men of the aforesaid community, their well-wishers, having understood that certain stupid people living in the said town wished to harm the said William and his aforesaid colleagues, they warned them of this in a friendly fashion. And the same William Randolf and his aforesaid colleagues, for that reason, and not from fear of that community, or through any compulsion, left the said town of their own will, adding that that community did not expel the said William and his colleagues from the aforesaid town, or from its liberty, nor had the same community prevented the same William and his colleagues from returning to the same town if they had wanted to. The same community also says that they did not seize or consume any goods belonging to the said William Randolf, or to his aforesaid colleagues, nor did they drive their wives, children, men or tenants from the said town. And with regard to the said justices, they say that at the time when the said justices were sitting in the Guildhall of the aforesaid town to carry out their office, a certain dispute arose outside the door of the same hall with a great noise, because of which many from the same town came up to calm that disturbance, adding that the same community did not imprison the said justices, nor inflict any outrages upon them, and this they are prepared to prove etc.
Ideo venit jurata et super hoc datus est dies dicte communitati coram consilio regis apud Westm', in crastino Ascensionis Domini proximo futuro, et preceptum est vicecomiti Glouc' quod ad diem illum venire faciat ibidem .xxiiij. tam milites quam alios etc. de balliva sua, per quos etc. Set predicti Gilbertus, Willelmus et Galfridus, qui sequntur pro rege, dicunt quod quicquid dicat jurata de hiis que tangunt [p. i-361][col. a] officium dictorum justiciariorum, eorum recordo stari debet. Therefore the jury comes and thereupon the said community are adjourned before the king's council at Westminster on the morrow of the Ascension of the Lord next [21 May 1316], and the sheriff of Gloucestershire is ordered to have appear there on that day twenty-four men, both knights and others etc. from his bailiwick, by whom etc. But the aforesaid Gilbert, William and Geoffrey, who sue on behalf of the king, say that whatever the jury says about the things which concern [p. i-361][col. a] the office of the said justices, their record ought to stand.
Ad dictum diem vicecomes returnavit breve suum et nomina juratorum, set juratores non veniunt: ideo datus est dies dicte communitati [editorial note: Altered from 'communitate'.] coram consilio regis apud Westm' adie [sic: read 'a die'] Sancte Trinitatis in .xv. dies, et preceptum vicecomiti quod distringat juratores etc. ita quod habeat etc. On the said day the sheriff returned his writ and the names of the jurors, but the jurors do not appear: therefore the said community are adjourned before the king's council at Westminster at the quinzaine of Trinity [20 June 1316], and the sheriff is ordered to distrain the jurors etc. so that he has etc.
Ad quem diem vicecomes retornavit breve suum, et juratores venerunt. Et juratores dicunt super sacramentum suum quod major, ballivi, et communitas dicte ville mandatis domini regis eis dudum directis, ut est dictum, videlicet quod intenderent prefato Bartholomeo tanquam constabulario dicti castri, et custodi dicte ville, aut ejus attornato predicto obedire, aut eidem Bartholomeo vel ejus attornato intendere non curarunt, et quod communitas ville predicte adhuc non facit, set inde est omnino rebellis. Et quod < eadem communitas exitus de predictis > castro et villa cum pertinenciis a predicto .xxx. die Septembris, anno etc. sexto, usque ad ultimum diem Maii proximo sequentem, videlicet per triginta et quinque septimanas percepit, nec quicquam inde prefato Bartholomeo aut ejus attornato predicto liberavit, et quod eadem communitas predictum constabularium et custodem, ac ejus attornatum et alios ministros per ipsum deputatos, redditus, custumas, < et > proficua in dictis villa et portu provenientia colligere aut levare < per vices > < hactenus > impedivit, et adhuc impedit. Et eosdem redditus, custumas, et proficua aliquando ad opus suum proprium levat et colligit, non permittens dictum constabularium et custodem, aut ejus attornatum predictum, seu ministros predictos, quicquam inde levare nisi pro voluntate communitatis predicte. Et quod dicta communitas predictum constabularium et custodem, et ejus attornatum predictum, ac ministros predictos custodiam prisone ville predicte habere non permisit, set ipsos inde, contra tenorem mandatorum domini regis eidem communitati inde directorum, vi et armis impedivit. Et in eadem villa majorem, videlicet Johannem le Taverner, et ballivos, videlicet Johannem de Horncastel, et Ricardum Legat, ac Johannem Hasard coronatorem, auctoritate sua propria, contra voluntatem dicti constabularii, fecit, absque eo quod domino regi vel ejus constabulario predicto sacramentum fecissent, ut deberent. Et per hujusmodi majorem, ballivos, et coronatorem quedam placita in eadem villa tenuit, et alia officia excercuit: et quod communitas predicta predictos Galfridum Justice et Laurencium de Cary, ministros regis, cepit et imprisonavit, et ipsos postmodum, ac predictos Alexandrum de Overton', Henricum de Kaerwent, et Walterum de Boyfeld', servientes regis ibidem, ab eadem [villa] [fugavit] , et predictos Adam du Temple, Ricardum de Langeton', et Johannem Swyft', servientes regis ibidem, vi et armis cepit et imprisonavit, et adhuc detinet in prisona. Et quo ad dictum murum in vico de Wynchestret' levatum, dicunt quod communitas ville predicte murum illum levavit pro nocumento castri predicti, et ut se defenderet melius contra homines in dicto castro existentes, et ut communitas illa non justiciaretur per predictum constabularium aut ejus attornatum, ut deberet. Et dicunt quod homines in dicto castro existentes versus villam predictam, et homines de eadem [villa versus] dictum castrum et homines in eodem castro existentes, hinc et inde quodam die sagittabant. Set qui inceperunt, utrum videlicet illi de castro, vel illi de villa, ignorant. Dicunt eciam quod quidam malefactores de villa predicta quadam nocte sagittabant versus quosdam homines in dicto castro noctis vigilias facientes, set dicunt quod hoc non fecerunt de assensu communitatis ville predicte. Dicunt eciam quod communitas predicta non permisit homines in dicto castro existentes castrum illud versus dictam villam exire ad aliqua negocia facienda nisi ad voluntatem dicte communitatis. Et quo [ad] Willelmum Randolf', et ceteros socios suos superius nominatos, dicunt quod communitas predicta ipsos a dicta villa et libertate ejusdem ejecit, et quod [postmodum] ipsos vel eorum aliquem ad libertatem ville predicte inter se in eadem villa recipere non curavit, licet dominus noster rex eidem communitati pro eis [editorial note: Respice in tergo.][memb. 7, dorse] mandata sua specialia firmiter [injungendo] [editorial note: There is one minim too few at the start of this word.] pluries direxisset, set communitas illa sibi postmodum bona et catalla dicti Willelmi Randolf' et sociorum suorum predictorum apropriavit, et partem inde consumpsit, et de residuo voluntatem suam fecit, set ad quem valorem bona et catalla illa attingebant ignorant. Dicunt eciam quod [ edem ] [col. b] communitas uxores, liberos, ac homines et tenentes prefati Willelmi Randolf' et sociorum suorum predictorum ab eadem villa fugavit, sicut predictum est. Dicunt eciam quod communitas predicta prefatos justiciarios domini regis, communi campana pulsata, cum ingenti multitudine malefactorum et terribili clamore impedivit quo minus iidem justiciarii officium suum in dicta villa prout eis incumbebat facere potuerunt. Dicunt eciam quod predicti Nicholaus de Roubergh', Johannes le Hunt', Johannes le Veys, Rogerus de Thornhull', Robertus de Hampton' et Vincencius Gower sunt de communitate predicta, et de consensu et assensu dicte communitatis in omnibus maleficiis et contemptibus supradictis, et eorum abbettatores. Et ideo ad judicium. Set quia premissa tangunt dominum regem et prejudicium corone sue, ideo loquendum est cum rege. On which day the sheriff returned his writ, and the jurors appeared. And the jurors say on their oath that the mayor, bailiffs and community of the said town did not trouble to obey the lord king's commands previously addressed to them, as is said, that is, that they were to submit to the aforementioned Bartholomew as constable of the said castle and warden of the said town, or to obey his aforesaid attorney, or to submit to the same Bartholomew or his attorney, and that the community of the aforesaid town still does not do this, but is utterly rebellious on this point. And the same community received the issues of the aforesaid castle and town with their appurtenances from the aforesaid 30 September, in the sixth year etc., until the last day of the following May [1313], that is, for thirty-five weeks, nor did they deliver any of it to the aforementioned Bartholomew or to his aforesaid attorney, and the same community has hitherto sometimes prevented the aforesaid constable and warden, and his attorney and the other officials appointed by him, from collecting or levying any rents, customs, and profits arising from the said town and port, and still prevents this. And they sometimes levy and collect the same rents, customs, and profits for their own benefit, not allowing the said constable and warden, or his aforesaid attorney, or his aforesaid officials, to levy any of it except at the pleasure of the aforesaid community. And the said community did not allow the aforesaid constable and warden, or his aforesaid attorney, or the aforesaid officials to have the keeping of the prison of the aforesaid town, but prevented them from having it with force and arms, contrary to the tenor of the lord king's commands sent to the same community on the matter. And in the same town they appointed a mayor, namely John le Taverner, and bailiffs, namely John of Horncastle and Richard Legat, and John Hasard as coroner, of their own authority, contrary to the will of the said constable, without them having taken an oath to the lord king or to his aforesaid constable, as they ought to. And through these mayor, bailiffs and coroner they held certain pleas in the same town, and exercised other offices: and that the aforesaid community arrested and imprisoned the aforesaid Geoffrey Justice and Lawrence of Cary, the king's officials, and afterwards drove them, and the aforesaid Alexander of Overton, Henry of Caerwent, and Walter of Boyfeld, the king's serjeants there, from the same town, and they seized and imprisoned, with force and arms, Adam du Temple, Richard of Langton, and John Swyft, the king's serjeants there, and they still keep them in prison. And with regard to the said wall constructed in the street of Wynchestret , they say that the community of the aforesaid town built that wall to harm the aforesaid castle, and to defend themselves better against the men in the said castle, and so that that community would not be brought to justice by the aforesaid constable or his attorney, as it ought to. And they say that the men in the said castle against the aforesaid town, and the men of the same town against the said castle and the men in the same castle, fired arrows at each other one day. But who started it, that is whether it was those from the castle or those from the town, they do not know. They also say that one night certain malefactors from the aforesaid town fired arrows against certain men in the said castle keeping the night watch, but they say that they did not do this with the consent of the community of the aforesaid town. They also say that the aforesaid community did not allow the men in the said castle to go out of that castle into the said town to conduct any business except at the pleasure of the said community. And with regard to William Randolf, and his other colleagues named above, they say that the aforesaid community expelled them from the said town and its liberty, and that afterwards they did not wish to take them, or any of them, back into the liberty of the aforesaid town among them in the same town, although our lord the king had often sent the same community his special commands on their behalf, [editorial note: See the dorse.][memb. 7, dorse] with strict orders, but that community afterwards appropriated the goods and chattels of the said William Randolf and his aforesaid colleagues to themselves, and consumed part of them, and did as they pleased with the rest, but they do not know the value of those goods and chattels. They also say that the same [col. b] community drove the wives, children, men and tenants of the aforementioned William Randolf and his aforesaid colleagues from the same town, as has been said above. They also say that the aforesaid community, ringing the common bell, with a great crowd of malefactors and an terrible uproar hindered the aforementioned justices of the lord king, so that the same justices could not perform their office in the said town as was their duty. They also say that the aforesaid Nicholas of Rodborough, John le Hunt, John le Veys, Roger of Thornhill, Robert of Hampton and Vincent Gower are of the aforesaid community, and consented and assented with the said community to all the aforesaid crimes and contempts, and were their abettors. And so to judgment. But because the aforesaid concern the lord king and the prejudice of his crown, the king must therefore be spoken with.
Postea, die veneris proxima post festum Sancti Nicholai, anno etc. decimo, recordatum fuit coram consilio domini regis apud Westm' per dominos Johannem de Hothum Elien' episcopum, et Adomarum de Valencia comitem Pembr', quod placuit dicto domino regi quod predicta communitas faceret finem cum domino rege pro benivolencia sua et perdonacione transgressionum et contemptuum [regis] factorum in dicta villa et suburbio ejusdem, et pro aliis que ex eis sunt secuta. Et super hoc venerunt Willelmus Randolf' et ceteri burgenses dicte ville Bristoll' subscripti coram consilio regis, et exhibuerunt [editorial note: Altered from 'exibuerunt' by an interlined h.] litteras patentes sigillo [editorial note: Has this been erased?] communi ville predicte signatas, in hec verba: Afterwards, on the Friday following the feast of St Nicholas, in the tenth year etc. [10 December 1316], Sir John of Hothum, bishop of Ely, and Sir Aymer de Valence, earl of Pembroke, bore record before the lord king's council at Westminster that it pleased the said lord king that the aforesaid community was to make fine with the lord king for his goodwill and pardon for the trespasses and contempts committed against the king in the said town and its suburb, and for the others which followed from them. Whereupon there came William Randolf and other burgesses of the said town of Bristol, named below, before the king's council, and they showed letters patent, sealed with the common seal of the aforesaid town, in these words:
Excellentissimo et reverentissimo domino suo domino Edwardo, Dei gracia, regi Anglie illustri, ac honestissimo et sapientissimo < ipsius > consilio, [...] communitas ville Bristoll' quicquid fidelis obsequii, debite subjeccionis, ac reverencie poterunt et honoris. Ad tractandum, interloquendum, ac finem faciendum, super quibusdam contemptibus, inobedienciis, transgressionibus, utlagariis, libertateque nostra rehabenda, ac super aliis negociis arduis predictam villam tangentibus, dilectos comburgenses nostros Willelmum Randalf', Thomam de la Grave, Rogerum Tortle, Henricum le Mariner, Robertum de Horhurst, Robertum Otry, Johannem Welesshote, Ricardum le Wythe, Johannem de Axebrugg', Johannem de Romeseye, Ricardum de Wodhull' et Gilbertum Pokerel, plenam habentes potestatem ad omnia premissa nomine nostro prosequenda et perficienda, vestre illustrissime regie dominacioni ac consilio < vestro > discretissimo duximus transmittendum. Unde vestram in hac parte graciam benignam humiliter ac devote imploramus, ut dolorem, angustiam, ac inopiam nostram [...] considerantes, divine caritatis intuitu et predicti municipii salvacionis et restitucionis placeat vestre regie magestati ac dominacioni potentissime, et consilio vestro prudentissimo et sapientissimo, nobis subditis vestris graciam, favorem, juvamen, et remedium impendere, ratum eciam habentes et gratum quicquid predicti comburgenses nostri in premissis, et in omnibus aliis in quibus viderint et poterint ad honorem et utilitatem predicte < ville > < expedire > duxerint ordinandum et faciendum. In cujus rei testimonium has litteras nostras sigillo nostro communi signatas eisdem comburgensibus nostris fieri fecimus patentes. Date apud Bristoll', die sabbati proxima post festum Sancti Andree Apostoli, anno regni illustrissimi regis Anglie domini nostri ligii Edwardi filii regis Edwardi decimo. To their most excellent and reverend lord, the Lord Edward, by the grace of God illustrious king of England, and to his most honourable and wise council, the community of the town of Bristol, all the faithful service, due submission, reverence and honour of which they are capable. To speak about, discuss, and make fine for certain contempts, disobediences, trespasses, outlawries, and to recover our liberty, and for other difficult matters concerning the aforesaid town, we have decided to send to your most illustrious royal lordship and your most discreet council our beloved fellow-burgesses William Randolf, Thomas de la Grave, Roger Tortle, Henry le Mariner, Robert of Horhurst, Robert Otry, John Welesshote , Richard le Wythe, John of Axbridge, John of Romsey, Richard of Woodhull and Gilbert Pokerel, with full power to pursue and bring to a conclusion all the aforesaid in our name. Whereupon we humbly and devotedly beg your kind grace in this matter, that, considering our pain, anguish and poverty, in the sight of divine charity, and for the salvation and restoration of aforesaid town, it might please your royal majesty and most puissant lordship, and your most wise and prudent council, to grant us your subjects your grace, favour, aid and remedy, considering as approved and ratified all that our aforesaid fellow-burgesses think should be ordained and done in the aforesaid, and in all other things which seem to them to, and which can, help the honour and advantage of the aforesaid town. In testimony of which thing we have had these our letters, sealed with our common seal issued to our same fellow-burgesses. Given at Bristol, on the Saturday following the feast of St Andrew the Apostle, in the tenth year of the reign of the most illustrious king of England, our liege lord, Edward, the son of King Edward [4 December 1316].
Tandem communitas ville predicte per dictos attornatos suos finem fecit cum rege per quatuor milia marcarum pro perdonacione habenda de omnibus contemptibus, transgressionibus et inobedienciis per eandem communitatem, aut aliquos de eadem, regi et ministris suis quibuscumque factis in eadem villa et suburbio ejusdem, a secundo die Februarii, anno regni regis nunc quinto, et pro remissione habenda de omni indignacione et animi rancore quos dominus rex erga dictam communitatem, seu aliquos de eadem, hiis occasionibus conceperat, et pro perdonacione habenda de utlagariis in quosdam homines de dicta villa promulgata < pro > eo quod non venerunt coram Henrico Spigurnel et sociis suis justiciariis regis ad predictos contemptus, transgressiones, [p. i-362][col. a] et inobediencias, et ad transgressiones Bartholomeo de Badelesmere et aliis in dicta villa similiter factas audiendos et terminandos assignatis, inde responsuri, et pro perdonacione habenda de receptamento hujusmodi utlagatorum, [arrettorum] , et indictatorum, et pro libertate ville predicte in manu regis quibusdam decausis [sic: read 'de causis'] existente rehabenda. Ita tamen, quod eadem communitas de eo, quod nuper durante tempore quo homines de eadem communitate regi inobedientes fuerunt de quadam custuma regis que vocatur coket' in eadem villa recepit, vel quod ad opus regis de eadem custuma recipi debuit occasione earundem inobedienciarum receptum non fuit, regi ad plenum respondeat: exceptis Johanne le Taverner, Thoma filio ejus, et Roberto Martyn, qui pro quibusdam feloniis in regno regis perpetratis utlagati sunt, quibus rex non intendit graciam ad presens facere quovis modo. De quibus quatuor milibus marcarum dicta communitas solvet regi duo milia marcarum ad certos terminos in rotulo finium de cancellaria regis ubi finis ille irrotulatur contentos, et residua duo milia marcarum remanebunt super gestu communitatis dicte ville erga dominum regem et ministros suos. At length the community of the aforesaid town, through its said attorneys, made fine with the king in 4000 marks, to receive a pardon for all the contempts, trespasses and acts of disobedience committed against the king and any of his officials by the same community, or any of them, in the same town and its suburb, from 2 February, in the fifth year of the reign of the present king [1312], and to have remission from all anger and ill-will which the lord king had conceived against the said community, or any of them, because of these, and to have a pardon for the outlawries pronounced against certain men of the said town because they did not appear before Henry Spigurnel and his colleagues, the king's justices appointed to hear and determine the aforesaid contempts, trespasses, [p. i-362][col. a] and disobediences, and likewise the trespasses committed against Bartholomew of Badlesmere and others in the said town, to answer on these things, and to have a pardon for harbouring these outlaws, and accused and indicted people, and to recover the liberty of the aforesaid town, which is in the king's hand for certain reasons. In such a way however, that the same community is to answer fully to the king for what they recently received for a certain custom of the king's called coket in the same town, during the time when the men of the same community were disobedient to the king, or what ought to have been received for the king's benefit from the same custom and was not received because of the same disobedience: with the exception of John le Taverner, Thomas his son, and Robert Martyn, who are outlawed for certain felonies perpetrated in the king's realm, to whom the king does not intend to show his grace in any way at present. Of which 4000 marks the said community will pay the king 2000 marks at certain terms contained in the fine roll in the king's chancery where that fine is enrolled, and the remaining 2000 marks will remain as a guarantee of the behaviour of the community of the said town towards the lord king and his officials.
Et preceptum fuit ibidem ex parte regis domino J. de Sandale Wynton' episcopo, cancellario regis, quod ipse sub magno sigillo regis < faceret > pro predicta communitate et predictis utlagatis cartas et litteras de premissis in forma competenti. And Sir J. of Sandale, bishop of Winchester, the king's chancellor, was ordered there on the king's behalf, to issue for the aforesaid community and aforesaid outlaws, charters and letters on the above in a suitable form, under the king's great seal.
[memb. 8]
15. Memorandum quod ad [parliamentum] domini regis Edwardi filii regis Edwardi summonitum apud Lincoln' in quindena Sancti Hillarii, anno regni sui nono, Ricardus [Dunelm] episcopus domino regi et consilio suo quandam peticionem porrexit, formam continentem infrascriptam: [Proceedings on the petition of Richard, bishop of Durham.]
15. Be it remembered that at the parliament of the Lord King Edward the son of King Edward, summoned at Lincoln at the quinzaine of Hilary, in the ninth year of his reign [27 January 1316], Richard bishop of Durham presented a certain petition to the lord king and his council, in the form found below:
A nostre [seignur le roi] et a seon conseil monstre Richard evesqe de Duresme qe comme sa franchise roial del [eglise] de Duresme soit tiele, eu et usee du temps dont il n'y ad memoire, entre les ewes de Tyne et de Teyse en Norhamshire, et en Bedelingtonshire, [editorial note: There is an superfluous abbreviation mark over the letters 'on'.] qe nul [ministre] nostre seignur le roi, [eschetur] ne autre, n'y doit entrer pur terre seisir, ne autre office faire, la vingt sire Robert de Cliderhou, eschetur dela Trente, et entra la dite franchise, par brief de la chancellerie, a ceo q'il dit, et seisist le manoir de Hert et de Hertrenesse ove les apurtenances en la maein nostre seignur le roi, en prejudice et emblemissement de la dite franchise. Et, estre ceo, vingt un Johan le Irreis, et entra la dite [franchise] par commission de la [chancellerie nostre seignur le roi, a ceo q'il dit, et seisi en la maein nostre seignur le roi le Chastel] Bernard, et le manoir de Gaynesford' ove les apurtenances, qe sont denz la dite franchise, qe oncore demoerent en la maein nostre seignur [editorial note: The end of this word seems to have been altered.] le roi, dont le dit evesqe prie a nostre seignur [editorial note: The end of this word seems to have been altered.] le roi qe pur la grant devocion q'il ad a Dieu et a Seint Cuthbert, q'il voille la dite franchise maintenir en tiel estat comme ad este de tut temps, et houster la main des avantdites terres issi seisies, et repeller les briefs qe sont issuz hors de sa chancellerie, en prejudice et emblemissement de la franchise avantdite. To our lord the king and to his council, Richard, bishop of Durham shows that whereas his royal franchise of the church of Durham, used and enjoyed from time immemorial between the rivers of Tyne and Tees in Norhamshire, and in Bedlingtonshire, is such that no official of our lord the king, escheator or other, ought to enter there to seize land, or to perform any other office, Sir Robert of Clitheroe, the escheator north of the Trent, came and entered the said franchise through a writ of chancery, as he says, and seized the manor of Hart and of Harterness, with their appurtenances, into the hand of our lord the king, to the prejudice and harm of the said franchise. And, furthermore, one John le Irreis [the Irishman]came and entered the said franchise through a commission from the chancery of our lord the king, as he says, and seized into the hand of our lord the king Barnard Castle, and the manor of Gainford, with their appurtenances, which are within the said franchise, which still remain in the hand of our lord the king, for which the said bishop prays our lord the king that, for the great devotion which he has for God and Cuthbert, that he might be pleased to maintain the said franchise in such an estate as it always has been, and remove his hand from the aforesaid lands seized in this way, and revoke the writs whcih have been issued from his chancery, to the prejudice and harm of the aforesaid franchise.
Qua quidem peticione inspecta et plenius examinata, ordinatum fuit per dictum consilium quod dominus noster rex per brevia sua mandaret prefato Roberto de Cliderhou, escaetori ultra Trentam, et similiter prefato Johanni le Irreys, quod essent personaliter coram consilio predicto apud Westm' in octabis Sancte Trinitatis tunc proximo futuris, ad informandum idem consilium quare libertatem episcopatus [Dunolm'] intraverunt ad terras in peticione contentas in manum regis capiendas, ut in peticione suggeritur; et si forte ad diem predictum personaliter venire non possent, tunc causam hujusmodi ingressus sui infra libertatem predictam regi significarent, una cum omnibus circumstanciis jus regis in hac parte tangentibus etc. Et [col. b] super hoc emanarunt brevia predicta prefatis Roberto et Johanni in forma predicta. When this petition had been inspected and more fully examined, it was ordained by the said council that our lord the king was to order the aforementioned Robert of Clitheroe, the escheator north of the Trent, and likewise the aforementioned John le Irreis, by his writs, to appear in person before the aforesaid council at Westminster at the octave of the following Trinity [13 June 1316], to inform the same council why they entered the liberty of the bishopric of Durham to seize the lands contained in the petition into the king's hand, as is claimed in the petition; and if by chance they could not appear in person on the aforesaid day, then they were to inform the king of the reason for this entry of theirs into the aforesaid liberty, together with all the attendant circumstances touching the king's right in this matter etc. And [col. b] the aforesaid writs were issued on this to the aforementioned Robert and John in the aforesaid form.
Ad quas quidem octabas prefatus Robertus retornavit breve regium sibi directum, cum causa subsequente: manerium de Hert' captum est in manum domini regis per breve cujus data est secundo die Maii anno etc. octavo, et ea de causa in manu regis nunc existit, et de jure ut videtur, quia devenit ad manus domini regis patris regis nunc tanquam escaeta sua, qui inde feoffavit dominum Robertum de Clifford' defunctum, de quo [tenendo] intueri poterit per cartam feoffamenti. Fuit enim quondam manerium illud, ut asseritur, in seisina cujusdam Petri de Brus, qui illud tenuit de episcopo Dunolm', qui quidem Petrus inde feoffavit Robertum de Brus, tenendi de ipso Petro. Post cujus mortem facta particione feodorum que fuerunt ipsius Petri inter participes et coheredes hereditatis ipsius Petri, cecidit feodum et dominium illius manerii de Hert' in propartem domini Walteri de Fauconberge. Et quia predictus dominus Robertus de Clifford', qui ultimo obiit seisitus de predicto manerio de Hert' in dominico suo ut de feodo, alibi tenuit de rege in capite ut de corona, ideo dominus rex racione prerogative sue predictum manerium de Hert' seisivit, quod quidem manerium non de dicto domino episcopo set de predicto Waltero de Fauconberge tenetur, ut asseritur. At which octave the aforementioned Robert returned the royal writ addressed to him, with the following reason: the manor of Hart is taken into the lord king's hand through a writ whose date is 2 May in the eighth year etc. [1315], and is now in the king's hand for that reason, and rightly as it seems, because it came into the hands of the lord king, the father of the present king, as his escheat, with which he enfeoffed the late Sir Robert of Clifford, whose tenancy can be seen from the charter of feoffment. For that manor was once, as is claimed, in the seisin of a certain Peter de Brus, who held it of the bishop of Durham, which Peter enfeoffed Robert de Brus with it, to hold of the same Peter. After whose death, when the fees which belonged to the same Peter were divided among the parceners and co-heirs of the inheritance of the same Peter, the fee and lordship of that manor of Hart fell into the share of Sir Walter de Fauconberg. And because the aforesaid Sir Robert of Clifford, who lately died seised of the aforesaid manor of Hart in his demesne as in fee, held elsewhere of the king in chief as of the crown, therefore the lord king by reason of his prerogative seized the aforesaid manor of Hart, which manor is not held of the said lord bishop but of the aforesaid Walter de Fauconberg, as is claimed.
Et prefatus Johannes le Irreys ad octabas predictas breve regium sibi inde directum similiter retornavit, cum causa subscripta: And the aforesaid John le Irreis likewise returned the royal writ addressed to him at the aforesaid octave, with the reason given below:
Sciat dominus rex et ejus consilium, quod Johannes le Irreys cepit in manum domini regis castrum et manerium in isto brevi contenta, virtute cujusdam commissionis ipsius domini regis, cujus transcriptum inferius continetur, et quod dicitur communiter, quod Guido de Bello Campo nuper comes Warr' tenuit predicta castrum et manerium de domino rege in capite, per servicium militare, de dono celebris memorie domini Edwardi quondam regis Anglie patris < domini > regis nunc, et sic pertinet ad dominum regem seisire predicta castrum et manerium in manum suam post mortem tenentis sui, cujus heres est infra etatem ut dicitur, et sic pertinet custodia eorundem ad ipsum dominum regem. Know the lord king and his council that John le Irreis took into the lord king's hand the castle and manor contained in this writ, by virtue of a certain commission of the same lord king, whose transcript is contained below, and that it is commonly said that Guy de Beauchamp formerly earl of Warwick held the aforesaid castle and manor of the lord king in chief by knight service, of the gift of the Lord Edward of renowned memory, formerly king of England, the father of the present lord king, and thus it pertains to the lord king to seize the aforesaid castle and manor into his hand after the death of his tenant, whose heir is under age, as is said, and thus wardship of them pertains to the same lord king.
Forma commissionis hec est: The form of the commission is this:
Rex omnibus ad quos etc. salutem. Sciatis, quod de fidelitate et circumspeccionis industria dilecti valetti nostri Johannis le Irreys plenius confidentes, commisimus ei custodiam castri de Castro Bernardi, quod fuit Guidonis de Bello Campo quondam comitis Warr' defuncti, quod eciam per mortem ipsius comitis in manu nostra existit, habendam quamdiu nostre placuerit voluntati. In cujus etc. Datum sub privato sigillo nostro apud Neuport Paynel, .xv. die Augusti anno etc. nono. The king to all to whom etc. greetings. Know that, fully trusting in the faithfulness, circumspection and industry of our beloved valet John le Irreis, we have entrusted to him the wardship of the castle of Barnard Castle, which belonged ot the late Guy de Beauchamp, formerly earl of Warwick, which is in our hand through the death of the same earl, to have for as long as it pleases our will. In testimony of which etc. Given under our privy seal at Newport Pagnell, 15 August in the ninth year etc. [1315]
Et super hoc dominus noster rex per litteras sub privato sigillo suo scripsit dominis Johanni de Sandale, cancellario, et Waltero de Norwico thesaurario, suis, in hec verba: Whereupon our lord the king wrote to Sir John of Sandale, his chancellor, and Sir Walter of Norwich, his treasurer, by letters under his privy seal, in these words:
Edward, etc. a noz chers et foialx Johan de Sandale nostre chancellier, et monsire Wauter de Norwiz nostre tresorier, salutz. Nous vous mandoms qe, appellez a vous ceux de nostre conseil qe vous verrez qe facent appeller, facez regarder les peticions qe l'onurable piere en Dieu l'evesqe de Duresme fit liverer a nostre darrein parlement a Nicole, et puis, sur aucunes busoignes touchantes lui et la franchise de sa eglise de Duresme, les quieux ne sont mie [oncore] respondues a ceo q'est dit, et eu plener avisement sur les choses contenues en meismes les peticions, facez deliverer les dites busoignes si en haste comme vous porrez bonement, fesantz [a] lui droit et reson selonc la lei et l'usage de nostre roiaume, issint q'il n'en soit plus delaiez. Done souz nostre prive seal, a Mortelak', le .xxi. jour de Juyn, l'an de nostre regne nevisme. Edward, etc. to our beloved and faithful John of Sandale our chancellor, and Sir Walter of Norwich our treasurer, greetings. We order your that, calling to you those of our council whom it seems to you necessary to call, you are to have an examination made of the petitions which the honourable father in God the bishop of Durham had presented to our last parliament at Lincoln, and afterwards, with regard to certain business touching him and the franchise of his church of Durham, which have not yet been answered, as is said, and after taking full advice on the matters contained in the same petitions, you are to have the said business expedited as quickly as you can properly do so, giving him justice and reason according to the law and usage of our realm, so that he is not further delayed in this matter. Given under our privy seal at Mortlake, 21 June, in the ninth year of our reign.[1316]
[p. i-363]
[col. a]
Imposterum eciam dominus noster rex per quasdam alias litteras sub sigillo suo scripsit prefatis cancellario et thesaurario, in forma subscripta: Afterwards our lord the king also wrote certain other letters under his seal to the aforementioned chancellor and treasurer, in the form given below:
Edward, etc. a noz chers et foialx Johan de Sandale nostre chauncellier, et monsire Wauter de Norwiz nostre tresorier, salutz. Nadgaires vous mandasmes par noz autres lettres qe, appellez a vous ceux de nostre conseil qe vous veissez qe feussent appeller, feissez regarder les peticions qe l'onurable piere en Dieu l'evesqe de Duresme fit liverer a nostre darrein parlement a Nicole, et puis, sur aucunes busoignes touchantes lui et la franchise de sa eglise de Duresme, les queux ne sont mie oncore respondues ne esploitees, a ce q'est dit, et, eu plener avisement sur les choses contenues en meismes les peticions, feissez deliverer les dites busoignes si en haste comme vouz purrez bonement, de quoi vous n'avez rien fait, a ceo qe nous avoms entendu. Et pur ceo qe nous voloms qe droit et reson soient faitz au dit evesqe en ceste partie, vous mandoms derichief, qe meismes les busoignes facez deliverer si en haste comme vous porrez bonement, fesantz au dit evesqe droit et reson selonc la lei et l'usage de nostre roialme, et selonc la tenour de nostre maundement avantdit, issint q'il n'en soit plus delaiez. Done souz nostre prive seal a Westm', le .xiiij. jour de Juyl, l'an de nostre regne disme. Edward, etc. to our beloved and faithful John of Sandale our chancellor, and Sir Walter of Norwich our treasurer, greetings. We lately ordered you by our other letters that, calling to you those of our council whom it seemed to you necessary to call, you were to have an examination made of the petitions which the honourable father in God the bishop of Durham had presented to our last parliament at Lincoln, and afterwards, with regard to certain business touching him and the franchise of his church of Durham, which have not yet been answered or expedited, as is said, and, after taking full advice on the matters contained in the same petitions, you were to have the said business expedited as quickly as you could properly do so: on which you have done nothing, as we have understood. And because we wish justice and reason to be done to the said bishop in this matter, we order you again to have the same business expedited as quickly as you can properly do so, giving the said bishop justice and reason according to the law and usage of our realm, and according to the tenor of our aforesaid command, so that he is not further delayed in this matter. Given under our privy seal at Westminster, 14 July, in the tenth year of our reign. [1316]
Quarum pretextu litterarum predicti cancellarius et thesaurarius justiciarios, barones de scaccario, et alios de consilio domini regis apud Westm' convocari fecerunt, coram quibus eciam prefatus episcopus per Willelmum de Elmedon' attornatum suum comparens, ipsum super contentis in peticione sua predicta supplicabat exaudiri, et sibi inde justiciam exhiberi, affirmans eandem peticionem suam per raciones subscriptas quas in scriptis tunc dicto consilio liberavit. Under pretext of which letters the aforesaid chancellor and treasurer had the justices, barons of the exchequer, and others of the lord king's council called together at Westminster, before whom too the aforementioned bishop, appearing through William of Elmdon his attorney, requested that he might be heard on the contents of his aforesaid petition, and that justice might be done to him, supporting his same petition by the reasons given below which he then presented to the said council in writing.
Dixit enim, primo, quod ipse in libertate sua predicta habet omnimodas regales libertates, ita quod nullus minister domini regis, escaetor videlicet, nec alius quicumque dictam libertatem ingredi debet ad aliquod officium ibidem faciendum, et quod idem episcopus et predecessores sui episcopi Dunolm', libertatem predictam a tempore cujus contrarii memoria non existit sic liberam tenuerunt, et quod idem episcopus habet, ac predecessores sui predicti a tempore predicto habuerunt in libertate predicta cancellariam suam, et sigillum suum proprium ad serviendum populo in eadem libertate in hiis que tangunt custodiam pacis, placita terre, et omnimoda alia ad regimen populi pertinencia: ita quod nullum breve regium in eadem libertate currit, nec a tempore predicto currere consuevit. Et quamdiu predicta castrum et maneria sunt in manu domini regis, populus eorundem est sine regimine legis, pro eo quod episcopus predictus non habet preceptum nec justiciam super dominum regem aut ejus ballivos locorum predictorum, unde idem populus graviter querebatur. For he said, firstly, that he in his aforesaid liberty has all royal liberties, so that no official of the lord king, that is, no escheator or any other, ought to enter the said liberty to perform any office there, and that the same bishop and his predecessors, bishops of Durham, held the aforesaid liberty free in this way from time immemorial, and that the same bishop has, and his aforesaid predecessors had from the aforesaid time, their chancery in the aforesaid liberty, and their own seal to serve the people in the same liberty in those things which concern the keeping of the peace, pleas of the land, and all other things pertaining to the governance of the people: so that no royal writ runs in the same liberty, nor used it to run from the aforesaid time. And for as long as the aforesaid castle and manors are in the hand of the lord king, their people are without the rule of law, because the aforesaid bishop has no right of command or justice over the lord king or his bailiffs of the aforesaid places, about which the same people have greatly complained.
Item hujusmodi regalis libertas ibidem non potest dividi, per quod predictus episcopus eam integre habere debet, desicut ipse erga dominum regem in nullo forisfecit. Et licet bone memorie dominus Edwardus quondam rex Anglie, pater domini regis nunc, super donacionibus et concessionibus quas fecit, videlicet Roberto de Clifford' de dicto manerio de Hert' cum pertinenciis, et Guidoni de Bello Campo tunc comiti Warr' de dicto Castro Bernardi cum pertinenciis, voluntatem suam fecisset, nichilominus jus ecclesie Dunolm' voluit salvum esse, prout in cartis dicti domini regis predictis Roberto et comiti de premissis confectis plenius continetur. Also this same royal liberty there cannot be divided, because of which the aforesaid bishop ought to have it entire, since he has not forfeited anything to the lord king. And although the Lord Edward of good memory, formerly king of England, the father of the present lord king, had done as he pleased with regard to the gifts and grants which he made, that is to Robert de Clifford of the said manor of Hart with its appurtenances, and to Guy de Beauchamp, then earl of Warwick of the said Barnard Castle with its appurtenances, nevertheless he wished the right of the church of Durham to be safe, as is more fully contained in the charters of the said lord king made to the aforesaid Robert and the earl on the above.
Item licet prefatus dominus rex, pater domini nostri regis nunc, tempore donacionum predictarum tenuisset libertatem predictam in manu sua, occasione aliquarum transgressionum quas imposuit bone memorie Antonio tunc [col. b] episcopo Dunolm', predecessori predicti domini episcopi, idem tamen dominus rex postmodum libertatem predictam prefato Antonio integre restituit, tenendam sibi et successoribus suis adeo plene, integre, et libere sicut prefatus Antonius et ejus predecessores episcopi loci predicti libertatem illam plenius, integrius, et liberius tenuerunt, antequam ad manus prefati regis, patris domini nostri regis nunc, devenit, ut est dictum: propter quod, occasione capcionis libertatis predicte in manum dicti domini regis, seu donacionum predictarum, non debet aliquod prejudicium prefato episcopo generari, tum propter plenariam et [integram] restitucionem subsecutam, tum quia transgressio prefati Antonii, si aliquam fecisset, quod predictus episcopus non fatetur, personam suam [transcendere] non debet, nec trahi ad successores suos. Also although the aforementioned lord king, the father of the present lord king, at the time of the aforesaid gifts had held the aforesaid liberty in his hand, because of certain trespasses of which he accused Anthony of good memory then [col. b] bishop of Durham, the predecessor of the aforesaid lord bishop, however the same lord king afterwards restored the aforesaid liberty to the aforementioned Anthony in its entirety, to hold to him and his successors as fully, wholly and freely as the aforementioned Anthony and his predecessors, bishops of the aforesaid place, most fully, wholly and freely held that liberty, before it came into the hands of the aforementioned king, the father of our lord the present king, as is said: on account of which no prejudice ought to be occasioned to the aforementioned bishop because of the taking of the aforesaid liberty into the hand of the said lord king, or of the aforesaid gifts, both because of the following full and entire restitution, and because the trespass of the aforementioned Anthony, if he had committed any, which the aforesaid bishop does not admit, ought not to go beyond his person, nor be transferred to his successors.
Item dominus noster rex in predictis castro et maneriis cum pertinenciis non potest ad presens sibi vendicare custodiam, seu alium statum, racione minoris etatis heredum predictorum comitis et Roberti in custodia sua existencium; nam vivente episcopo [loci] predicti, et libertate predicta in manu sua existente, dominus noster rex in eisdem castro et maneriis, aut pertinenciis suis, seu populo eorundem, sine prejudicio predicti episcopi et ecclesie sue Dunolm' non potest jurisdiccionem aliquam excercere. Also our lord the king cannot at present claim wardship, or any other estate, in the aforesaid castle and manors with their appurtenances because of the minority of the heirs of the aforesaid earl and Robert, who are in his wardship, for during the lifetime of the bishop of the aforesaid place, and while the aforesaid liberty is in his hand, our lord the king cannot exercise any jurisdiction in the same castle and manors, or their appurtenances, or over their people, without prejudice to the aforesaid bishop and his church of Durham.
Item si quis tenuerit de episcopo predicto infra libertatem [predictam] per servicium militare, et de domino nostro rege ubicumque in regno nostro tenuerit per baroniam, vel servicium militare, seu alia servicia quecumque, dictus episcopus habet et habere debet custodiam terrarum et tenementorum que de ipso infra libertatem predictam sic tenentur, non obstante prerogativa dicti domini regis, sicut ante hec tempora sepius contigit de predictis castro et manerio de Gaynesford', dum fuerunt in manibus dominorum de Balliolo, et que tenentur de prefato episcopo per servicium quinque feodorum [...] militis et quarte partis feodi unius militis, et de hereditatibus dominorum de Nevill', Lomelies, et aliorum plurimorum, qui partim tenuerunt de episcopo loci illius per servicium militare infra libertatem predictam, et [partim] de domino nostro rege per consimile servicium alibi infra regnum suum: de quibus quidem hereditatibus totis temporibus retroactis episcopi predicti habuerunt custodiam terrarum et tenementorum que de ipsis infra libertatem tenebantur, et dominus rex de hiis que de ipso alibi infra regnum suum [tenebantur] habuit custodiam, cum hujusmodi custodie acciderunt. Also if anyone holds of the aforesaid bishop within the aforesaid liberty by knight service, and of our lord the king anywhere in our realm by barony, or knight service, or any other service, the said bishop has and ought to have wardship of the lands and tenements which are held in this way of him within the aforesaid liberty, notwithstanding the prerogative of the said lord king, as often happened before now with the aforesaid castle and manor of Gainford, while they were in the hands of the lords de Balliol, and which are held of the aforesaid bishop by the service of five knights' fees and a quarter of the fee of one knight, and with the inheritances of the lords of Neville, Lumley, and many others, who held partly of the bishop of that place by knight service within the aforesaid liberty, and partly of our lord the king by a similar service elsewhere within his realm: of which inheritances at all times in the past the aforesaid bishops had the wardship of the lands and tenements which were held of them within the liberty, and the lord king had the wardship of those which were held of him elsewhere within his realm, when these wardships occurred.
Item si quis tenuerit de predicto episcopo infra libertatem predictam per servicium militare, [et] de alio tenuerit per consimile servicium infra eandem libertatem, dictus episcopus habet et habere debet custodiam tam terrarum et tenementorum [illorum] que de alio quam illorum que de se ipso sic tenentur, sicut dominus rex racione prerogative corone sue alibi habet in regno suo. Also if anyone holds of the aforesaid bishop within the aforesaid liberty by knight service, and holds of another by a similar service within the same liberty, the said bishop has and ought to have the wardship both of those lands and tenements which are held in this way of the other and of those which are held of him, as the lord king by reason of the prerogative of his crown has elsewhere in his realm.
Item bone memorie dominus Henricus quondam rex Anglie, avus domini nostri regis nunc, post guerram Anglie seisivit in manum suam manerium de Gretham cum pertinenciis, quod est infra libertatem predictam, et quod fuit Petri de Monte Forti, et illud dedit Thome de Clare, credens manerium illud [esse] escaetam suam, pro eo quod predictus Petrus fuit contra dictum Henricum regem in guerra predicta. Et postmodum idem dominus Henricus rex predictam donacionem suam pro se et heredibus suis revocavit, et concessit pro se et heredibus suis quod tunc episcopus loci predicti de dicto manerio et aliis terris [et] tenementis infra regale suum predictum forisfactis, et sibi escaetis, faceret voluntatem suam, sicut dominus rex de hujusmodi terris sibi forisfactis [alias] fecit in regno suo. Et inde ostendit cartam predicti domini regis Henrici in hec verba: Also the Lord Henry of good memory, formerly king of England, the grandfather of our lord the present king, after the English war seized into his hand the manor of Greatham with its appurtenances, which is within the aforesaid liberty, and which belonged to Peter de Montfort, and gave it to Thomas of Clare, believing that that manor was his escheat, because the aforesaid Peter fought against the said King Henry in the aforesaid war. And afterwards the same Lord King Henry revoked the aforesaid gift for himself and his heirs, and granted for himself and his heris that the then bishop of the aforesaid place was to do as he pleased with the said manor and other lands and tenements forfeited within his aforesaid royal jurisdiction, and escheated to him, as the lord king has on other occasions done with such lands forfeited to him in his realm. And on this he showed the charter of the aforesaid Lord King Henry in these words:
Henricus Dei gracia, rex Anglie, dominus Hibernie, et [dux] Aquitanie omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint, salutem. Cum nuper post conflictum habitum apud Evesham, de consilio magnatum, [et] [...] [p. i-364][col. a] nostrorum quedam terre et tenementa inimicorum et rebellium nostrorum in turbacione habita in regno nostro per fideles nostros predictos [occupata et seisita] [in] [...] nostro Winton' [ut] nobis forisfacta in manum nostram reddita fuissent, et nos postmodum manerium de Gretham, quod fuit Petri de Monte [Forti,] [...] nostri et quod in libertate episcopi Dunolm' de Haliwarefolk', contulissemus dilecto et fideli nostro Thome de Clare, credentes [...] collacionem nos infra libertatem predictam, sicut alibi in regno nostro, facere posse, ac ad insinuacionem predicti episcopi et aliorum [fidelium] [nostrorum] [...] per consilium nostrum intellexerimus quod predictam collacionem facere non possemus sine predicti episcopi et ecclesie sue previd' (previdere? previdendo?) et libertatis [...] in qua quidem libertate jura regalia habet, nos unicuique justiciam facere et jus suum tribuere volentes, [prefatam collacionem] [...] factam pro nobis et heredibus nostris penitus revocamus: volentes et concedentes pro nobis et heredibus nostris, quod predictus episcopus de [...] et aliis terris et tenementis infra regale suum predictum forisfactis, et sibi escaetis, faciat voluntatem suam, sicut nos de hujusmodi [...] factis alibi facimus in regno nostro, ita quod collacio predicta a nobis de predicto manerio facta, sicut predictum est, futuris [temporibus in consequenciam] non trahatur, nec predicto episcopo vel successoribus suis, aut eciam libertati sue predicte in aliquo prejudicet [ infuturum ] . In cujus [etc.] [Teste me ipso] apud Stratford', .xxiiij. to die Maii, anno regni nostri quinquagesimo primo. Henry by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland and duke of Aquitaine, to all to whom the present letters come, greetings. Whereas lately after the battle fought at Evesham, on the advice of our magnates and [...] [p. i-364][col. a] our lieges, certain lands and tenements belonging to our enemies and rebels occupied and seized by our aforesaid lieges in the disturbance in our realm in our [...] of Winchester had been surrendered into our hand as forfeited to us, and we had afterwards granted the manor of Greatham, which belonged to Peter de Montfort, our [...] and which is in the bishop of Durham's liberty of the Haliwarefolk , to our beloved and faithful Thomas of Clare, trusting [...] can make our grant within the aforesaid liberty, as elsewhere within our realm, and on the information of the aforesaid bishop and others of our lieges [...] by our council we have understood that we could not make the aforesaid grant without the foresight of the aforesaid bishop and his church and the liberty [...] in which liberty he has royal rights, we, wishing to do justice to everyone and to provide him with his right, we fully revoke the aforesaid grant [...] made on our behalf and that of our heirs: wishing and granting on our behalf and that of our heirs that the aforesaid bishop is to do as he pleases with [...] and other lands and tenements forfeited within his royal jurisdiction, and escheated to him, as we do with such [...] made elsewhere in our realm, so that the aforesaid grant made by us of the aforesaid manor, as has been said above, is to have no consequence in future, nor prejudice the aforesaid bishop or his successors, or their aforesaid liberty in any way in the future. In testimony of which etc. Witness myself at Stratford, 24 May, in the fifty-first year of our reign. [1267]
Preterea prefatus episcopus in evidenciam [...] quandam aliam cartam prefati regis Henrici ostendit sub tenore qui sequitur: Furthermore the aforementioned bishop showed as evidence [...] a certain other charter of the aforementioned King Henry in the tenor which follows:
[col. b]
Henricus Dei gracia, rex Anglie, dominus Hibernie, et dux [Aquitanie omnibus ad] quos presentes littere pervenerint, salutem. Cum nuper, reformata pace inter nos et barones nostros, securitas a Johanne de Balliolo pro dicta [pace] [...] sua plenius observanda instanter esset petita, ac idem Johannes in presencia nostra constitutus, spontanea voluntate sua sine coaccione [...] curie nostre castrum suum quod vocatur Castrum Bernardi, racione dicte securitatis dilecto et fideli nostro Hugoni le Despenser, salvis [...] R. Dunolm' episcopo jure et libertate sua regali commiserit custodiendum, prout inter nos et barones nostros et prefatum Johannem [...] nos indempnitati prefati episcopi et ecclesie sue Dunolm' prospicere cupientes in hac parte, concedimus ei, quod nullum [sibi aut successoribus suis] , vel ecclesie predicte, ex hoc prejudicium generetur temporibus futuris. In cujus etc. Teste me ipso apud Westm' .xvi. die [...] . Henry by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland and duke of Aquitaine, to all to whom the present letters come, greetings. Whereas lately, after the restoration of peace between us and our barons, a pledge was immediately requested from John de Balliol that he would fully observe the said peace [...] , and the same John, called into our presence, of his own will without coercion [...] to our court his castle which is called Barnard Castle, by reason of the said pledge entrusted to be kept to our beloved and faithful Hugh le Despenser, saving [...] R., bishop of Durham his right and royal liberty, as between us and our barons and the aforementioned John [...] we wishing to protect the indemnity of the aforementioned bishop and his church of Durham in this matter, have granted to him that no prejudice is to be occasioned by this to him or his successors, or to his aforesaid church, in future. In testimony of which etc. Witness myself at Westminster 16 [...] .
Propter quod prefatus episcopus supplicat ut prius quod predictus dominus noster rex dignetur habere debitam consideracionem ad [...] et ad predicta facta progenitorum suorum in quibus eadem libertas regalis tam de hiis que racione guerre mote accidere [...] et manifestatur, necnon ad facta bone memorie domini Edwardi genitoris sui, qui dictam libertatem [antequam] [...] sue infra dictam libertatem consignari, nec aliquod aliud officium ministrorum suorum in eadem [...] et manifesta, placeat domino regi facere prefato episcopo justiciam super peticione sua predicta [...] consilium domini regis apud Lincoln', die jovis proxima post festum Sancti [Jacobi] [...] dies prefato episcopo coram consilio domini regis apud Ebor' die mercurii proxima post [...] . [editorial note: The dorse of m.8 is blank.] . (fn. i-350-223-1) On account of which the aforementioned bishop requests as before that our aforesaid lord the king might deign to have due consideration for [...] and for the aforesaid deeds of his progenitors in which the same royal liberty, both with regard to those things which could happen by reason of the war which had taken place [...] and is made clear, and also for the deeds of the Lord Edward of good memory his father, who [editorial note: A verb, which in the Latin is missing due to the following gap, is needed here.] the said liberty before [...] his within the said liberty to be sealed, nor any other office of his officials in the same [...] and clear, may it please the lord king to do justice for the aforementioned bishop on his aforesaid petition [...] the lord king's council at Lincoln, on the Thursday following the feast of St James [29 July 1316] [...] day to the aforesaid bishop before the lord king's council at York on the Wednesday following [4 August] [...] . [editorial note: The dorse of m.8 is blank.] . (fn. i-350-223-1)

Footnotes

  • i-350-20-1. CPR 1313-17 , 326. See also Parliament of 1315, SC9/18, item 37.
  • i-350-22-1. Statute of Sheriffs, 1316: SR , i. 174-5. See also Parliament of 1316, SC9/19, item 49; 1327 Parliament, C 65/1, item 15; Parliament of 1327, C49/83, item 18; and Parliament of 1333, C 49/6/20, item IIII.
  • i-350-24-1. This is a reference to the Ordinances of 1311. For the French text see Parliament of 1311, Appendix; SR , I. 157-67; Select Documents of English Constitutional History, 1307-1485 , ed. S.B. Chrimes & A.L. Brown (London, 1961), 11-17; for an English translation see English Historical Documents, 1189-1327 , ed. H. Rothwell (London, 1975), 527-39. The Perambulation of the Forest took place in 1300. For the 1316 order to observe the perambulation see CPR 1313-17 , 398; CCR 1313-18 , 272-4.
  • i-350-26-1. Cf. CPR 1313-17 , 529, 532.
  • i-350-28-1. CCR 1313-18 , 322
  • i-350-30-1. CPR 1313-17 , 473-5.
  • i-350-223-1. See also Parliament of 1327, C 49/6/1 (roll of petitions from bishop of Durham).