Addenda.: Miscellaneous, 1539

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 8, 1545-1546. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1904.

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'Addenda.: Miscellaneous, 1539', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 8, 1545-1546, (London, 1904) pp. 605-608. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol8/pp605-608 [accessed 30 April 2024]

Miscellaneous, 1539

1539. 12 May. Simancas. Sueltos, 3. 471. Cardinal Pole to the Emperor.
The death of the Empress, a dreadful misfortune, but God has been pleased to endow the Emperor with strength of character to bear it. With respect to his business, he need only say here that he has written fully to M. de Granvelle and to the Nuncio, explaining the reasons which have moved him to go no further on his way to England but to stay at Carpentras.
Carpentras, 12 May, 1539.
Note.—On the margin of this letter Idiaquez has written “Condolence answered. As for the business mentioned by him, the Nuncio and Cardinal Farnese must be spoken to about it. His Holiness will instruct him as to the course he should pursue.”
19 May. Simancas. E. 2005. 7. 472. Instructions from Paul III. to Cardinal Farnese sent to the Emperor primarily to condole with him on the death of the Empress.
The instructions mainly concern the Pope's efforts to bring the King of France into the league against the Turk, the intentions of the Lutherans as to assembling a Diet at Nuremburg, etc.; but the following clause relates to England. “His Holiness is desirous that the Emperor and the King of France should send special ambassadors to the King of England, for the purpose of inducing him to return to his former obedience to the Holy Church and to God; and if he refuses, to tell him that in such case the Emperor and the King of France would be obliged to fulfil the commands of the Apostolic See, and execute by force the sentence of excommunication and deprivation against him.”
Note.—In the same bundle, fols. 11 and 17, there is another sheet of instructions to Farnese from his grandfather, dated 28 November, for his guidance in his new mission to the Emperor and the King of France with similar objects to those mentioned above. “ Without peace, a Council is impossible, without a Council the great calamities caused by the Turks, the disobedience of the King of England, and the heresy in Germany, cannot be effectually remedied. The enterprise against the Turk cannot be successfully undertaken unless the house is first cleansed, and therefore the Council, the English affair and those of the Lutherans must first be satisfactorily dealt with.” In the separate instructions to Farnese with regard to the French portion of his mission the following clauses are contained. “With respect to the affairs of England, it will be necessary to be very pressing and emphatic with him (i.e. King Francis). Farnese is to watch closely both the King of France and the Emperor in this matter, and to endeavour by every means to ascertain whether either or both of them are carrying on secret negotiations with the King of England. If he finds such to be the case, he (Farnese) is to make the intelligence known, saying that he has obtained his information from England or Scotland. He is to beg both the Emperor and the King of France not to grant a safe-conduct to the Princess of Cleves, the wife of the King of England, if it be true that she is a Lutheran.”
S. D. Simancas. E. 2016. 88. 473. Memorandum from Marcello Cervini, Bishop of Nicastro, (fn. 1) nominated to proceed to England, to Cardinal Farnese.
Being asked to give his opinion as to the manner in which he would propose to proceed in his business with the King of England, his first impulse would be to say: “As your Reverence and the King of France may direct.” But being in duty bound to give a fuller reply, he does so in all sincerity.
In the first place he would tell the King of England that the Pope having been informed by the writer of the various acts of injustice done to the King by Pope Clement (VII.) and his advisers, has expressed his readiness to arrange in a satisfactory manner all the differences that exist between Rome and England. His Holiness, recognising that he could not bring about peace upon terms so equitable as he wished, had sent the writer to the King of France to assure him of his continued willingness to do all good offices towards him (Henry). The first time the writer conveyed this message from his Holiness to the King of France the latter heard it with expressions of doubt upon his face, fearing, perchance, that the real object might be to create dissensions between the princes. But when the Pope's own brief was handed to him, and he had again discoursed with the writer upon his mission, the King of France consented to inform the King of England of the Pope's advances, leaving the said King to take what further steps in the matter he might consider advisable. The King of France graciously said that he not only wished, himself, to take advantage of the Pope's good disposition, but that the benefit of it might also accrue to his ally (i.e. King Henry). This is all, so far, in accord with the wishes both of the Pope and the King of France. The writer would then dwell upon the good intentions of his Holiness towards him (the King of England) so long as the latter is animated by friendly sentiments towards the Pope; although it is not yet possible to set down the precise words the writer would employ: but this much he can say positively, that he will be as careful to safeguard the honour and interests of the King of France as of the Pope himself. He trusts the Cardinal (Farnese) and the King of France will help him.
There is no doubt that the King of England will carefully weigh every word he (the writer) says, and the latter will lose credit if in any particular he differs from that which the Cardinal and the King of France may write to England. The writer therefore proposes to follow as nearly as possible the wording of their communications. This is what he proposes to do in the first audience. If, however, the King of France directs him to proceed otherwise, he is quite willing to do so; his only desire being to bring about a durable peace between all the Princes of Christendom.
It is possible that the King of England will not be satisfied with merely general professions of friendship, and will seek to know in what manner the Pope proposes to reconcile him on the various subjects in dispute. In such case the writer intends to ask him (the King) what his demands are. If the King of England speaks of his honour, and is not satisfied with the brief sent by the Pope to the King of France, the writer proposes to promise him another brief, addressed to him personally, and to the prelates and nobles of England, in which his honour will be entirely safeguarded, always on condition that he will consent to accept the King of France as arbitrator upon all points which cannot be amicably settled directly. The Pope has promised the writer to grant such a brief.
The King of England will in the second place ask for absolution for all his past offences, and that the sentences passed upon him be quashed. There will be little difficulty about this. The writer is willing to do all that the King of France desires. The King of England may request absolution, either in person or by proxy, or even by brief; and he can be absolved by the Pope or the Cardinal in any way which may seem most advisable. However it be done it must be kept secret, as the Emperor would perhaps oppose it; though that would not be of vital consequence.
Another question upon which the King of England would seek enlightenment, is that of the monasteries which have been suppressed by him. This is a grave point. The writer proposes to address the King of England with regard to it in the name of the King of France, saying that the latter is of opinion that the Pope might be asked to give “a cross” for the greater part of the amount thus obtained; (fn. 2) and the King of France might consent to the rest, on the ground that the King was moved to commit the depredations referred to by such reasons as the disorder of the friars, the poverty of the kingdom, and similar reasons that will occur to his Majesty (the King of France). The King of England will ask that the Bishops created by him be confirmed by the Pope. The decision on this point must also be left to the King of France. The writer is sure that the Pope will consent to this course; and it must be left to the conscience of the King of England whether he elevated these Bishops to the Bench because of their qualifications for good prelates, or because they promised him to serve his interests in disregard for the Pope.
If the King of England refers to the annatas (first-fruits) the writer proposes to tell him that it is universally known that these are not the property of the Pope himself, but are applied to making war on infidels and heretics. Although all other Christian princes pay them without hesitation the Pope is ready to meet the wishes of the King of England in this respect if the King of France desires him to do so, and the King of England can show good reasons why he should be relieved from the payment of this revenue, which is a general obligation on all Christian countries. It is true that this question offers very great difficulties, as the first-fruit Bulls have to be issued in Rome by officials who would probably object to the compromise made with the King of England. But still the writer does not consider these difficulties to be insuperable. The King of England will no doubt argue in favour of his demand for exemption that England is a very remote country, that his bishoprics are overburdened, and that their revenues are much smaller than is believed. The decision in this matter can be left to the King of France.
If the writer be commissioned by the Cardinal and the King of France to treat with the King of England, he would not open out to him all at once what he has written above. For if the King of England saw all the cards on the table at the beginning he would probably raise difficulties, and say that the relations of England with Rome are satisfactory to him at present and that he desired no change. Before, therefore, entering into detail, the writer would endeavour to obtain from the King a written statement of the concessions he (the King) is willing to make, on the writer's assuring him that at the instance of the King of France the Pope was willing to grant all his reasonable demands. If the Cardinal does not approve of his proposal, the writer begs him to give his own views on the subject, which he will faithfully follow in his negotiations with the King of England.
The writer has always been on friendly terms with the King of England, and has served him faithfully. He promises to remind the King of his past services, and hopes to be able to exercise some influence upon him. The King of England would have no reason to complain of the King of France, even if the former did not get all he wanted, provided that his real interests did not suffer.
The writer prays the Cardinal to read and consider this memorandum very carefully and to discuss with him any points which appear doubtful, as the writer is anxious to be well informed of the Cardinal's wishes before he leaves for England. The writer requests permission to speak to the King of England about the Emperor in the terms he thinks most advisable, even if it be not in favour of the Emperor, as he knows that the King of England hates the Emperor.
The King of England will probably ask that the matrimonial cause be compromised, and that the decision shall be left to the King of France. This demand should not be conceded, as if the King of France were to accept the task of arbitrating on the question, he would expose himself and the Pope to great inconvenience, inasmuch as it is certain that the King of England is of opinion that the whole world should be exactly as he wishes it to be, and he would ask for what was quite impossible to grant. The King of France would therefore be obliged either to decide unjustly or lose his friends. The writer will try to induce the King of England to give up his infatuation, by telling him that the Pope cannot bind himself beforehand on this point.
It is impossible for the writer to set forth in detail all he proposes to say to the King, as he is in the dark as yet with regard to the points touching the Pope or the Council that the King may start. The writer begs earnestly that this memorandum may not be sent to England, but preserved most strictly secret. The writer is convinced that it would be impossible to induce the King of England to make any concessions unless he is allowed to believe that he makes them of his own free will. It is quite possible, even, that he will make sport of the writer, and of his Holiness as well.
The writer thinks necessary to write first to the King of France, and beg him to use his influence with the King of England to dispose him to reconcile himself with the Pope. The King of England must be moved to promise that the writer's life shall not be in peril during his stay in England.
The writer assures the Cardinal that his object in writing this memorandum is solely for the purpose of informing him of his views with regard to the English affair.

Footnotes

  • 1. He was made Bishop of Reggio in 1540, and Cardinal of Santa Croce in December, 1539, and became Pope Marcellus II. in 1555 for a few weeks.
  • 2. The permissions given by the Popes to the temporal sovereigns to raise funds from ecclesiastical sources were called “Crociate” or crusades, and giving “a cross” (croce) was a familiar variant.